[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.
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G Bangladesh Defense

Retreat from reform could be costly

Published :
May 11, 2026 01:11
Updated :
May 11, 2026 01:11

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The incumbent BNP government's amendment to the Bank Resolution Act 2025, which created scope for former owners of five merged Islamic banks to regain control of these financial institutions, has drawn widespread criticism both at home and abroad. Many have described the move as an attempt to rehabilitate bank looters, an outright ill-advised decision that has already begun to exact a toll. Last month, the IMF withheld the release of $1.3 billion under a $5.5 billion loan agreement, citing, among other reasons, the controversial amendment to the Bank Resolution Act as well as delay in implementing the bifurcation of the National Board of Revenue (NBR). Adding to the pressure, the World Bank reportedly wants the government to repeal Section 18(A) of the Bank Resolution Act 2026 before extending a $500 million budget support credit. As things stand, it is becoming increasingly clear that any retreat from financial sector reforms could prove costly. It risks not only undermining efforts to rescue the crisis-hit banks and restore public confidence in the banking sector, but also eroding the trust and support of development partners at a time when the economy can ill afford such setbacks.

The merger of the five troubled Islamic banks was necessary, as years of systematic looting had bled them dry. The banks were carrying NPL ratios as high as 90 per cent, and many depositors were protesting on the street demanding their money back. Against this backdrop, the interim government formulated the Bank Resolution Ordinance 2025, which provided a necessary legal framework for the merger of such distressed banks. The banks were merged in November 2025 to form Sammilito Islami Bank, touted as the largest bank of its kind in the country. Tk 350 billion was injected into the bank as paid-up capital, of which Tk 200 billion came from the government exchequer, while the rest was mobilised from depositors' fund. The main objective of the merger was to save the banks, safeguard depositors' interests and ensure broader financial stability - all of which were quite reasonable. However, in a move that defies reason, the BNP government enacted the Bank Resolution Act 2026, amending the Bank Resolution Ordinance 2025. Section 18(A) of the Act allows former shareholders to regain control of the banks by initially paying only 7.5 per cent of the government-injected funds. The remaining 92.5 per cent of the fund is to be paid over the next two years, with a 10 per cent simple interest charge added.

Economists decried the move, saying that paving the way for the former owners to regain control of the banks on such easy terms is akin to rewarding them instead of holding them accountable for their misdeeds. Moreover, questions remain as to how those who had already driven the banks to the brink through large-scale loan scams can now be trusted with their stewardship at those institutions again. There is every possibility that the government-injected funds could also be misused if proper accountability and oversight are not ensured. More importantly, such a move could set a dangerous precedent, encouraging a culture of impunity in the banking sector.

It is worth recalling that many of the country's major economic reforms - from market-oriented liberalisation and the expansion of private sector-led growth to the introduction of VAT - were undertaken under BNP governments. The current hesitation to pursue necessary reforms appears both puzzling and counterproductive. Anyway, the IMF and the World Bank have pushed the ball to the government's court. It is now up to the government to take the right decision.​
 

Editor’s note

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AS THE entire Bangladesh is keenly waiting for the post-mass uprising political and constitutional reforms and, obviously, electoral transition to democratic governance, the thinking sections of the people are having a lot of private and public discussions over theoretical aspects of various proposals put forward by different political and legal authorities. The high-level reforms commission concerned, set up by the interim government of Professor Muhammad Yunus, has already published its recommendations, along with the ways of implementing them in less than a year. The political parties concerned and the public would continue to debate them while New Age would continue to keep its readers updated about those and, of course, provide the readers with multidimensional analyses of the reforms agenda as well as the reforms process.

Meanwhile, New Age issues the second instalment of its special supplement on the occasion of the newspaper’s 22nd anniversary that deals with some issues of public importance, which reformers, political and otherwise, should take note of.

A couple of articles carried in the present supplement deal with certain long-neglected challenging reforms of the country’s police and armed forces, which, if carried out genuinely, would not only enable these national organisations to serve the public and the republic but also help restore the dignity of the institutions concerned. Besides, it publishes three separate articles on the Bengali chauvinistic legal, political and cultural attitudes towards the non-Bengali ethnic communities living in the hill tracts and beyond that stand in the way of forging genuine unity among the country’s peoples with different national identities.

Then, with the much-awaited general elections ahead and the speculations about the possible disruption of the election process by the undemocratic forces at home and abroad, an article underlines the need for pre-election security measures and their dynamics.

One article has shed light on the adverse effects of the necropolitical symptoms prevailing in society, which is shaped by the growing influence of far-right ideologies. The writer rightly argues that such phenomena cannot be allowed to persist, for it would definitely affect the democratic spirit of the millions who participated in the past year’s mass uprising against an authoritarian political regime having little respect for the rule of law.

Another article remains a piece of deep reflection on the political consequences of the post-mass uprising renaming of state institutions. Given the deposed Awami League’s partisan naming and renaming of most state organisations, most being named after Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and members of his family, it was definitely necessary to rename most of them, but it is important to think whether or not renaming all of them and, that too, following a certain pattern, would distort our history.

We believe that you, readers, would find the articles important and hope that you enjoy reading them.


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Nurul Kabir​
 

Economy awaits decisive reform push

FE
Published :
Jun 06, 2026 23:45
Updated :
Jun 06, 2026 23:45

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Private investment in Bangladesh continues to show little sign of recovery. Businesses are postponing major investment decisions until the government demonstrates a credible commitment to reform, as evidenced by sluggish credit growth and decreased imports of capital machinery. As the Centre for Policy Dialogue recently observed, investors remain in a wait and see mode despite the easing of political uncertainty. This caution has significant implications for the economy because the private sector accounts for several times more investment than the government and remains the principal driver of job creation and industrial expansion. The upcoming national budget carries considerable importance against such backdrop, representing the most immediate opportunity for the government to demonstrate that it is serious about removing unnecessary regulatory barriers including high cost of doing business.

The government's proposed one-stop approval system is, in this context, a genuinely promising intervention. Bangladesh has long suffered from a bureaucratic culture that imposes costs before a business even begins operations. Entrepreneurs often spend months moving through multiple offices, repeated documentation requirements and discretionary approvals. Such inefficiencies discourage both domestic and foreign investors while creating scope for corruption. The proposed digital platform would address this most persistent complaint by allowing entrepreneurs to obtain all necessary documents and approvals within a defined timeframe. The effort, however, should not stop at facilitating large investors. Every entrepreneur regardless of size should be able to access all essential government services through a seamless digital interface using a single login. If fully implemented, a genuinely integrated digital approval system could become one of the most important reforms undertaken in recent years by reducing uncertainty and lowering transaction costs. However, this reform must be backed by institutional accountability so that digitalisation does not simply transfer existing bureaucratic delays onto a new platform.

The proposed expansion of bonded warehouse facilities, announced by the finance minister, merits both acknowledgement and scrutiny. Extending duty-free import privileges for export-oriented production beyond the readymade garment sector appears to support the long-stated objective of export diversification. But the proposal overlooks serious weaknesses that already afflict the existing system. There are already widespread cases of exporters misusing bonded privileges to flood the local market with imported goods, directly undercutting domestic traders that lack similar privileges. This problem calls for stronger oversight, yet the government has instead proposed relaxing audit requirements by extending inspection intervals to between three and five years, which is a remarkably reckless move. Without regular and stringent oversight, exploitation of the system by unscrupulous businesses would only multiply. This would undermine both revenue collection and fair competition. The reform conversation also has a conspicuous gap as export sectors that do not rely on imported raw materials remain largely absent from it. The leather-and-hide industry is a case in point. During Eid-ul-Azha, countless small traders were left with unsold rawhides, many of which were discarded into rivers, exposing vulnerabilities of a domestic value chain that should have been a valuable source of export earnings. Reform should definitely create opportunities across the entire export economy rather than favouring only sectors that fit a particular policy model.

The finance minister's acknowledgement that taxation harbours the highest concentration of corruption within government is a candid admission. Such corruption not only enriches dishonest officials but also deprives the state of revenue because bribes are often exchanged in return for reducing or avoiding tax liabilities. Digitalisation of the tax system can help disrupt this cycle by reducing human discretion in routine transactions and creating traceable records.​
 

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