[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[Saif]

The missing agenda from reform narratives

Beginning as a protest against quota in government services, the July-August movement gained strength to sweep the length and breadth of this land relying on the rallying cry of making the nation discrimination-free. As many as 11 reform commissions were formed apart from a 12-member committee to p

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

The missing agenda from reform narratives

Neil Ray
Published :
Jul 27, 2025 23:53
Updated :
Jul 28, 2025 00:52

Beginning as a protest against quota in government services, the July-August movement gained strength to sweep the length and breadth of this land relying on the rallying cry of making the nation discrimination-free. As many as 11 reform commissions were formed apart from a 12-member committee to prepare a white paper on the country's state of economy. But what is missing from all such exercises is the socio-economic discrimination, the core issue that attracted the working class people to participate in the movement. Strangely, the student leaders who joined the interim government as advisers were not known to press for this basic issue. One of the student advisers who resigned to advance the cause of his Jatyia Nagorik Party or National Citizen Party (NCP) and has been leading the month-long programme of march and rally titled "July March to Build the Nation" no longer propagates or insists on establishing this agenda.

That the bureaucratic and elitist mindset stands in the way of socio-economic reform allowing greater space for the poor and marginalised is indisputable. So, the incumbency of incorporating the ideals and principles, if any, into the political narratives was squarely upon the NCP leaders and their followers. Let alone the details of going about convincing the mass people of such a lofty socio-economic benchmark, the very word does not figure in political discourse. But it was the low-income working class people whose participation was the highest. Even the number of killed among this segment of people, according to reports, was 284 highest among all. The next highest victims during the uprising were students numbering 269.

Not only has the sacrifice made by the faceless multitudes gone less recognised than they really deserved but the expectation and hope germinated during those heady days have long faded away. These are the people who are hardly interested in constitutional, judiciary or administrative reform. They simply wanted to be at ease when they go to the market for purchasing their bare minimum victuals and essentials. These people wanted security of their jobs and income levels compatible with the market prices for a modest living. They have been terribly frustrated. Instead of creation of new avenues for employment, there have been retrenchment and job losses due to closure of factories.

Contrarily, spates of market volatility have pushed them on to the brink. They have none to turn back and are therefore suffering in silence. Unsurprising, 2.6 million more people have freshly found themselves below the poverty line. Even, the social security net has been curtailed and nobody knows what awaits these hapless people. The interim government has lost precious times to act. This country has been fed up with the sermon "social business can change the world". After almost a year, it is not the poor of this land who have at all been beneficiaries of social business although some selective NGOs have.

It is against this economic hardship of the working class people, a new pay commission for government and semi-government employees has been constituted. There is indeed a limit to disdainfully treating the cause of the voiceless. Notably, the interim government made a similar attempt to restructure their salary immediately after assuming power. It backed away when there were widespread criticisms against the move. Has the situation been in favour of going ahead with the programme? Economists have made their opposition known with unreserved terms. Its impacts on market volatility are likely to be telling for the low-income people in the informal sector. Discriminations, disparities and inequalities are far too lofty issues to be addressed, now the working class people are unable to pursue the bare minimum survival strategy they somehow did before.​

 

[Saif]

Complete reforms in 2yrs after polls

Parties urged in draft July Charter; opinions sought

www.thedailystar.net

Complete reforms in 2yrs after polls
Political parties urged in draft July Charter; their opinions sought

The National Consensus Commission has called on political parties to pledge to complete all constitutional and legal reforms to be outlined in the July National Charter within two years of assuming office through the next general election.

It has prepared a draft of the long-awaited charter and sent it to the parties, saying they must also commit to ensuring long-term sustainability of these reforms. The Daily Star has obtained a copy of the draft.

Additionally, parties are urged to recognise and "enshrine the historical importance of the 2024 anti-discrimination democratic movement and popular uprising in the constitution with due prominence".

Speaking to The Daily Star yesterday, the commission's Vice-President Prof Ali Riaz said they sent the draft to the political parties so that they can go through it and review the language.

"After the completion of the ongoing talks, we will incorporate the issues, on which there will be consensus, into the charter," he said.

As the commission is expected to finalise the charter by July 31, it asked the political parties to send their opinions by tomorrow.

The interim government formed the consensus commission on February 12, with Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus as the chair, to advance and solidify the overall reform process through national consensus.

The commission initiated its second round of dialogue with political parties on June 2, aiming to develop the July National Charter that will outline reform proposals mutually agreed upon by participating parties through the discussions.

CONSENSUS ON 12 ISSUES

In the second round of discussions, the commission deliberated on 20 issues and reached consensus on only 12.

The issues that were not resolved include the formation of the caretaker government and appointment process of the chief adviser of the caretaker government, fundamental principles of state policy, appointment committee for constitutional and statutory bodies, formation process and structure of the upper house, women's seats in the parliament and election process of the president.

So far, parties have agreed that lawmakers will be allowed to vote across party lines, except on no-confidence motions and finance bills. Opposition MPs will chair at least four key parliamentary standing committees. An expert committee will be involved in the process of delimiting electoral constituencies. Permanent High Court benches will be set up in every division, and the presidential clemency power will be regulated through a law.

Parties also agreed that the most senior judge of the Appellate Division, based on duration in service, will be appointed as the next chief justice. However, if a political party explicitly states in its election manifesto its intention to appoint one of the two most senior judges and subsequently wins the election, it will be permitted to proceed with that appointment.

BNP Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed said, "We accept that the most senior judge will be appointed as the chief justice. However, we will submit a note of dissent. Our election manifesto will include the option of appointing one of the top two senior judges."

The parties agreed to amend the constitution to ensure that the declaration of a state of emergency cannot be misused for political purposes. The amendment will also aim to prevent the suspension of fundamental rights during emergencies.

Political parties agreed that any constitutional amendment concerning the caretaker government system must secure a two-thirds majority in parliament, followed by a referendum. They also agreed to this two-step process for making any changes to the constitution's preamble, article 8 (on basic principles), article 48 (on appointment and powers of the president), article 56 (on appointment of the prime minister), and article 142 (on constitution amendment procedures).

The majority of political parties, excluding the BNP and its allies, agreed that a party chief should not be eligible to serve as prime minister. Parties opposing this decision can submit a "note of dissent" to be included in the national charter, widely referred to as the July Charter. The BNP, LDP, Labour Party, NDM, and the 12-party alliance opposed the separation of the posts.

Parties also unanimously agreed on a proposal to form the Election Commission through a five-member search panel that will include the Speaker, the deputy Speaker (from the opposition), the prime minister, and the leader of the opposition in parliament.

They agreed that no individual may serve as prime minister for more than 10 years in their lifetime. They supported another proposal to form an independent police commission.

DRAFT CHARTER

In the wake of the July uprising, a historic opportunity has emerged to reconstruct a democratic state, the draft said.

It said the people aspired to establish a democratic state through the Liberation War of 1971, rooted in the principles of equality, human dignity, and social justice. Yet, even after 53 years, that aspiration has not been fulfilled.

The development of democratic processes and culture has repeatedly faltered. Over the last five decades, democratic institutions have neither been built on solid foundations nor functioned effectively, even if they existed.

These institutions have been rendered dysfunctional and complicit in impunity through the institutionalisation of partisan influence aimed at securing one-sided control and misuse of power within the state apparatus.

Since 2009, a partisan government has governed the state and gradually abandoned democratic values, taking on an authoritarian character. By violating human rights, committing enforced disappearances, killings, repression, and persecution of political opponents and critics through fabricated cases and attacks, they established a regime of anarchy and terror.

The entire state machinery was dedicated to authoritarian personality and group worship. Over a decade and a half, the authoritarian Awami League government distorted the constitution through amendments to consolidate power against public interest, enacted repressive laws, destroyed the electoral system, politicised the judiciary and public administration, and looted state resources through rampant corruption, said the draft.

It said over 1,400 unarmed citizens including women and children were killed during the powerful anti-discrimination movement led by students.

In exchange for their sacrifice, and through the collective strength and resistance of the people, the authoritarian rulers and their allies were ultimately defeated.

"Consequently, a deep public resolve has arisen to reconstruct the state structure. This has created a historic opportunity for state reform -- particularly fundamental constitutional changes, restructuring of the electoral system, the practice of democratic governance, the establishment of an independent judiciary, and a well-governed, accountable, and corruption-free government system -- which it is our sacred duty to utilise," the draft said.

Parties will need to sign the charter and pledge that they will ensure full implementation of the charter.

"We pledge to undertake all necessary constitutional amendments, additions, revisions, drafting and redrafting, and changes to existing laws, or enact new laws, as well as issue new regulations or amend existing ones, to implement the proposals and recommendations contained in the charter concerning the constitution, judiciary, electoral system, public administration, police, and anti-corruption system," the charter read.​

 

[Saif]

Hardly any reform in political parties

One year after the widespread political awakening that stemmed from the 2024 July uprising, experts and political leaders observe that Bangladesh’s political parties have not yet heeded the wake-up call to initiate any meaningful internal reforms...

www.newagebd.net

ONE YEAR OF JULY UPRISING
Hardly any reform in political parties
Moinul Haque 29 July, 2025, 23:51

Representational image. | New Age file photo

One year after the widespread political awakening that stemmed from the 2024 July uprising, experts and political leaders observe that Bangladesh’s political parties have not yet heeded the wake-up call to initiate any meaningful internal reforms.

Despite extensive discussion on and profound public aspirations for positive changes in the political culture, they observe, people’s aspirations may remain unfulfilled, raising doubts about the integrity of broader democratic reforms.

Experts said that internal party reform was crucial for national democratic progress, observing that little or no progress has been achieved on the ground necessary for a democratic transition after the fall of the authoritarian regime of Sheikh Hasian on August 5, 2024.

Political parties continue to remain highly centralised, dominated by top leaders, without transparency, accountability, and a democratic process for the leadership selection, they commented.

While some political figures asserted that reform efforts had commenced in their parties, most observers argued that these initiatives were minimal — largely symbolic, or limited, or simply rhetoric.

They pointed out that even newly established political organisations, which initially promised alternative approaches, were increasingly adopting the same undemocratic practices seen in older parties.

Political scientist Dilara

Chowdhury told New Age on Monday that without democratic practices within the party structure, democracy in the country itself stayed at risk.New Age specials

Despite growing pressure since the uprising, no initiative for internal reform was visible in major parties, including Bangladesh Nationalist Party, she pointed out.

Dilara criticised the deeply-entrenched centralism in the country’s political culture, where individuals often hold multiple roles — such as party chief, prime minister, and Member of Parliament.

She said that this concentration of authority suppresses internal democratic dissent and undermines grassroots participation.

‘Without internal democracy, political parties cannot credibly promote democracy in the country — and the crisis is already unfolding after the July uprising,’ said Dilara.

Jahangirnagar University government and politics professor K M Mahiuddin identified three critical areas for reform within the political parties of Bangladesh: democratic leadership selection, greater involvement of grassroots members in shaping policies, and full disclosure of party funding and expenditures.

He berated the country’s political parties for their continued failure to initiate these reforms, especially in the wake of the August 5 political changeover.

While much of the national debate has focused on constitutional reforms like reinstating the caretaker government or limiting the prime minister’s powers, Mahiuddin suggested these changes would be ineffective unless the deeper problem of undemocratic and dysfunctional political tradition was addressed first.

Mahiuddin referred to international examples, such as in the United Kingdom and the United States, saying that even powerful leaders like Margaret Thatcher did not become autocratic due to strong internal party mechanisms and institutional checks.

Genuine democratic governance, he said, requires internal democracy in political parties.

BNP standing committee member Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury conveyed optimism, claiming that internal reforms were under way in his party.

‘Reform is our responsibility and every party must do the same,’ he said.

Khasru attributed the earlier lack of progress in this regard to the 17 years of political restrictions that limited activities, expression, and party organisation.

Saying that the BNP has already begun responding to both public and internal expectations, he expressed confidence that the party would carry out reforms effectively.

Our party has taken steps to address concerns over leadership selection and financial transparency, Khasru said.

He also said that voting was ongoing in various regions, leading to the emergence of new leadership.

The BNP leader mentioned that the party had also initiated efforts to increase women’s participation, aiming for at least 10 per cent representation in elected bodies, with a long-term target of 30 per cent.

Rashtra Sangskar Andolan chief coordinator Hasnat Qayyum said that political parties demanding democracy at the state level failed to uphold the same values within their own organisations.

A party, he said, cannot truly demand democracy if it operates mainly for individuals, families, or patronage networks.

Qayyum criticised the lack of party councils, unclear leader selection processes, and poor financial transparency.

Even newly formed parties, he claimed, are taking to old habits with greater intensity.

Despite the promise of change following the August 5, 2024 political shift no real progress has been made and without internal reform, party-led political renewal would remain impossible, Qayyum concluded.

National Citizen Party senior joint convener Samanta Shermeen expressed concern over the lack of action following the August 5 political shift, saying that despite the creation of state-level reform commissions, no real progress had been made in making party structures more democratic.

She identified entrenched corruption and internal power struggles as major barriers to party reform, warning that state-level reforms would not succeed if parties remained undemocratic.

Samanta acknowledged that even new parties like the NCP fell into old patterns, emphasising that systemic changes required a collective political will as a single party could not bring about the needed reform.

Revolutionary Workers Party of Bangladesh general secretary Saiful Haque said that without internal democracy, state-level changes would remain superficial.

He said that although internal reform was not yet a formal focus of the current reform commission, pressure for changes was growing.

Saiful Haque advocated for secret-ballot elections for deciding leaderships at all tiers and greater accountability within the party as the essential first steps.

He added that despite much discussion on the issue, real actions remain to be seen.

Ganosamhati Andolan chief coordinator Zonayed Saki said that following the July uprising, his party had been adapting to changes in youth ideology and public expectations by strengthening internal democracy.

He explained that their party encouraged grassroots decision-making, structured consultations, youth participation, and ensuring local voices are heard through national committee meetings held before central committee sessions.

Saki expressed support for amending article 70 of the constitution to foster more independent thinking within parties, warning that parties suppressing independent voices could not be genuinely democratic.

He said that youths would increasingly demand change, adding that if major parties continued to operate authoritatively a broader democratic system would remain elusive.

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami assistant secretary general Ehsanul Mahbub Zubair acknowledged that reforms were needed, observing that progress had been slow.

He said that their party had made some constitutional changes and improved discipline since August.

However, he warned that without internal democracy and moral integrity, no party could effectively support state-level democratic reforms.

Zubair also cautioned that parties failing to change risked losing relevance, especially among young voters.​

 

[Saif]

Ignoring reform expectations won't be easy for next govt: Asif Nazrul

Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Adviser Dr Asif Nazrul on Wednesday said it would not be easy for the next government to ignore the people’s expectation for reforms. “The government that would assume office next will come following the martyrdom of more than a thousand people an

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Ignoring reform expectations won't be easy for next govt: Asif Nazrul

Published :
Jul 30, 2025 20:11
Updated :
Jul 30, 2025 20:32

Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Adviser Dr Asif Nazrul on Wednesday said it would not be easy for the next government to ignore the people’s expectation for reforms.

“The government that would assume office next will come following the martyrdom of more than a thousand people and severe injuries, including loss of limbs, to thousands more. The people of Bangladesh have never endured such sufferings or made such sacrifices for any reform or state repairing. So, it will not be easy to overlook their expectations,” he said.

Dr Nazrul made the remarks while addressing a view-exchange meeting as the chief guest on the publication of the first draft of The Government Attorney Service Ordinance, 2025, held at the Judicial Administration Training Institute (JATI) in the capital, reports BSS.

Industries Adviser Adilur Rahman Khan, International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) Chief Prosecutor Muhammad Tajul Islam, Law and Justice Division Secretary Sheikh Abu Taher, Additional Attorney Generals Mohammad Arshadur Rouf and Aneek Rushd Haque, Home Ministry’s Special Prosecutorial Assistant Ehsanul Haque Somaji, Supreme Court lawyers Barrister Ruhul Quddus Kazal, Dr Sharif Bhuiyan and Barrister Tanim Hossain Shawan, US Embassy Resident Legal Advisor Rahul Kale, BGB Public Prosecutor Md Borhan Uddin, and Dhaka District and Sessions Judge Court Public Prosecutor Md Iqbal Hossain also spoke at the event.

Law and Justice Division Deputy Solicitor Dr Aminul Islam presented the draft ordinance and responded to various queries.

Describing a career prosecution service as one of the judiciary’s longstanding expectations, Dr Asif Nazrul said a similar ordinance was enacted in 2008, but it did not survive.

“We tried to understand why it failed. I believe the ordinance was overly ambitious. That’s why we’ve taken a fresh initiative. It needs some degree of control from the ruling political party. In a country like ours, expecting zero political influence is unrealistic. Therefore, incremental reform would be more practical,” he explained.

The law adviser further noted that while Bangladesh has had several opportunities for systemic reform - particularly after 1971 and again in 1991- those chances were not properly utilized.

“If we fail to seize this opportunity to repair the state, establish rule of law and ensure human rights, we may not get another such chances in ages,” he cautioned.​

 

[Saif]

Reform blueprint meaningless without legal grounding, says Jamaat deputy chief

Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher, deputy chief of Jamaat-e-Islami, has said the reform proposals being discussed by the National Consensus Commission will not be implementable unless they are grounded in law. “It will have no value to the people,” he said during a session on women’s

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Reform blueprint meaningless without legal grounding, says Jamaat deputy chief

Published :
Jul 30, 2025 19:11
Updated :
Jul 30, 2025 19:11

Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher, deputy chief of Jamaat-e-Islami, has said the reform proposals being discussed by the National Consensus Commission will not be implementable unless they are grounded in law.

“It will have no value to the people,” he said during a session on women’s representation in parliament on the 22nd day of the commission’s dialogue in Dhaka on Wednesday.

Taher expressed disappointment with the draft charter circulated by the commission a day earlier, reports bdnews24.com.

“If the reform proposals that we have agreed on after long discussions are implemented properly, a qualitative change is possible in Bangladesh,” he said.

“But we are disappointed to see the draft charter sent by the commission yesterday. It says that these reforms will be implemented within two years. But no time limit has been set regarding the government’s tenure or the commission’s jurisdiction.”

“Does this government want to stay in power for two years? If the next government, not the current one, implements these things, then was the hard work we have done so far just to give advice? Then it will have no value.”

“We assumed from the beginning that through this process, the proposed reforms would get a legal basis and their implementation would be mandatory,” Taher said.

“But if there is no legal basis, then it will remain just words, which the people will not accept or give importance to.”

“A written agreement was made between the chairperson of the commission and BNP leaders earlier, but no real reflection of it was seen at the field level. Not fulfilling the commitment is not only a betrayal, but also a mockery of the people.”

Taher said similar situations have occurred throughout Bangladesh’s 54-year history, and legal gaps have been overcome.

Citing examples, he said that leaders like Ziaur Rahman and HM Ershad came to power through legal processes, formed parliaments, and passed laws.

“There is still an opportunity to provide a legal basis,” he said.

“We want to hold a meeting with legal experts to discuss how these reform proposals can be given a legal basis. It is better to provide that opportunity for discussion now, otherwise, it should be provided at a later time.”

“If this charter proposal is not implementable, if it does not have a legal basis, then it will be just a symbolic document,” Taher added.

“We will not sign it, because what is the point of signing a proposal that has no real value to the people?”​