[🇧🇩] Political Activities of Awami League after the fall of Hasina's Regime

Post a Reply — Share your thoughts or reply to this thread...
Reply
Quick Reply ✓ Posted!
Quick Reply ✓ Posted!
[🇧🇩] Political Activities of Awami League after the fall of Hasina's Regime
36
2K
More threads by Saif

G Bangladesh Defense

Awami League open to talks with Tarique, says Joy

bdnews24.com
Published :
Feb 14, 2026 14:08
Updated :
Feb 14, 2026 14:08

1771119461429.webp


As Tarique Rahman prepares to lead a BNP government with a two-thirds majority, Sajeeb Wazed Joy says the Awami League would be willing to engage with him despite branding the Feb 12 election a “complete sham”.

In an interview with British broadcaster ITV, the son of deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina signalled openness to dialogue with the BNP leader and said: “If he becomes prime minister -- I mean, it is a sham election -- but yes, if he becomes prime minister, then yes, of course, we will talk to him and deal with him.”

The Feb 12 vote resulted in a sweeping victory for the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which secured 209 of 299 seats -- enough for a two-thirds majority in parliament -- while Jamaat-e-Islami emerged as the main opposition with 68 seats. The Awami League was barred from contesting.

Pressed further on whether he would personally work with Tarique, who is expected to become the next prime minister, Joy said he had “no interest in working in Bangladeshi politics whatsoeve”.

However, when asked whether he would be open to discussions aimed at improving relations between the two camps, he responded: “I am always open to it. I’m not a person who -- I’m a person who always believes in having a conversation, no matter how difficult or with whom. That is my strategy. That has always been my strategy in life.”

Joy also drew attention to what he described as inconsistencies in the treatment of convictions under successive governments.

Referring to past corruption cases against Tarique, many of which have since been overturned, he said: “You look at what’s happened, you look at Tarique Rahman -- he was convicted on evidence by the FBI. Now he’s likely to be prime minister. So these things don’t last forever.”

Asked whether he would make a plea to Tarique to dismiss charges against his own family if the BNP leader assumes office, Joy said the matter was not his to decide.

“That is not up to me. I don’t live in the country. That is really up to the party. They will decide what they want to do,” he said.

“The BNP is the other large party in Bangladesh. Of course, we should talk to them; I’ve always said that. The BNP should never have boycotted the elections.”

'COMPLETE SHAM'

Although he acknowledged the BNP’s electoral position, Joy rejected the legitimacy of the vote outright.

“[Thursday’s] election was a complete sham,” he said.

“You’ve had the largest party and all progressive parties barred from elections. You’ve had, essentially, a stage-managed election.”

He argued that banning the Awami League invalidated the process.

“How can you call an election where one of the two major political parties in the country are banned? … You cannot call that a free and fair election in any way.”

Calling the move “unprecedented”, he added: “It’s unprecedented, where a political party has been banned by a dictat from an unelected regime.”

He warned that the situation was unsustainable.

“This is not going to be sustainable. This is going to lead to more instability in the future.”

JAMAAT BAN UNDER AL 'FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT'

When challenged by interviewer Mahatir Pasha that Jamaat-e-Islami had been barred from elections during the Awami League's rule, Joy rejected the comparisons.

“No, because they were banned because of a court ruling,” he said. “They were banned from participating because of a court ruling from an independent group, not from the government.”

He referred to the High Court verdict that declared Jamaat’s registration illegal, arguing that the issue lay in Jamaat’s constitution.

“The court ruled that Jamaat’s constitution, which recognises Shariah law above the Constitution of Bangladesh, conflicted with our Constitution. All Jamaat had to do was change their constitution and they could run again. There was no ban from the government on them.”

RIGGING ALLEGATIONS UNDER AL

The interviewer pressed Joy on whether his party had the moral standing to criticise elections, citing allegations of vote-rigging in the 2014, 2018 and 2024 elections.

“That’s not exactly true,” Joy said. “The last three times, the first and the third time the opposition boycotted.”

Regarding the 2018 election, he acknowledged problems but insisted they did not alter the outcome.

“If you look at the opinion polls leading up to the elections, the Americans did polling, and all the polls showed that our party would have a landslide majority. It was going to be a landslide for the Awami League.”

He conceded: “Unfortunately, the administration -- some people in the administration -- still took it upon themselves to commit irregularities. Those should have been investigated, they weren’t, but overall it wouldn’t have affected the result.”

Joy also defended the Awami League government’s security response in the lead-up to the 2014 polls, which the BNP boycotted.

“In the 2014 elections, there wasn’t a crackdown until our opposition started arson attacks on public transportation,” he said.

“Hundreds of people were burned alive in buses in arson attacks by the opposition because they chose to boycott the election. Awami League never banned anybody.”

SCEPTICAL OF OBSERVER ASSESSMENTS

The Election Commission said hundreds of international observers and foreign journalists monitored the Feb 12 polls. Asked if he would accept their verdict if they declared the election free and fair, Joy was dismissive of the process.

“You cannot accept -- I mean, again, you have a limited number of foreign observers in the country who are escorted by the regime,” he said.

“These foreign observers are not allowed to travel freely in the country, and frankly, it’s not even safe; the law and order situation is that bad. So, how much have these foreign observers really been allowed to observe?”

However, he added: “I will reserve my judgment until they make their statements.”

Returning to his central argument, he said: “If you’ve banned either the Democrats or the Republicans in the US, can you in any way call that election free and fair?”

'WITHOUT A DOUBT' MISTAKES WERE MADE

The conversation turned to the July–August 2024 student-led protests, which began over quota reforms and later escalated into a broader uprising that toppled the Awami League government on Aug 5.

Asked whether failings under his mother’s leadership contributed to her fall, Joy said: “Yes, without a doubt.”

“The protest started peacefully. They had a legitimate demand.

He argued that quotas had been reduced by the government in 2018 and later reinstated by a court ruling, which triggered renewed protests.

“Our government completely failed to communicate this; they completely failed to sit down with the student protesters,” he admitted.

But he accused Islamist groups of escalating violence.

“The Islamists, the Jamaat-e-Islami and their militant wing saw this as an opportunity to overthrow the government,” he said.

“They started the violence, and then the protest turned violent, and again, our government mishandled it; it should have never gone that far.”

DISPUTES UN FIGURE OF 1,400 DEATHS

The United Nations has estimated that around 1,400 people were killed between Jul 15 and Aug 15, 2024. Joy challenged both the figure and its attribution.

“The UN number… covers the period from the 15th of July until the 15th of August. Our government fell on the 5th of August. Yet the UN report still blames the continued killings on our government. I mean, how is that possible?” he said.

He argued that the total included police officers and Awami League activists.

“Also included in that number are police officers. There were hundreds of police officers killed, and during the protests themselves, hundreds of our activists were killed,” he said.

“We take full responsibility for the several hundred that were killed. Not 1,400, because half of those were police and our party activists.”

“Every single death is regrettable. We never wanted anyone to die.”

Asked directly whether he would apologise to families, he said: “My mother apologised to them immediately, during the protests, before our government fell. We met with them.”

He denied that Hasina had ordered lethal force against protesters.

“Lethal force was never authorised against protesters. My mother never ordered lethal force against anyone other than people attacking police, attacking other people. What else is a government supposed to do? It’s a government’s job to protect lives.”

He claimed that audio recordings suggesting otherwise were edited.

“You should listen to the full recordings… what was broadcast internationally was a little snippet taken out of context,” he said.

“In the conversation, they’re talking about militants attacking police stations. That is where lethal force was authorised.”

TULIP SIDDIQ'S RESIGNATION IN THE UK

The interview also touched on the resignation of his cousin, British MP Tulip Siddiq, who stepped down as a UK Treasury minister amid controversy linked to investigations in Bangladesh.

“She resigned to avoid embarrassment to the British government. That is the only reason,” Joy said.

He claimed British authorities had cleared her.

“The UK watchdog investigated her, they cleared her of any wrongdoings,” he said.

Asked whether it was fair that she resigned, he replied: “No, of course not. It’s not fair. I don’t think it’s fair at all.”

When asked whether the British prime minister had failed to defend her, Joy declined to comment.

“I cannot comment on British politics, unfortunately.”

'I COULD'VE BEEN PM A WHILE BACK'

The interviewer raised criticism that Bangladeshi politics has long been dominated by the families of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Ziaur Rahman.

“Is it dynastic politics because we choose to be in it, or is it because the grassroots keep voting for us in the party councils?” Joy responded.

Joy himself has been sentenced to five years in jail in Bangladesh. Asked when he might return, he noted he does not reside in the country.

“I don’t live in Bangladesh. I have spent a total of seven years of my entire life in Bangladesh. I’ve been settled in the US for over 30 years,” he said.

Asked directly whether he intended to go back, he replied: “Oh, I will go back at some point.”

However, he denied harbouring prime ministerial ambitions.

“No, I’ve never had political ambitions. If I had wanted to be prime minister of Bangladesh, I could have been prime minister a while back. My mother had been pushing me to run for elections… for over a decade.”

“I’ve never had a greed for power or money. I’m happy just to be comfortable.”

On whether reforms are on the agenda for the Awami League, he described the process as gradual.

“Reform is not a one-time process -- reform is a continuous ongoing process,” he said. “Over the last 10–15 years, we have had many younger leaders come up in the Awami League.”

HASINA'S EXILE, DEATH SENTENCE AND POSSIBLE RETURN

Hasina fled to India on Aug 5, 2024, as the mass uprising intensified and protesters converged on the capital, bringing an abrupt end to her 15-year rule.

Since then, she has been tried in absentia by the International Crimes Tribunal and sentenced to death for crimes against humanity linked to the violent crackdown on the July–August protests.

Hasina has remained in India under security protection, while the interim government has repeatedly sought her extradition.

Asked whether his mother would ever return to Bangladesh, Joy said he had “no doubt” she would.

“I have no doubt she will return someday,” he said.

He acknowledged, however, that the current environment makes that impossible.

“Right now, no. Not at all,” he said when asked if it was safe for her to return.

Joy expressed confidence in her safety in India and sharply criticised the legal proceedings against her in Bangladesh.

“Right now, she is in the safest place in the world that she can be,” he said. “The Indian government is providing her full security, and India has due process; the trials in Bangladesh do not anywhere near meet that standard.”

He questioned the speed and legitimacy of the judicial process that resulted in her death sentence.

“The trials against my family and my mother were completed in what, a month, month and a half?” he said, suggesting that such proceedings could not meet international standards of justice.

Despite her exile and conviction, Joy insisted that political fortunes in Bangladesh are cyclical and that the current order would not endure.

“None of this is going to last, none of this is sustainable,” he said.

He argued that the Awami League’s record in government would ultimately outweigh the circumstances of its fall.

“The one thing that is undeniable is that the 16 years of the Awami League's government, you also had the best economic development in Bangladesh’s history, the most infrastructure development, the most stability, you had the best law and order situation, and you had a complete stop to all terrorist activity,” he said.

Looking ahead, he predicted a reassessment of her legacy.

“I think within a very short time, people are going to say, well, despite all her shortcomings, the Awami League was the best government we had.”

He went further, asserting: “My mother’s time is going to be remembered in history as the best economic and security and stable time in Bangladesh’s history. I can guarantee you that.”​
 

Awami League's matter will be dealt with legally: Mirza Fakhrul Islam

Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 23 Feb 2026, 14: 09

1771850739450.webp


Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, the Secretary General of the BNP, speaks to journalists at the BNP central office in Naya Paltan in the capital. Prothom Alo

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, the Secretary General of BNP and the Local Government Minister, stated that the issue of opening Awami League offices in various places would be addressed legally.

This statement was made by Mirza Fakhrul in response to journalists' questions at the BNP central office in Naya Paltan, Dhaka, on Monday morning.

Journalists asked about the government's stance on the opening of Awami League offices in different places.

In response, Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said, "We did not want this, and since it is legally stated that their activities are prohibited, it will be addressed in that manner everywhere."


After winning the 13th National Parliamentary Elections, it was the first time a BNP minister or senior leader visited this office.

The BNP Secretary General went to the Naya Paltan office at 10:30 AM, where the leaders and workers of the party greeted Mirza Fakhrul with flowers.

Later, while talking to journalists, Mirza Fakhrul mentioned that the most demonstrations and programmes were conducted from this BNP office in Naya Paltan, led by the late chairperson and former Prime Minister of BNP, Khaleda Zia.

Mirza Fakhrul stated that the programmes delivered from this office inspired the public.

In response to a question from journalists regarding local government elections, Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said that local government elections would be held on time following government regulations.

Mirza Fakhrul stated, "There are several governmental rules and practices. Some have a duration, and some have expired. We will consolidate them and arrange for holding these elections at the correct time from the government's side. However, priority will undoubtedly be given to these elections."

In response to a question about whom BNP will nominate for the reserved women's seats in the National Parliament, Mirza Fakhrul mentioned, "They must have connections with the people, must be connected with politics and the party. Priority will be given to those who are associated with the party on behalf of our party."​
 

Hints of activity amid ban, what Awami League is calculating
1772326807999.webp
 

Veteran AL leader Tofail Ahmed passes away
7 held after janaza at Dhanmondi

Staff Correspondent 01 June, 2026, 16:38

1780362723814.webp

Tofail Ahmed | File photo

Veteran politician and Awami League advisory council member Tofail Ahmed died while undergoing treatment at Square Hospital in Dhaka on Monday afternoon.

Tofail, 82, left behind his lone daughter to mourn his death.

‘My father breathed his last at the coronary care unit at around 3:30pm on Monday,’ Tofail’s daughter Taslima Akter Munni told New Age.

She added that her father would be buried at their family graveyard at Dakkhin Digholdi union in Bhola district today, following his second namaz-e-janaza at the Bhola Government High School ground after Zuhr prayers, where the late leader had studied.

Meanwhile, the police on Monday detained seven people after local leaders and activists of the party chanted slogan ‘Joy Bangla, Joy Bangabandhu’ when the vehicle carrying Tofail was heading towards Square Hospital.

The vehicle was going to the hospital after his first namaz-e-janaza was held at Takwa Masjid at the capital’s Dhanmondi after the Maghrib prayers.

1780362825804.webp

Police arrest several activists of Awami League, activities of which is banned, as they shout party slogan after the body of veteran politician Tofail Ahmed is brought at Taqwa Mosque at Dhanmondi for his namaz-e-janaza on Monday evening. — New Age photo

Dhanmondi police station officer-in-charge Muhammad Saiful Islam told New Age that they had detained seven people over the allegations of chanting slogans.

‘We have taken them to the police station. We are scrutinising their involvement and then we will decide the next course of action,’ the OC added.

Different sections of people, including politicians, attended the namaz-e-janaza held at Dhanmondi.

Tofail, a student leader of the Pakistan era and a prominent freedom fighter, had been suffering from prolonged illness and multiple age-related complications.

‘On September 24, at approximately 4:00pm, he was admitted to the Square Hospital with pneumonia-related respiratory distress, heart disease, and physical weakness. He was being treated under intensive care of ICU senior consultant Raihan Rabbani,’ said a press release issued by the Square Hospital Authority on Monday.

The immediate past Bangladesh interim government issued a gazette in 2025 imposing ban on all activities of the Bangladesh Awami League and its affiliated, associate, and like-minded organisations until the completion of the ongoing trial proceedings against the party’s leaders and activists at the International Crimes Tribunal.

Throughout his political career, Tofail Ahmed was elected Member of Parliament nine times — first to Pakistan’s National Assembly in 1970 and later to the Jatiya Sangsad of Bangladesh in 1973, 1986, 1991, 1996, 2008, 2014, 2018 and 2024.

He was elected a presidium member of the Awami League in 1992 and served in the position for 18 years.

In 2010, he became a member of the party’s advisory council.

Tofail Ahmed served as minister for commerce and industries from June 1996 to December 1999, and later continued as industries minister until 2001 during the AL ruling period.

From 2009 to 2013, he served as chairman of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on the industries ministry.

From January 2014 to December 2018, Tofail served as commerce minister.

Born to Azhar Ali and Fatema Khanam on October 22, 1943 at Koralia village under South Digholdi Union in Bhola district, Tofail Ahmed married Anwara Begum in 1964. She was the eldest daughter of Mofizul Haque Talukdar of Bhola town.

Tofail and Anwara’s only daughter, Taslima Akter Munni, is a physician.

Tofail Ahmed passed his matriculation examination from Bhola Government High School in 1960.

He obtained his intermediate and bachelor’s degrees in science from Brajamohan College in Barishal in 1962 and 1964 respectively.

Later, Tofail obtained a Master’s degree in soil science from the University of Dhaka.

He became actively involved in politics during his college life.

In 1962, he was elected sports secretary of the Brajamohan College Students’ Union and vice-president of the Ashwini Kumar Hostel union of the college.

During his university years, he was elected sports secretary of Iqbal Hall (now Seargent Zahurul Haque Hall) Students’ Union in 1964, vice-president of the department of soil science in 1965, and vice-president of Iqbal Hall Students’ Union in 1966-67.

Tofail Ahmed played an active role in the 1966 Six-Point Movement for autonomy of East Pakistan, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and took part in the 1969 Mass Uprising as a student leader.

He served as the vice-president of the Dhaka University Central Students’ Union – DUCSU -- from 1967 to 1969.

In 1969, Tofail was elected president of the Bangladesh Chhatra League and he joined the Awami League on June 2, 1970.

In the 1970 Pakistan general election, Tofail Ahmed was elected a member of the National Assembly for the Daulatkhan-Tazumuddin-Manpura constituency of Bhola at the age of 27.

During the 1971 War of Independence, he was one of the four regional commanders of the Mujib Bahini.

He was responsible for the western zone of the force, which included the districts of Barishal, Patuakhali, Khulna, Faridpur, Jessore, Kushtia, and Pabna.

After the country’s independence, Tofail took part in the constitution-drafting process for Bangladesh in 1972.

On January 14, 1972, he was appointed political secretary to prime minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman with the status of a state minister and remained in the post until January 25, 1975.

After the introduction of the presidential form of government in Bangladesh on January 25, 1975, he was appointed special assistant to the president with the rank of state minister.

Later that year, when the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League – BAKSAL -- was formed by integrating all the country’s political parties, Tofail became general secretary of its youth wing, Jatiya Jubo League.

Following the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975, Tofail Ahmed was first placed under house arrest and later arrested on September 6.

While detained in Kushtia jail in 1978, he was elected organising secretary of the Awami League.

During the military-backed caretaker government in 2007, Tofail Ahmed was among the Awami League leaders who supported reform proposals that included the removal of party chief Sheikh Hasina from the leadership.

However, after the Awami League returned to power following the 2008 general election, he was not included in the cabinet despite being one of the party’s influential presidium members.​
 

How far has Awami League changed in the past two years

Nadim Mahmud

1780793367908.webp

The central office of Awami League in Gulistan of the capital, is in a dilapidated condition. As the party's activities are banned, there is no presence of leaders or activists there. Prothom Alo

It has been nearly two years since the mass uprising of 2024. During this long span of time, a kind of transformation has taken place across the country's political landscape as well as in the arts and cultural sphere, educational institutions, and many other areas. These are changes of a kind not seen before.

Although negative changes have outweighed positive ones amid the rise of mob culture, the possibility of a democratic path forward for the country has opened up.

As a result, many are now asking: Is Awami League, which was removed from power during the mass uprising and whose activities remain banned, making a comeback?

Whether the Awami League returns or not will depend on the party's leadership and the people of this country.

However, before a party that remains legally banned can rejoin the democratic process, we must ask how much change the party, widely labeled as authoritarian, has actually brought about within itself over the past two years. Only then can the people of this country decide whether to create a platform for its return to politics.

Before asking whether the party's popularity is declining or increasing, we need to understand how politically active the Awami League has been over the past two years.

This historic political party, the country's oldest and one that led the Liberation War, moved away over the last decade from the principles and ideals that once formed the foundation of its organisational structure.
Becoming members of parliament through elections lacking voter participation, along with the distribution of ministerial positions, effectively dismantled the party's grassroots structure.

Under a bureaucratic system of governance, the framework of political government faded away. As a result, Awami League''s period in power became marked by political alienation at the grassroots level.

Through corruption, enforced disappearances, killings, and the exercise of oligarchic power, the party became increasingly disconnected from the public, eventually facing the mass uprising of 2024. The government of Sheikh Hasina was subsequently removed from power.

The question now is whether Awami League has truly understood the reasons why it is facing the greatest crisis in its history. How much self-correction has the party actually been able to achieve?

While Awami League government was in power, reports of corruption and the accumulation of illicit wealth by the party’s members of parliament and ministers regularly appeared in newspapers.

The Awami League leadership, which failed to stop bank looters even after such reports were published, has surely now taken note of those issues.

During this period of crisis, when thousands of the party’s leaders and activists have been in jail, newspapers have reported that those accused of embezzling money have been living cushy lives abroad.

Many of those Awami League MPs and ministers who failed to stand by the party’s leaders and activists have now gone into “mute mode.” Once-powerful political figures have largely disappeared from public discussion.

For many, political careers are also coming to an end. Among the leaders who speak on online platforms, some have quietly acknowledged certain mistakes and shortcomings, but there has been little visible evidence of any significant structural change on their part.

A large segment of the younger generation had developed a negative perception of Awami League, yet there has been little in the party’s activities or rhetoric that appears aimed at improving that image.

Questions remain about how much the party has been able to cultivate leadership capable of attracting young people after its downfall. At the same time, it is worth considering how receptive young people are to political narratives built around the ideals of the Liberation War and Bangabandhu.

In the period following 1975, Awami League experienced internal divisions and organisational fractures, but during the current crisis we have not seen anything similar to that extent.

Although there has been speculation about a “refined Awami League,” the party’s leaders and activists do not appear to have responded enthusiastically to that idea. Instead, they seem intent on moving forward centered around Sheikh Hasina. This has become fairly clear.

We do not know to what extent former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has been able to reorganise the party’s leaders and activists, but clips of her regularly participating in virtual meetings have been circulating online.

The rhetoric in these clips still contains harsh attacks and denunciations. Alongside criticism of various irregularities of the interim government, there is also a tendency toward “settling scores” or “getting even,” which people are unlikely to view as normal or acceptable.

A wave of politics driven by revenge and retaliation is currently underway. Amid this trend, messages calling for “revenge” are being regularly communicated through social media by leaders of Awami League. This suggests that the politics of the future could become increasingly conflict-ridden.

Yet what ordinary people expect is for the party to move away from this politics of threats and intimidation. Although the failures of the interim government and the rise of mob violence may have created an opening for Awami League’s return to politics, the party still has not been able to convey a message of internal reform.

Unless the Awami League can abandon corrupt figures and looters and develop a political strategy centered on ordinary people, it will not be able to emerge from its current crisis.

Awami League must understand that a large segment of the younger generation has turned away from it, and overcoming this situation could make the party’s re-establishment in the politics of the future considerably more difficult
Since being removed from power, a noticeable change has been observed among the party’s grassroots leaders and activists. Many members who had been sidelined by influential “hybrid” leaders have come forward to support the party during this difficult period.

A large number of them had been dissatisfied with the previous leadership. Through this period of decline, the Awami League may be rediscovering its dedicated grassroots workers.

Yes, it is true that the Awami League has not been able to engage in street politics over the past two years. Since the 2024 movement, the party has not been involved in any major acts of violence.

As a result, despite rhetoric about taking revenge, the more important question is whether the party can sustain what appears to be a tendency toward creating a political arena free from bloodshed.

On the other hand, it cannot be dismissed that attacks on Liberation War memorials and incidents of persecution and harassment against the party’s leaders and activists in different parts of the country have generated a degree of public sympathy for the party. However, claiming this as evidence of growing popularity would be problematic.

The public will remain interested in whether thieves, opportunists, and corrupt individuals continue to find shelter within the party’s leadership.

Awami League must understand that a large segment of the younger generation has turned away from it, and overcoming this situation could make the party’s re-establishment in the politics of the future considerably more difficult.

How successful a new democratic journey for Awami League in Bangladesh will be, after addressing the allegations surrounding the killings of students and civilians during the 2024 movement and overcoming the legal complications stemming from the ban on its activities, will depend largely on positive changes in leadership.

The key question, however, is how much opportunity its political opponents will allow for such a process.

* Dr. Nadim Mahmud is a researcher at University of California​
 

Security beefed up to avert chaos over AL founding anniv
Army, additional police deployed, army captains and upper officers given magistracy power

Staff Correspondent 23 June, 2026, 00:00

1782174074098.webp

Police put barricade on the Dhanmondi Road 32 as security is beefed up centering the possible showdown of the activists of Awami League, activities of which are banned, on the occasion of its founding anniversary today. | New Age photo

The government has stepped up security measures across the country by deploying army and additional police personnel to forestall any untoward incidents ahead of the 77th founding anniversary of the Awami League, the activities of which have been banned.

The government has already deployed army personnel in six cities and districts — Dhaka, Chattogram, and Gazipur cities along with Narayanganj, Faridpur, and Gopalganj districts— in aid to civil administrations till June 30.

The deployment has been aimed at maintaining the law and order amid apprehension of sabotage, unlawful processions, showdowns and chaos in places across the country marking the AL founding anniversary, according to an official order issued by the home ministry on Monday.

The ministry’s order also apprehended the deterioration of the law and order in different places across the country and damage of people’s lives and properties.

The deterioration of law and order has been apprehended at a time when the Awami League and its associate bodies were bringing out processions in various places across the country, including Dhaka and Chattogram cities.

While talking to reporters at the secretariat on Monday, home minister Salahuddin Ahmed said that they had observed some misdeeds by the Awami League which tried to bring out processions in places.

‘We have deployed army personnel… in aid to civil power so that we can address any kind of subversive activity,’ he said, adding that the deployment of army and the Border Guard Bangladesh personnel in aid to civil power on occasions was a routine work.

He pointed out that the Army was withdrawn on June 15 after it served for more than one and a half years during the interim government.

Members of the armed forces were deployed in July 2024 during the Awami League regime when the country was witnessing a student-led movement against the discriminations in government job quotas.

They remained in the field throughout the interim government period to assist the civil administration.

The Police apprehended conflicts between the AL and the National Citizen Party and other political parties, according to the force.

The 11-party opposition alliance, led by the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, and the NCP chalked out programmes on Tuesday demanding punishment of AL ‘fascists’.

On Monday, the AL and its affiliated organisations took out flash processions at places amid police arrests.

The public administration ministry in another order on Monday gave magistracy power to officers -- captain and upward -- in the Armed Forces and such officers in deputation at the Bangladesh Coast Guard and the Border Guard Bangladesh from June 22 to June 30.

The BGB also deployed its members in five districts — Cox’s Bazar, Madaripur, Sherpur, Gazipur and Moulvibazar — from June 22 evening to June 30 following home ministry directives to maintain the country’s law and order and public security, said a BGB press release.

Meanwhile, the Dhaka Metropolitan Police will deploy over 18,000 police personnel, including officers, across Dhaka city on June 23 to maintain the law and order and ensure security.

Earlier, the police warned of possible clashes between AL leaders and activists and members of various political parties, particularly the National Citizen Party and Students Against Discrimination, across the country over the AL’s founding anniversary on June 23.

They said that necessary measures would be taken to prevent any untoward situation.

In a letter from the police headquarters dated June 18, the police also said that AL leaders and activists might become aggrieved if obstacles were placed in the way of the party’s activities.

‘We have increased the number of check-posts and patrolling across the country to prevent any untoward situation over the founding anniversary of a particular political party,’ the additional inspector general of police for crime and operations, Khondoker Rafiqul Islam, told New Age on Monday.

On Monday morning, AL leaders and activists brought out a procession in the capital’s Dhanmondi while the police detained 10 of them, Dhanmondi police station officer-in-charge Saiful Islam confirmed.

‘They started bringing out a procession at about 6:00am in front of the KFC outlet at Dhanmondi 7/A. We foiled the procession and detained 10 on the spot,’ he added.

Between Sunday and Monday, the AL and its associate bodies brought out eight processions at different places in Mymensingh district, according to videos shared on social media.

The AL in its verified official Facebook page also shared processions in various places in the country, including Narayanganj, Chandpur, Natore, Borguna, Patuakhali, and Gazipur on Monday.

Meanwhile, no official AL programme was announced neither in its official website, nor to any reporters’ group till filing this report at 8:00pm.

New Age correspondent in Barishal, quoting the Kaunia police station officer-in-charge Sanjit Chandra Nath, reported that Barishal City Corporation former panel mayor and AL Barishal city unit member Advocate Rafiqul Islam Khokon alias Mama Khokon was arrested on Monday in the city.

Leaders of Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal held a protest rally demanding the trial of the AL leaders and activists on Monday afternoon at the Central Shaheed Minar, New Age Dhaka University Correspondent reported.

On the other hand, the Jamaat-led alliance will hold a rally in front of the Bijoynagar water tank at 5:00 pm demanding trials of fascists of Awami League and their associates.

Moreover National Citizen Party, a partner of Jamaat led 11-party alliance, will also hold countrywide rallies and processions in district levels demanding trials of the fascist.

The Awami Muslim League was established on June 23, 1949 at Rose Garden in the capital’s old town and the party later emerged as the Awami League.

The party played significant roles in organising the War of Independence and the anti-autocracy movement in the’90s.

The Election Commission suspended the registration of the party on May 12, a day after the interim government issued a gazette notification, banning all activities of the party and its affiliated, associate and like-minded organisations until the completion of the trials of its leaders and activists on charge of atrocities during the student-led uprising that ended over 15 years of rule of the party on August 5, 2024.

Awami League president and the then prime minister Sheikh Hasina fled to India on the day and she has been in shelter in India ever since.

Most of the AL senior leaders are either in jail or in hiding to avoid arrests.​
 

77 years of Awami League: From people’s vanguard to an autocratic machine

Mohiuddin Ahmad

1782278448616.webp

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The territory that constitutes Bangladesh has been a political hotbed since the dawn of the 20th century. The country entered a new era in August 1947, after the partition of India, including Bengal. The Bangalee youth played a catalytic role in rallying the masses towards another independence, while the country shed the attire of Islamic brotherhood to linguistic fraternity. During this period, we see the advent of a political party named Awami League (AL), which steered a popular movement for autonomy. The Bangalee Muslim middle-class emerged as a dominant social force. AL cultivated language-based nationalism among them over a span of two decades, paving the way for a new state, Bangladesh.

Awami League’s birth was not an accident. Conditions were ripe. A section of the disgruntled rank-and-file of the ruling Muslim League (ML) convened a meeting in Dhaka on June 23, 1949, to voice their grievances. From there emerged the idea of forming a political party of ML supporters outside the orbit of the official ML dominated by the political elite centred at the Ahsan Manzil. The contradiction between ML and AL sharpened in a couple of years, centring the debate on the state language issue. Subsequently, AL emerged as a formidable opposition party.

At the provincial level, a veteran ML leader Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani led AL. At the centre in Karachi, disgruntled ML leader Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy provided leadership of the All-Pakistan Awami League. Soon, AL became a serious contender for power. It joined hands with Abul Kasem Fazlul Huq and his Krishak Sramik Party (KSP). Their alliance led to a win-win situation. AL pledged support to Fazlul Haque to form the government in East Pakistan. In return, KSP would support Suhrawardy to become Pakistan’s prime minister. This alliance successfully routed the ML government in the provincial election of 1954. Fazlul Haque became the chief minister of the erstwhile East Pakistan. Suhrawardy had to wait two years to become the PM. These two years and beyond, Pakistan witnessed dirty power politics that paved the way for emergency and military rule in the country in October 1958. Then came the prolonged dictatorial rule of General-turned-Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan. Ayub may certainly be recognised as the founder of a person-centric oligarchy that has been followed by his successors to date.

The 1960s were characterised by an anti-Ayub student movement that was transformed into a mass movement for democratisation and provincial autonomy. AL was the leading party in this respect. During this period, AL’s General Secretary and later President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman rose to prominence. He was successful in establishing himself and his party as the sole spokesperson of Bangalee interests. People of the province started believing that AL would represent their aspirations better than anyone else. This popular support put AL at the helm of affairs. It won the general election of 1970 with a huge mandate.

Then we were caught in a serious crisis. The military powers in West Pakistan imposed a war, indiscriminately killing Bangalees and perpetrating a genocide. An unprepared AL was in disarray. Having failed to have a negotiated settlement, Mujib courted arrest. His colleague, Tajuddin Ahmad, crossed the border, met the PM of India, and formed an exile government for independent Bangladesh, despite the opposition of many of his party colleagues. After nine months of war, Bangladesh was born.

Sheikh Mujib returned to Dhaka from captivity in Pakistan in January 1972. He assumed the leadership of the government. There began the second phase of AL, from opposition to a party in power. However, AL failed to meet the expectations of the people in a war-torn economy afflicted with massive inflation, bureaucratic inefficiency, and random corruption. Instead of addressing the crises, it tightened its grip on politics and switched to one-party rule. This centralisation of power was not an ideological choice, but a desperate move resulting from the government’s refusal to concede political space or accept pluralistic debate. Sheikh Mujib was assassinated, along with most of his family members, in a bloody coup d’état in August 1975. AL then went into hibernation and underwent several splits.

The post-1975 AL was marked by desperate efforts to get the momentum back. After 21 years, it again came to power through a general election. By this time, Mujib’s daughter, Sheikh Hasina, emerged as a new leader, thus ushering in the AL dynasty.

Over the years, the country has repeatedly experienced manipulated elections. In 2007, AL’s actions contributed to a crisis that ushered in a military-backed regime. After two years, the country returned to the conventional parliamentary system, bringing AL back to power. Since then, it has gradually established totalitarian rule and lost its identity to the former PM Hasina. She became the state. Autocracy, dynastic oligarchy, and massive corruption created a situation where a constitutional transfer of power through a genuinely competitive election became increasingly unlikely. After three consecutive farcical elections, the country witnessed a dramatic upsurge in 2024 that toppled her. She fled to India.

The trajectory of AL, from a liberation vanguard to a dominant, heavily personalised, and autocratic political machine within a span of a few decades, is nonetheless interesting. Despite having a collective leadership in its formative years, AL has historically revolved around a single, dominant figure. After 2008, AL underwent a deep transformation, alienating it from its traditional roots, the middle-class. It indulged in a culture of cronyism, power worship, and sycophancy. And it suffered as a result.

Since the July uprising of 2024, AL is officially non-functional; its activities were banned last year. There are rumours that it will return from exile. The party may argue that the people have not rejected them electorally, and that the government, driven by political vengeance, has kept them out of that process. However, does AL truly want to return to or become active in politics? Judging by the attitude of their leadership and their failure to acknowledge and repent for the crimes they committed, it doesn’t seem so. The top leaders of the party are all fugitives. The party chief, Hasina, remains practically the owner of the party. Nothing in her behaviour suggests she wants to return to politics. However, many within AL, reportedly, believe that some external force will once again restore them to power.

It is difficult to predict AL’s fate as it reaches its 77th anniversary. Those who were successful in ousting the AL in the 2024 uprising may feel that the party has been defeated once and for all. However, if the aspirations of the 2024 movement fail, it may create conditions for AL’s return. At this moment, though, that seems a distant possibility.

Mohiuddin Ahmad is a writer and researcher of Bangladesh’s political history.​
 

Awami League looks to its grassroots for a comeback


1785630506369.webp
 

53 arrested over AL processions in Dhaka, other places
Staff Correspondent . Dhaka 13 September, 2026, 00:00

1789256529681.webp


Police arrested 53 leaders and activists of the Awami League, activities of which are now banned for July atrocities, and its associate bodies till Saturday evening over processions taken out by them at different places in Dhaka and elsewhere in the country on Friday.

Of the arrestees, 32 were arrested in Dhaka city, eight in Mymensingh, four in Chattogram, one in Munshiganj and four in Bagerhat, according to police.

Leaders and activists of Awami League and its associate bodies brought out processions in Dhaka, Chattogram, Noakhali, Mymensingh, Netrokona, Pirojpur, Bagherhat, Barishal, Cumilla, Munshiganj and Bogura.

Police had arrested 32 people following a procession held by the Awami League in the capital’s Gulshan area, said Dhaka Metropolitan Police Media and Public Relations Division in a message on Saturday, alleging that the arrested people had directly participated in the procession.

A Dhaka metropolitan magistrate court on Sunday placed 24 AL activists on a 10-day remand in a case filed with the Gulshan police station under the Anti-Terrorism Act, 2009.

Dhaka metropolitan magistrate Farzana Haque passed the order following a 10-day remand prayer by the police, according to court officials.

Gulshan police sub-inspector Mahbub Hossain filed the case against 118 named and 80-100 unnamed people as the AL leaders and activists brought out the procession and threw crude bombs targeting police personnel.

According to police, leaders and activists of the Awami League and its student wing, banned Chhatra League, gathered near Police Plaza in Gulshan before Juma prayers on Friday to bring out the procession.

Police dispersed the procession after the activists chanted various slogans.

Munshiganj sadar police station officer-in-charge Taslim Uddin said that the procession began at Narayanganj and ended in Munshiganj territory.

‘We have arrested one in this connection,’ the OC added.

Hathazari model police station officer-in-charge Md Zahidur Rahman said that they had arrested four people over the allegations of bringing out processions in Chattogram.

Bhaluka police OC Zahidul Islam said that eight people were arrested in Mymensingh over bringing out the procession.

Bagherhat district SP Hasan Mohammad Naser Rikabder said that four AL leaders and activists were arrested over a flash procession held at Pachakiaran Union under Morolganj upazila.

On May 11, 2025, the then interim government slapped a ban on activities of the AL and its associate bodies until the completion of the trial over the atrocities during the 2024 July student-mass uprising that forced the fall of the authoritarian AL regime.​
 

No reconciliation with Awami League without justice, says deputy speaker

Kayser Kamal says accountability must precede national reconciliation and warns that impunity could allow authoritarianism to return

Star Online Report

1791332301035.webp

Photo: Star

There can be no reconciliation with the ousted Awami League, whose political activities remain banned, without justice and accountability, Deputy Speaker Kayser Kamal said today.

National reconciliation without justice is not peace but “simply a pause between conflicts”, he said while speaking at a session titled “Justice, Accountability, and National Reconciliation” at the Bay of Bengal Conversation 2026 in Dhaka.

He said transition from autocracy to democracy is often threatened by institutional remnants of former regimes.

“Transitional justice requires far more than symbolic gestures or premature calls for unity. It demands forensic, systemic dismantling of impunity,” he said.

He said reconciliation had at times been used around the world as a political shield to protect perpetrators of state violence from legal consequences.

Referring to Bangladesh’s political transition following the July-August uprising of 2024, the deputy speaker said the events culminating on August 5 represented more than a change of government.

“What occurred leading up to and on the 5th of August was not merely a change of administration. It was fundamentally redefining our political paradigm,” he said.

Those responsible for abuses under the previous government must be brought to justice, he said, arguing that accountability was necessary not only as punishment but also to prevent authoritarian rule from recurring.

Kayser Kamal rejected calls from some quarters at home and abroad for reconciliation with the former regime.

“Their criminal, inhuman and ruthless actions against their own citizens have permanently disqualified them from any role in our political future,” he said.

“One cannot reconcile with an apparatus that systematically weaponised the state against the very people it was supposed to protect,” he added.

Kayser Kamal also said the post-August government must remain subject to accountability and public scrutiny.

“A government’s legitimacy is derived solely from its transparency and its willingness to subject itself to relentless public scrutiny,” he said.

Justice mechanisms, he said, must operate independently of political influence, while institutions should serve as custodians of the people’s will rather than instruments of those in power.

New Age Editor Nurul Kabir, speaking at the session, said genuine reconciliation required three elements: a shared investigation into the conflict, reparations for victims, and admission of guilt and punishment of perpetrators.

“After these three things are over, a genuine reconciliation can start,” he said.

He said conflict and confrontation were not inherently negative, citing anti-colonial struggles through which many societies secured political independence. But conflicts within nation states eventually required processes to establish responsibility and enable societies to move towards reconciliation.

He cited Northern Ireland, Colombia and South Africa as examples of efforts to develop frameworks for resolving prolonged conflicts.

In Bangladesh, Nurul Kabir identified three major unresolved areas of confrontation: the legacy of the 1971 Liberation War, the conflict in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and the violence surrounding the 2024 uprising.

On 1971, he said those who collaborated with Pakistani forces had yet to acknowledge their role and admit guilt, adding that many of them were now organised under the banner of Jamaat-e-Islami.

On the Chittagong Hill Tracts, he said reconciliation required both Bengali and non-Bengali communities to recognise their mistakes and jointly assess responsibility for the prolonged conflict.

Referring to the 2024 uprising, Nurul Kabir said he had yet to see remorse from those responsible for killing pro-democracy protesters.

“They are rather still blaming or accusing millions of protesters who took to the streets in July and August 2024,” he said.

Nurul Kabir said reconciliation cannot begin until those responsible for wrongdoing recognised their actions and accepted accountability.

Karori Singh, professor at the University of Rajasthan, said public office should be treated as a position of trust and adequate safeguards were needed to prevent office-holders from exercising arbitrary power.

Madalitso Zililo Phiri, a researcher at Wits University in South Africa, said debates on justice and reconciliation also needed to address structural inequalities inherited from the past, including those based on race, geography, ethnicity and gender.

Drawing on Cambodia’s experience, Nikki Singer, executive director of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, said reconciliation could continue for decades after formal conflict ended.

She stressed the importance of narratives, dialogue and how societies remembered the past, while cautioning that an exclusive focus on assigning blame could make it difficult for societies to move forward.​
 

Awami League’s future rests on past reckoning
Seven major obstacles to comeback

Ahammad Foyez


1792108185402.webp



BURDENED by the legacy of the July mass uprising, a lack of introspection regarding past governance, a leadership crisis, ousted former prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s presence on Indian soil, and a government ban on its activities — the Awami League’s political future currently faces a multidimensional crisis.

To discuss the AL’s potential return to Bangladeshi politics, one point must be clarified at the outset: it is impossible to make definitive predictions about any political party’s future. However, by analysing the party’s current state, the legacy of its past rule, its organisational capacity, and the prevailing political and legal realities, one can identify the obstacles lying ahead.

Following the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government during the mass uprising of July–August 2024, the Awami League did not merely lose power; serious questions arose regarding its long-standing political authority, leadership structure and public acceptability. Compounding these issues are the ban on the party’s activities and impending legal proceedings concerning allegations of crimes against humanity.

An investigative report by the Office of the United Nation High Commissioner for Human Rights, published on February 12, 2025, estimated that up to 1,400 people may have been killed between July 1 and August 15, 2024. The report detailed grave human rights violations involving the then-government, security and intelligence agencies, and violent elements affiliated with the AL.

Against this backdrop, there are at least seven major obstacles to the AL’s political comeback.

Loss of power and the departure of top leadership

THE circumstances under which the AL lost power mark a significant turning point in the party’s political history. Hasina’s departure from the country and the pressure exerted on the central leadership have forced the party to confront a new reality regarding its organisational structure and political strategy.

For a party that has long operated with state power at its core, reorganising itself within a new political landscape while out of power is no easy task. This is particularly challenging when nearly the entire central leadership has fled abroad, making it difficult to keep grassroots activists active, rebuild public engagement, and establish the credibility of new leadership. However, a political leader leaving the country or residing abroad does not permanently sideline their party from politics. History offers precedents of exiled or ousted leadership making a political comeback. Yet, the AL lacks the positive political agenda required for such a return, nor does it appear inclined to pursue that path. The question now arises: can the party adapt to the changing political reality without relying on its old organisational structure and leadership?

Limits of AL’s conspiracy narrative on the July uprising

INTERPRETING the July mass uprising is crucial to any discussion regarding the AL’s political future. If the party characterises the movement merely as a conspiracy or the result of foreign instigation, it risks overlooking the underlying political grievances, the lived experience of repression, and the demands for accountability that fuelled the protests.

Explaining the July movement solely through conspiracy theories is also inconsistent with the findings of the UN’s report. The report presents evidence of systematic and widespread violence used to suppress the protests and raises serious questions regarding the policy stance of the then-government.

Of course, allegations of political conspiracy or foreign influence within a movement can be examined based on concrete evidence. However, such allegations cannot be used to deny the domestic causes of the movement, the reality of public discontent, or the state’s use of force.

The deposed prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, was the one who directly ordered the indiscriminate killings. The fact that she authorised the use of lethal weapons against protesters has been proven by both domestic and international forensic analysis. Seeking a conspiracy theory instead of expressing remorse for these actions serves only one purpose: to mislead the public.

This is precisely where the AL faces a major challenge. If the party fails to view the events of July as a reflection of its own political failures, its opportunity to rectify past mistakes will be severely limited. A political comeback requires more than just attempting to discredit the movement; it necessitates addressing the fundamental question of why so many people rose up against the government.

Accountability for past repression and rights violations

OPPOSITION parties, human rights organisations, journalists and civil society have raised numerous allegations regarding the AL’s long tenure in power. These include enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, the harassment of political opponents, the curtailment of freedom of expression, and the dismantling of the electoral system.

The events of July and August have added a new dimension to these allegations. The UN’s 2025 report presents serious investigative findings regarding the repressive policies of the then-government and the role of security forces. It also highlights the involvement of violent elements associated with the Awami League.

As a political party, the AL faces questions it cannot evade: Will it engage in self-criticism regarding its past tenure? Will it cooperate with impartial investigations into the allegations? Will it take a stand on ensuring justice for victims? Or will it dismiss all accusations as mere political vendettas?

If the party fails to undertake credible self-criticism and accountability measures concerning its past rule, rebuilding public trust will become even more difficult. Restoring confidence through mere political rhetoric is challenging without tangible evidence of a shift away from the political conduct that sparked these allegations.

A tendency for retribution in political rhetoric

THREATS of retribution or violence against those who participated in the July movement remain evident in the political statements made by AL leaders and activists. This poses a significant obstacle to the party’s efforts to regain political acceptability.

Rhetoric aimed at annihilating political opponents narrows the scope for compromise and democratic coexistence. A crucial lesson from the events of July is that attempting to suppress a movement through state-sanctioned force cannot ensure long-term political legitimacy.

Despite the extensive use of force by security forces prior to the fall of the Hasina administration, the government could not remain in power. The lesson here for the Awami League is that a crisis of public support cannot be resolved through the exercise of political might, threats, or the language of revenge. At the same time, the party’s opponents must also bear in mind that political crimes should be addressed through the legal process, not through retaliatory violence or unlawful persecution.

Leadership centred on Hasina, the succession crisis

HASINA’S long-standing leadership has had a profound impact on the AL’s political structure. Her position is inextricably linked to the party’s leadership, organisational decisions, and political identity. Consequently, how the party’s leadership will function in her absence is a fundamental question.

Who will succeed the 79-year-old party leader, how acceptable that new leadership will be, and how the relationship between the central leadership and the grassroots organisation will be maintained — the answers to these questions could shape the party’s future organisational viability.

In this context, analysing the institutional framework of leadership is more important than speculating about age or personal futures. If a political party becomes overly dependent on a single individual, internal competition and differences of opinion tend to escalate during leadership transitions. The AL faces a significant risk in this regard.

Hasina’s presence in Delhi and Bangladesh-India relations

HASINA’S presence in India has become a crucial factor concerning both the AL’s political future and the broader relationship between Bangladesh and India. In a report published on October 3, 2026, Indian High Commissioner to Bangladesh Dinesh Trivedi stated that legal processes regarding Hasina’s return to Bangladesh were underway, though he did not specify a timeframe for her return.

This statement indicates that the question of Hasina’s return is part of ongoing diplomatic and legal discussions. However, one cannot rule out the possibility that India might be using her as a bargaining chip in its relations with Bangladesh or detaining her for specific political objectives.

Relations between India and Bangladesh should not revolve around a single political leader. Yet, during the AL’s long tenure, India demonstrated a profound lack of diplomatic maturity. They failed to grasp that, in the future, they might need to engage with entities other than the Awami League. India is now paying the price for having ‘put all its eggs in one basket’ regarding Bangladesh. Given the multitude of shared issues — such as trade, energy, border management, water sharing, and regional security — it is only natural that Sheikh Hasina’s status will influence the bilateral relationship.

However, this presents a political challenge for the AL. If the party’s future becomes overly dependent on leadership based abroad — rather than on rebuilding public support and political acceptability within the country — questions could arise regarding its political autonomy.

Ultimately, the primary factors determining the AL’s position in Bangladeshi politics will be the people of Bangladesh, the country’s political institutions, and the prevailing legal realities.

Ban on the AL’s activities and the judicial process

ONE of the most significant realities currently shaping the analysis of the AL’s future is the government-imposed ban on the party’s activities.

On May 12, 2025, the activities of the Awami League — along with its associate, fraternal, and affiliated organisations — were banned by the government. According to the notification, the ban is to remain in effect until the conclusion of the judicial proceedings against the party’s leaders and activists at the International Crimes Tribunal. This ban encompasses a prohibition on holding meetings, rallies, and processions, as well as conducting party activities through various channels, including online platforms.

On June 24, 2026 prime minister’s information and broadcasting adviser Zahed Ur Rahman stated that the AL’s political future would depend on the outcome of the trials concerning crimes against humanity and that the question of banning the party permanently would be determined by the courts.

Two distinct aspects need to be considered here. First, the current ban on the party’s activities directly limits the scope of its political operations. Second, the question of permanently banning the party and determining the criminal liability of specific individuals or leaders is tied to the judicial process.

Consequently, the AL’s political future hinges not merely on public support or leadership; it is also bound by legal hurdles, the progress of judicial proceedings, and future legal rulings. How these obstacles are overcome will depend not only on the party’s own political stance but also on decisions made by the courts and state institutions.

It is impossible to make a definitive prediction regarding the AL’s political comeback. However, the obstacles facing the party cannot be underestimated. Acknowledging the causes and significance of the July mass uprising, addressing serious allegations regarding past governance, cooperating with impartial investigations and judicial processes concerning human rights violations, determining future leadership, and rebuilding public trust within the country — these issues are directly linked to the party’s political future.

The question of the AL’s political comeback is not limited merely to how well-organised the party remains; it is also a test of its past liabilities, its current legal standing, and the nature of the politics it intends to pursue in the future.

For now, the most critical challenge facing the party is not simply returning to active politics but rather gaining the capacity to re-establish a lawful and credible political role within Bangladesh’s transformed political landscape.

Ahammad Foyez is managing editor at New Age.​
 

Can the Awami League return through violence?

Ahammad Foyez

12 November, 2026, 00:00

1794441519095.webp

A bus goes up in flames at Bajitpur in Kishoreganj on November 10 as arsonists set fire to it amid heightened security measures in the wake of crude bomb explosions and arson incidents across the country. | New Age.

FOLLOWING its ouster in the July uprising, the greatest political challenge facing the Awami League has been to restore public trust. Given its long history of authoritarian politics and responsibility for the loss of unarmed lives during the uprising, the party was presented with a difficult path — one requiring self-reflection and political reform. However, by choosing instead to engage in violence, bombings, arson attacks and the creation of an atmosphere of fear, the party has further narrowed its prospects for returning to mainstream politics.

Recent incidents, including the torching of vehicles, detonation of crude bombs (cocktails), attacks on police and acts of sabotage against various facilities have brought this issue to the fore. Reports of violence across 16 districts on November 10 underscore the gravity of the situation; one bus driver has even lost his life. According to media accounts, targets have included government institutions, educational establishments, banks, airports and critical infrastructure such as the Padma Bridge. If these actions are intended as a prelude to the return of leaders who fled during the mass uprising, it is clear that the Awami League remains trapped in a cycle of misguided politics. Such events will only invite further catastrophe for the party’s political future.

For the Awami League, the question is no longer merely about returning to power or resuming political activities; the more fundamental issue is whether the party can ever earn the public’s trust and function as a legitimate, mainstream political party.

Violence is not the path to a political comeback

STATEMENTS and reports suggesting that Sheikh Hasina will return to the country in December have sparked a renewed surge of political activity among Awami League supporters. However, the political aspiration to return is not the same as creating a political environment conducive to such a return. In fact, attempts to exert political pressure through violence and acts of sabotage may only make the path to a comeback even more difficult.

If a political party wishes to regain public support, it must engage with the people, acknowledge its past mistakes and compete fairly against its political opponents. A party cannot achieve long-term political legitimacy by resorting to tactics such as bombings, setting vehicles on fire or endangering the lives of ordinary citizens.

The memory of the loss of life among unarmed people during the 2024 mass uprising continues to leave deep scars on the public consciousness. If, instead of healing these wounds, there are fresh allegations of violence, public anger will only intensify. There is a significant risk that the existing negative perception of the Awami League will become even more deeply entrenched.

Increased legal and organisational risks for party people

IF THE path of violence continues, Awami League leaders and activists could face several types of risks.

First, operations and arrests by law enforcement agencies against its party members in Bangladesh may intensify. In addition to those already facing cases, new incidents of violence could lead to further investigations and charges. Consequently, a significant number of the party’s grassroots-level members could become entangled in long-term legal complications.

Second, securing bail for those already in custody may become increasingly difficult. New allegations and evidence of violence could negatively impact bail hearings in court — though it should be noted that bail decisions remain entirely within the court’s discretion, and each case is evaluated on its own judicial merits.

Third, affluent and influential party members remaining in the country may face growing concerns regarding their personal safety and potential legal actions. Reports suggest that some have already begun leaving the country, aiming to protect their business interests and avoid the prospect of arrest. While some Awami League members were previously able to maintain a local presence through political compromises, the current situation has effectively closed off such opportunities.

Sustaining political violence requires both organisational capacity and financial resources. Therefore, if a link is established between acts of sabotage or violence and their funding, those providing the financial backing could also find themselves under investigation.

Should law enforcement agencies succeed in identifying the sources of funding, organisational channels and the individuals issuing orders behind the violence, the party’s organisational and financial networks will come under significant pressure. The repercussions would not be limited to grassroots members; political patrons and potential financiers could also face serious legal risks.

A return to the politics of confrontation with students?

ONE of the most concerning aspects of the recent violence is the reports of attacks targeting educational institutions and university campuses. During the July uprising, students stood at the forefront of the movement against the Awami League government — a movement that ultimately paved the way for the government’s downfall.

If investigations into recent bombings or acts of violence — directed at students, campuses or educational institutions — reveal the involvement of individuals linked to the Awami League, the implications would be politically profound. It would clearly demonstrate that, rather than engaging in democratic political competition, the party has chosen a path of confrontation against the very student body that drove its ouster from power.

Recent crude bomb blasts at various universities across the country, including the University of Dhaka, Jahangirnagar University, Jagannath University, North South University, and Southeast University, suggest that the Awami League harbours deep-seated resentment towards students.

The apparent satisfaction the Awami League derives from attacking those who led the July uprising makes it clear that the party views the entire ‘Gen Z’ generation as its adversary.

The future of any political party is, in part, defined by how it treats its opponents. The allegations that the party has resorted to physical attacks — rather than engaging its opponents through political means — raise even more serious questions about its democratic credentials.

The AL’s public image faces further crisis

FOR the Awami League, the greatest danger may not be immediate arrests, legal cases or organisational weakness; rather, it is how the party is being perceived by the public.

The memories of the loss of life and the brutal crackdowns during the 2024 mass uprising have severely damaged the party’s image. New allegations involving bombings, arson attack and the endangerment of ordinary citizens will only intensify these painful recollections.

At one time, the Awami League’s political identity was intertwined with the Liberation War and the nation-building process following Bangladesh’s independence. However, recent political experiences and allegations of violence have created a stark contradiction between that historical identity and the party’s current conduct.

If the party continues to engage in acts of terror, the public will increasingly view the Awami League as a violent political force. This will pose a major obstacle to any long-term political rehabilitation.

What must be done to return to conventional politics?

THERE is no easy path for the Awami League to make a political comeback. First, the party must abandon the path of violence and sabotage. Second, it must acknowledge political responsibility for the killings, crackdowns and human rights violations that occurred during the 2024 mass uprising and its tenure of power. Third, it must allow for impartial investigations and trials for those involved in these crimes, regardless of their political affiliation.

A return to conventional politics cannot be achieved merely by issuing a few statements or mobilising party activists on the streets. The top leadership, including Sheikh Hasina, must clarify whether they intend to evade accountability for past political errors and crimes or whether they are prepared to face the consequences.

Most importantly, the party must seek forgiveness from the people. Apologising is not merely a political tactic; it signifies an acknowledgement of past wrongs, a commitment to the victims and a guarantee that such events will not be repeated.

The Awami League has a long history in Bangladeshi politics. Yet, its historical legacy cannot grant it immunity for its present actions. A party’s past duration in power, its historical role during the Liberation War, or its previous contributions to governance cannot serve as a shield against accountability for current crimes.

If the Awami League believes it can re-establish itself as a political force by inciting violence and fear, it is making a grave political miscalculation. Such violence is the antithesis of the self-reflection, genuine remorse and democratic conduct required for a political comeback after losing power.

Ultimately, the Awami League faces two paths: it can continue a politics of violence and vengeance — thereby deepening its own political isolation — or it can acknowledge its past transgressions, seek forgiveness, face the legal process and attempt to return to democratic politics.

It is impossible for the Awami League to return to mainstream politics while evading justice, failing to apologise to the public and persisting in a politics of violence.

Ahammad Foyez is managing editor at New Age.​
 
Back
Top