Bangladesh Defense
Saif
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Intelligence agencies' reform is a national priority
They need protection from misuse and a clearly codified mandate
Intelligence agencies' reform is a national priority
They need protection from misuse and a clearly codified mandate
Given our past experiences, intelligence agencies, including the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and the National Security Intelligence (NSI), need urgent reform as recommended by the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances, which demands the immediate attention of both the interim government and political actors vying for power in the forthcoming election. The assessment by the commission's chief, Justice Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury, requires urgent consideration.
For decades, successive governments—both elected and military-backed—have misused intelligence agencies to meddle in politics, directly and indirectly. This abuse reached unprecedented levels during the previous Sheikh Hasina regime. Intelligence agencies were allegedly tasked with fragmenting opposition parties, bribing compromised politicians to form splinter groups, controlling the media, and intimidating or eliminating prominent dissenting voices. Such practices have hollowed out democratic institutions and eroded public trust in the state.
It is therefore imperative that the mandates of these agencies be clearly codified to prevent their involvement in political affairs on behalf of any ruling party. This must include explicit prohibitions against political use of intelligence agencies. Equally important is providing legal protection for intelligence bodies and officials who refuse to carry out unlawful orders, shielding them from retaliation or punitive measures for upholding the law.
The commission's recommendation against the routine engagement of armed forces in policing duties must also be heeded. The armed forces should be deployed only under extraordinary circumstances, such as when national security is genuinely at risk. The practice of seconding military personnel to civilian law enforcement bodies—most notably the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab)—has proven deeply problematic. The commission's finding that Rab accounts for 25 percent of enforced disappearances lends strong support to longstanding demands from both national and international human rights advocates for the force to be disbanded.
The commission has also rightly highlighted the widespread misuse of the Anti-Terrorism Act, 2009, recommending its fundamental overhaul or outright abolition. We commend its progressive approach to counterterrorism, including proposals for community-based preventive strategies, mandatory human rights training for law enforcement agencies, and the establishment of a victim-centred justice framework.
We share the commission chief's view that the country requires an intelligence apparatus, but one that operates within a robust legal and ethical framework. Comprehensive organisational reforms, coupled with strong legislative safeguards, are essential to ensure accountability and to provide legal cover for officials who resist unlawful political directives. We also fully endorse the commission's call for enacting the Enforced Disappearance Prevention and Redress Ordinance, 2025, and for amending the National Human Rights Commission Ordinance, 2025, to prevent the recurrence of such grave abuses.
The interim government must seriously consider these recommendations in full and initiate the reform process without delay by introducing the necessary ordinances. At the same time, all political parties must unequivocally commit themselves to implementing these reforms. Without such collective resolve, the cycle of abuse will persist, undermining democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental human rights. We want highly efficient intelligence agencies guided and protected by law, and not one that can be politically misused by the ruling party of the day.
They need protection from misuse and a clearly codified mandate
Given our past experiences, intelligence agencies, including the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and the National Security Intelligence (NSI), need urgent reform as recommended by the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances, which demands the immediate attention of both the interim government and political actors vying for power in the forthcoming election. The assessment by the commission's chief, Justice Moyeenul Islam Chowdhury, requires urgent consideration.
For decades, successive governments—both elected and military-backed—have misused intelligence agencies to meddle in politics, directly and indirectly. This abuse reached unprecedented levels during the previous Sheikh Hasina regime. Intelligence agencies were allegedly tasked with fragmenting opposition parties, bribing compromised politicians to form splinter groups, controlling the media, and intimidating or eliminating prominent dissenting voices. Such practices have hollowed out democratic institutions and eroded public trust in the state.
It is therefore imperative that the mandates of these agencies be clearly codified to prevent their involvement in political affairs on behalf of any ruling party. This must include explicit prohibitions against political use of intelligence agencies. Equally important is providing legal protection for intelligence bodies and officials who refuse to carry out unlawful orders, shielding them from retaliation or punitive measures for upholding the law.
The commission's recommendation against the routine engagement of armed forces in policing duties must also be heeded. The armed forces should be deployed only under extraordinary circumstances, such as when national security is genuinely at risk. The practice of seconding military personnel to civilian law enforcement bodies—most notably the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab)—has proven deeply problematic. The commission's finding that Rab accounts for 25 percent of enforced disappearances lends strong support to longstanding demands from both national and international human rights advocates for the force to be disbanded.
The commission has also rightly highlighted the widespread misuse of the Anti-Terrorism Act, 2009, recommending its fundamental overhaul or outright abolition. We commend its progressive approach to counterterrorism, including proposals for community-based preventive strategies, mandatory human rights training for law enforcement agencies, and the establishment of a victim-centred justice framework.
We share the commission chief's view that the country requires an intelligence apparatus, but one that operates within a robust legal and ethical framework. Comprehensive organisational reforms, coupled with strong legislative safeguards, are essential to ensure accountability and to provide legal cover for officials who resist unlawful political directives. We also fully endorse the commission's call for enacting the Enforced Disappearance Prevention and Redress Ordinance, 2025, and for amending the National Human Rights Commission Ordinance, 2025, to prevent the recurrence of such grave abuses.
The interim government must seriously consider these recommendations in full and initiate the reform process without delay by introducing the necessary ordinances. At the same time, all political parties must unequivocally commit themselves to implementing these reforms. Without such collective resolve, the cycle of abuse will persist, undermining democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental human rights. We want highly efficient intelligence agencies guided and protected by law, and not one that can be politically misused by the ruling party of the day.
