[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.
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G Bangladesh Defense

Retreat from reform could be costly

Published :
May 11, 2026 01:11
Updated :
May 11, 2026 01:11

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The incumbent BNP government's amendment to the Bank Resolution Act 2025, which created scope for former owners of five merged Islamic banks to regain control of these financial institutions, has drawn widespread criticism both at home and abroad. Many have described the move as an attempt to rehabilitate bank looters, an outright ill-advised decision that has already begun to exact a toll. Last month, the IMF withheld the release of $1.3 billion under a $5.5 billion loan agreement, citing, among other reasons, the controversial amendment to the Bank Resolution Act as well as delay in implementing the bifurcation of the National Board of Revenue (NBR). Adding to the pressure, the World Bank reportedly wants the government to repeal Section 18(A) of the Bank Resolution Act 2026 before extending a $500 million budget support credit. As things stand, it is becoming increasingly clear that any retreat from financial sector reforms could prove costly. It risks not only undermining efforts to rescue the crisis-hit banks and restore public confidence in the banking sector, but also eroding the trust and support of development partners at a time when the economy can ill afford such setbacks.

The merger of the five troubled Islamic banks was necessary, as years of systematic looting had bled them dry. The banks were carrying NPL ratios as high as 90 per cent, and many depositors were protesting on the street demanding their money back. Against this backdrop, the interim government formulated the Bank Resolution Ordinance 2025, which provided a necessary legal framework for the merger of such distressed banks. The banks were merged in November 2025 to form Sammilito Islami Bank, touted as the largest bank of its kind in the country. Tk 350 billion was injected into the bank as paid-up capital, of which Tk 200 billion came from the government exchequer, while the rest was mobilised from depositors' fund. The main objective of the merger was to save the banks, safeguard depositors' interests and ensure broader financial stability - all of which were quite reasonable. However, in a move that defies reason, the BNP government enacted the Bank Resolution Act 2026, amending the Bank Resolution Ordinance 2025. Section 18(A) of the Act allows former shareholders to regain control of the banks by initially paying only 7.5 per cent of the government-injected funds. The remaining 92.5 per cent of the fund is to be paid over the next two years, with a 10 per cent simple interest charge added.

Economists decried the move, saying that paving the way for the former owners to regain control of the banks on such easy terms is akin to rewarding them instead of holding them accountable for their misdeeds. Moreover, questions remain as to how those who had already driven the banks to the brink through large-scale loan scams can now be trusted with their stewardship at those institutions again. There is every possibility that the government-injected funds could also be misused if proper accountability and oversight are not ensured. More importantly, such a move could set a dangerous precedent, encouraging a culture of impunity in the banking sector.

It is worth recalling that many of the country's major economic reforms - from market-oriented liberalisation and the expansion of private sector-led growth to the introduction of VAT - were undertaken under BNP governments. The current hesitation to pursue necessary reforms appears both puzzling and counterproductive. Anyway, the IMF and the World Bank have pushed the ball to the government's court. It is now up to the government to take the right decision.​
 

Editor’s note

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AS THE entire Bangladesh is keenly waiting for the post-mass uprising political and constitutional reforms and, obviously, electoral transition to democratic governance, the thinking sections of the people are having a lot of private and public discussions over theoretical aspects of various proposals put forward by different political and legal authorities. The high-level reforms commission concerned, set up by the interim government of Professor Muhammad Yunus, has already published its recommendations, along with the ways of implementing them in less than a year. The political parties concerned and the public would continue to debate them while New Age would continue to keep its readers updated about those and, of course, provide the readers with multidimensional analyses of the reforms agenda as well as the reforms process.

Meanwhile, New Age issues the second instalment of its special supplement on the occasion of the newspaper’s 22nd anniversary that deals with some issues of public importance, which reformers, political and otherwise, should take note of.

A couple of articles carried in the present supplement deal with certain long-neglected challenging reforms of the country’s police and armed forces, which, if carried out genuinely, would not only enable these national organisations to serve the public and the republic but also help restore the dignity of the institutions concerned. Besides, it publishes three separate articles on the Bengali chauvinistic legal, political and cultural attitudes towards the non-Bengali ethnic communities living in the hill tracts and beyond that stand in the way of forging genuine unity among the country’s peoples with different national identities.

Then, with the much-awaited general elections ahead and the speculations about the possible disruption of the election process by the undemocratic forces at home and abroad, an article underlines the need for pre-election security measures and their dynamics.

One article has shed light on the adverse effects of the necropolitical symptoms prevailing in society, which is shaped by the growing influence of far-right ideologies. The writer rightly argues that such phenomena cannot be allowed to persist, for it would definitely affect the democratic spirit of the millions who participated in the past year’s mass uprising against an authoritarian political regime having little respect for the rule of law.

Another article remains a piece of deep reflection on the political consequences of the post-mass uprising renaming of state institutions. Given the deposed Awami League’s partisan naming and renaming of most state organisations, most being named after Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and members of his family, it was definitely necessary to rename most of them, but it is important to think whether or not renaming all of them and, that too, following a certain pattern, would distort our history.

We believe that you, readers, would find the articles important and hope that you enjoy reading them.


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Nurul Kabir​
 

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