[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

Source : https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/lessons-bangladesh-3678951

Lessons from Bangladesh

Photo: Prabir Das/Star/File

AFTER the tragic loss of an estimated 300 students during a fatal crackdown on protests in Bangladesh, the world stands captivated by the power of young students who led the demonstrations against Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the longest-serving prime minister of the country since its independence from Pakistan in 1971. She was forced to flee the country after over 15 years in power and a brutal campaign of weakening and persecuting any political opposition.

The issue arose with students' frustration at the inability to compete for lucrative government jobs, more than half of which were reserved under various quotas, the largest being the 30 per cent allocation for the children and grandchildren of those who fought for Bangladesh's independence.

This 30pc quota had been scrapped in 2018 after student protests, but the high court reinstated it in 2024 soon after Sheikh Hasina's fourth consecutive victory in a questionable election, widely cited as an unfair one.

When the students started demonstrating against the quota in order to gain their rightful share in taxpayer-funded government jobs on merit, the government and the students body linked with the ruling party responded violently, beating and killing students at Dhaka University. These protests spilled into the streets, transforming into an expression of frustration with the autocratic rule of the Awami League.

It should be encouraging that students in Bangladesh are taking a stand against nepotism.

It is being touted as the first revolution to be led by Gen-Z, the first digital native generation defined by its resolute no-nonsense attitude. Whereas understandably there is a lot of scepticism about whether this will lead to true democracy in Bangladesh — which will require a lot more than a series of demonstrations — it signals the approach of Gen-Z, which is shifting attitudes and practices in a post Covid-19 world as they enter the workforce. There are several lessons for the region and the world from the Bangladeshi Gen-Z's successful campaign against the Awami League government.

First, it shows the frustration that a lack of meritocracy in a state can lead to, especially when it has an economic impact. Universities in Bangladesh led the freedom movement in 1971 when the then East Pakistan was denied recognition of Bengali as an official language despite half the population speaking it. It should be encouraging that students are demanding merit and taking a stand against nepotism and favouritism-based quotas. States must ensure that public sector systems are fair.

Second, several commentators have pointed out that economic success in a country may not be enough to buy a population's acquiescence. Basic rights and equal distribution of resources are key for young people, the lack of which can lead to the toppling of a strong repressive government. Despite documented growth of above 8pc in Bangladesh, people were frustrated by the nepotism of and suppression by the regime, which resulted in unemployment among skilled youth. Assuming that economic prosperity in a pluralistic society will silence dissent is to fool oneself.

Third, censorship of the press and social media, and shutdown of internet and mobile phone networks are not effective in quelling protests and getting the word out in this day and age. Despite a countrywide internet shutdown in Bangladesh, the young protesters persisted and achieved what they had set out to do, all the while using various tools to get information out. It is prudent to listen to the voices of citizens, especially those who shape the nation and its future, rather than attempting to suppress them. Investment in digital repression is counterproductive and futile, especially when public funds that should be spent on progress and development are spent on stunting the potential of the digital economy. Nobody wants to do business with or hire talent from a country where internet shutdowns and the censorship of applications and websites are widespread and arbitrary. According to various estimates by watchdogs, internet shutdowns in Bangladesh cost the economy billions of dollars in the past month.

Fourth, the patriotism of the soldiers in Bangladesh must be appreciated. There is nothing more patriotic than refusing to fire at one's own citizens for demanding their rights, something everyone is entitled to do. Militaries must not turn against their own people as that is the job of occupiers, and not of one's own military that is sustained by the taxpayers. After all, the state belongs to its people and is built by them; orders to attack them must have no place in society.

Fifth, it is inevitable that people will rise against political persecution, illegitimate power grabbed through rigged elections, and a compromised judiciary. Political parties have more to gain by governing through legitimacy rather than relying on state machinery that engineers the usurping of legitimacy and undermining the will of the people.

Moving forward, the challenges for any decentralised youth-led change movement after initial success are two-fold. First, strategising to avoid being co-opted by local actors, such as the military or political parties, who can take advantage of the power vacuum for their own benefit. In such a situation, it is key for representatives of the students to insist on being a meaningful part of any process of change built on the blood and struggle of well-meaning youth.

Second, and the tougher one intrinsically linked to the self-serving cooperation of local power-brokers, is ensuring that the local struggle does not fall victim to the strategic games of international power-brokers who reject any local democratic processes, as was seen in Egypt in the aftermath of the Arab Spring protests. This should hold true even if the short-term objectives of the movement align with the foreign powers' objectives in the region. The US helped install dictator Gen Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Egypt after helping him topple a democratically elected government led by Mohamed Morsi after 'Dictator-General' Hosni Mubarak was forced to step down by young protesters.

The power of a frustrated and informed young polity cannot be underestimated, and their struggle and idealism must not go to waste.

[The writer is director of Bolo Bhi, an advocacy forum for digital rights.]​

 

[Saif]

Tales of the revolution from Chattogram

Throughout the days of fear, uncertainty and lack of security during the revolution, the students of Chattogram remained united and steadfast while after the revolution, they took it upon themselves to help out the community. The change, brought forward by the students, can now be felt...

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Tales of the revolution from Chattogram

Photo: Rajib Raihan

Bangladesh just witnessed a one-of-a-kind student movement which later transformed into a revolution, leading to the historical downfall of the Prime Minister. The whole country stepped forward and Chattogram was no different, living up to its name of "Bir Chattala." Throughout the movement, the students of Chattogram remained united while after the revolution, they took it upon themselves to help the community. The change, brought forward by the students, can now be felt throughout the city.

Mostafa Jishan, a student of University of Science and Technology Chittagong (USTC) says, "Honestly, I had nothing to do with the quota reform. My mother is a government employee and I, myself, can use the quota. However, when I witnessed the unjust shooting of Abu Sayed, I had to join the protest. How can the government allow law enforcement personnel to shoot innocent students like this?"

The students had to go through unprecedented horror. One such experience was shared by Tahamid Chowdhury Priyom, a student of Chittagong University of Engineering & Technology (CUET).

"The experience on July 19 at Bahaddarhat still haunts me. A student was shot right in his chest. There was no ambulance. He was taken to the hospital in a rickshaw by some of his friends. To this day, I still don't know if he is alive or not."

Reazul Islam Remon of Chittagong University (CU) says, "There was a lot of gunfire at Muradpur just before the curfew started and my family was scared. I had a long beard, but my mother forced me to trim it."

Another daunting experience was faced by Md Sadek Al Sunny of International Islamic University of Chittagong (IIUC) who says, "On August 4, we went to New Market where people were being attacked by law enforcement personnel. I was really close to the frontline when chaos ensued. More than 200 of us quickly took shelter inside Shah Amanat Market but thugs kept looking for us. We hid there until four in the afternoon when we were rescued. I witnessed two women getting shot and killed near Hazari Market that day. My biggest regret is having to leave their bodies behind."

The coordination amongst the protestors played a big role for the protest to succeed and it was the student coordinators who enabled it. One of them was Mohammed Tawsif, a student of East Delta University (EDU). When asked about how he became a coordinator, he said, "I joined as a protestor but was selected as the coordinator from East Delta University later on."

He recalls how he was constantly at risk throughout the protest, due to being a coordinator, "I had reasons to believe law enforcement personnel were looking for me and when they were conducting raids, they were targeting coordinators. Two coordinators from different universities that lived nearby got arrested. I was in fear that I could be next"

The risk was even greater when he was out on the streets. He says, "There were many instances where I was either chased or beaten by law enforcement personnel or goons. At Cheragi Pahar, I inhaled tear gas for the first time and I started vomiting and needed to rest. On August 4 alone, there were many moments where I thought I would die. One of those moments was at Jubilee Road in front of Golam Rasul Market. A person who was standing right beside me got shot. It could easily have been me."

However, after a tough journey, the objective was achieved, and it was special for Tawsif.

"When I got confirmation that the Prime Minister (PM) had resigned, I cried. Mentally, I had prepared to fight for the whole month of August. There were days I thought I wouldn't make it alive or get arrested. My sister would cry and not eat – waiting for me. After receiving the news, I felt relief that all the sleepless nights were worth it," he shares.

After the Prime Minister's resignation on August 5, there was joy but there were also instances of violence. One such experience was shared by Mona Ahmed, a student of Jahangirnagar University. She says, "My experience at the victory procession was terrifying. After hearing about the PM's resignation, I immediately joined the procession with my friends. We walked towards Dampara from GEC Circle, and law enforcement personnel threw tear shells and sound grenades at us near BAWA School and College.

We took shelter at Shilpokola. We decided to head back home but then my mother called to inform me that an angry mob had gathered outside my house, looking for a local leader that lived next door with his family. The individual has a wife and kids who are completely innocent, why must they suffer for someone else's crime? I decided to stay at a friend's house for the time being, but I was scared for my family's safety."

Another troubling experience was faced by Sudipto*. He says, "When the PM's resignation was announced, I was happy for my country, but I also knew us minorities would be at risk. The attacks began the next day. I had to advise my own mother not to wear shakha and shindur outside. Why must I feel so insecure in my own home? Every time we voice our concerns, people tell us to be patient. They fail to understand that all we need is for them to hear us and stand by us in these troubled times."

Amidst the tough times, Sudipto also went out to help the community, "I've been involved in cleaning and wall painting activities near the Central Railway Building. I consider this my duty as a citizen of the country. Playing a part in its reform and development is the least I can do."

*Name has been changed upon request.​

 

[Saif]

Four new teams formed to rebuild Anti-discrimination Student Movement

Four new teams have been formed to restructure the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, a platform which was launched to force the Awami League government to reform quotas in public service jobs. The teams are named as organising wing, programme implementation wing, media and communication wing,

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Four new teams formed to rebuild Anti-discrimination Student Movement
bdnews24.com
Published :
Aug 20, 2024 00:14
Updated :
Aug 20, 2024 00:14

Four new teams have been formed to restructure the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, a platform which was launched to force the Awami League government to reform quotas in public service jobs.

The teams are named as organising wing, programme implementation wing, media and communication wing, and authorisation wing.

Abdul Hannan Masud, one of the coordinators of the platform, confirmed the committees’ formation in a statement on Monday.

These four units will mainly work towards restructuring the Anti-discrimination Student Movement platform. In the meantime, the committees formed with the support of the coordinators will remain in place and all the committees will be reconstituted afresh at different levels, the statement read.

The authorisation wing of the platform will work to form a new committee to protect the order and prevent confusion over fake coordinators.

The members of the organising wing are –

Abu Baker Majumder 2. Abdul Hannan Masud 3. Rifat Rashid 4. Shahin Alam 5. Shyamali Sultana Jedni 6. Naeem Abedin 7. Sanjana Afifa Aditi, and 8. Khan Talat Mahmud Rafi.

Programme implementation wing members are - 1. Hasnat Abdullah 2. Sarjis Alam 3. Abdul Kader 4. Mahin Sarkar 5. Arif Sohel 6. Akram Hossain Raj 7. Hamza Mahbub 8. Noor Nabi 9. Shubho Ahmed 10. Shahinur Sumi 11. Mobassher Alam 12. Hasib al-Islam 13. Mohammed Russell 14. Umama Fatima 15. Anika Tahsina 16. Rawnak Jahan 17. Mehdi Islam, and 18. Takiuddin Ahmed.

Media and communication wing members are – 1. Rizwan Rifat 2. Abdullah Salehin Ayon 3. Tahmid al-Mudadir Chowdhury.

The authorisation wing will be headed by two – Sarjis Alam and Abu Baker Majumder.​

 

[Saif]

Showing August 5 revolution in bad light

The unarmed student-led mass upsurge that toppled the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5 stunned political observers everywhere. Appreciative of such an unprecedented movement by students of universities, colleges and even schools, most such observers are trying to comprehend the dynamics of the

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Showing August 5 revolution in bad light
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Aug 19, 2024 22:05
Updated :
Aug 19, 2024 22:05

Thousands of jubilant people cheer and wave flags at Shahbagh intersection in Dhaka on Monday, after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and left the country. Her departure defused tensions that had been rising during weeks of deadly demonstrations against the government Photo : FE photo by Shafiqul Alam

The unarmed student-led mass upsurge that toppled the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5 stunned political observers everywhere. Appreciative of such an unprecedented movement by students of universities, colleges and even schools, most such observers are trying to comprehend the dynamics of the street agitations that could unleash such tremendous youth power that traditional political party failed to demonstrate. But to all appearances, the Indian political observers and the media that reflect their views are not willing to see anything but anarchy and persecution of the Hindus and destruction of their properties and places of worship in thar earthshaking event. To them, the student-led mass struggle against the authoritarian pre-August 5 government in Bangladesh as one spearheaded by Muslim extremists whose only mission was to kill Hindus. But being the next-door neighbour of Bangladesh, they should have been able to understand Bangladesh, its people and their struggles better than the rest of the world.

Consider the deluge of falsehoods disseminated through the Indian media about imaginary atrocities unleashed on the Hindu community of Bangladesh. And there is also gullible audience eager to believe those lies without further scrutiny because those resonate with their own fears and prejudices. RumourScanner Bangladesh, a fact-checking or information verifying organisation, has found from its study on these fake messages, images and video clips that some 50 accounts on the social networking site X, formerly Twitter, were behind spewing disinformation about imagined Hindu persecution in Bangladesh in the wake of August 5 revolution. All those X account holders were operating from India. According to the experts surveyed for the World Economic Forum's 2024 Global Risk Report, India was ranked highest for the risk of misinformation and disinformation.

Joyojeet Pal, who is Associate professor of Information, School of Information at the University of Michigan, USA, says, 'There are three challenges with online dangerous speech and propaganda: sophistication, believability and virality'.

'The levels of polarisation and media distrust in India are such that there are pockets of citizens who are quickly willing to believe things about groups they see as antagonistic to their interests, so believability is already high'. When believability of such online disinformation and false propaganda is high in a society, their potential for getting viral is also higher. Add to that the use of advanced technology including AI to make the fake reports look and sound real. And such distortion of facts has been going on unabated since August 5 to the detriment of people-to-people as well as normal diplomatic relations between the two close neighbours.

Clearly, the intention of those involved in false propaganda was to show the struggles and achievements of the people of Bangladesh in a bad light before the international community. But an investigative report by the BBC published recently has proved that most of such videos showing atrocities being committed against Hindus in post-Hasina Bangladesh shared online were false. "And while reports on the ground have found violence and looting impacted Hindu people and properties, far-right influencers in neighbouring India shared false videos and information that gave a misleading view of the events', the BBC report maintained.

In fact, post-August 5 developments in Bangladesh provided the far-right and Islamophobic quarters not only in India, but also in other parts of the world including Britain with an opportunity to churn out false and distorted stories of violence and murders committed by what they term the so-called Islamic Jihadists, though the movement launched by Bangladeshi students was completely secular in nature. Tommy Robinson, a far-right British influencer, who had been sharing unverified videos on post-August 5 events, claims there is 'a genocide of Hindus' in Bangladesh. However, BBC investigation found his claim and video clips shared online in support of his claim to be baseless.​

 

[Saif]

After the euphoria, the concerns

An incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful Bangladesh.

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After the euphoria, the concerns

VISUAL: STAR

The young people of the country deserve to be congratulated, their heroism celebrated, and their momentous accomplishments acknowledged. Their dedication, bravery and sacrifices to free the country from a deeply unpopular regime justly earned them the affection, admiration and gratitude of the people.

However, the pace and abruptness of these unprecedented developments must give us pause. After all, the actual movement and the fall of the regime occurred within only one month of turmoil and bloodshed. Moreover, the political and psychological legacy left by the previous regime heightens some concerns.

First and foremost, some resentments and frustrations of the people that had accumulated over several years, some sentiments of revenge and retribution among those who had suffered injustice, and some opportunists simply taking advantage of a fluid situation, have all led to various incidents of violence and vandalism. While some of this is expected, it must be resisted.

This lawlessness is particularly worrisome since some people have ransacked government (read people's) properties, destroyed revered historical markers relating to our Liberation War, and attacked minority communities simply because they are vulnerable. Given the fact that the police themselves remain discredited and demoralised, such crowd gangsterism becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy and invites disaster.

Even though people like Gustave Le Bon, Sigmund Freud, Nobel Laureate Elias Canetti and others have studied the psychology of mob behaviour, the phenomenon remains unclear. There are theories of deindividuation when people supposedly lose their sense of individual identity, personal responsibility or moral authority; of people demonstrating "bystander effects" that attract random participants by appealing to their sense of enhanced power; of people responding to simplistic, exaggerated and overly sentimental rhetoric, signs and codes; or of people becoming emboldened to do what they can get away with in the culture of impunity typically associated with the fall of an autocrat.

These groups must be calmed and contained as soon as possible, or it will become progressively difficult to do so later. It is uplifting to witness courageous and committed young people volunteering to combat such sinister forces and protect public order and minority communities. The worst seems to be over. But the anxieties persist, made sharper in the age of social media, AI bots, and deep fakes. One hopes, like Lincoln, that "the better angels of our nature" will prevail. But let us not forget that he himself was killed.

The problems Bangladesh faces today are surely daunting. But an incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful country. The youngsters have fulfilled their responsibilities. Will the elders find the moral clarity, economic foresight and political courage to fulfil theirs?

Second, the rapidity and drama with which the situation unfolded made it impossible for any "day after" scenarios to emerge. There was no time or opportunity to develop any ideals, programmes, goals, or a clear direction forward. So, the situation remains fraught and fragile. This becomes more problematic in the moral vacuum, personal distrust and social erosion that resulted from years of misrule and mischief, and the hyper-polarised political environment that had been created.

Moreover, the very idea of "politics" had been devalued and mangled by successive regimes. The classical notion of "politics" was built around concepts of public service, the common good, and the people's welfare. But in Bangladesh it had become a sport (the word "khela" had been routinely used) in which cynical, cunning and self-serving people desperately and shamelessly pursued the acquisition of personal profit and power.

Additionally, the guardrails that protect democracy, such as independent judiciaries, robust parliamentary oppositions, vigilant media houses, lively civil society platforms, or autonomous institutions of higher education had all been overwhelmed, finessed out of existence, or serially threatened and undermined.

Similarly, political parties that exist are not based on policies, ideologies, or democratic practices. They merely represent some patron-clientelist configurations where some sycophantic and opportunistic followers cluster around a "leader" who demands a cultish reverence (which is often shown in extravagant and comical ways).

The two organised parties which had held power in the past are burdened by their own history of bad governance, electoral abuses, violence against opponents (including assassination attempts and farcical cover-ups like Joj Miah), ethical lapses, constitutional tinkering, endemic corruption, and nepotistic family control. Other parties are shadowy and limited in their organisation and appeal. The consequent political vacuum in the country looks like an abyss staring back at us.

Even the "deep state" in Bangladesh has been debilitated by inefficiency, bribery and political patronage. Access to almost all government services (which are people's rights) as well as the regular functioning of the economy, became contingent upon payments to syndicates, power brokers and toll collectors, and navigating through serpentine and costly procedures and paperwork.

The economy, suffering from inequality, inflation, unemployment, low forex reserves, and a banking sector in shambles, was turned into a vast kleptocracy of the lumpen-bourgeoisie and their bureaucratic enablers. It embraced the principles of predatory capitalism and concentrated on maximising aggregate indicators of growth and undertaking some dazzling megaprojects, while disregarding quality-of-life indicators such as human rights, civil liberties, ecological conservation, economic justice, gender equity, and public safety. To reset directions and craft policies that would prioritise the interests of the people would be a complex undertaking.

Third, the previous regime is down, but not out. They may lie low for the time being, some may have fled, some arrested, some may announce retirement. But they are still there. The fact that so many of their followers are armed, are used to violence and, unlike most other parties, have a mass basis, makes their presence more ominous.

However, while we condemn their behaviour that brought us to this sad situation, that party's role in our national movement for independence and, particularly, the charismatic presence of Bangabandhu in that struggle, cannot be dismissed or minimised. One must demonstrate some maturity and objectivity in separating his inspiring leadership at that critical juncture in our national history from his obvious missteps and misjudgements later.

Along the same lines, weaponising "muktijuddher chetona," the hawking of "official" narratives by claiming exclusive partisan ownership over the war (even pitting freedom fighters against the people e.g., through "quotas") and interjecting the hateful word "Razakar" during the current unrest, were all crude and cruel interventions. However, the war itself, and the artefacts and relics of that glorious period of our national history, must not be tarnished but appreciated, preserved and studied (hopefully by scholars and researchers and not slogan-mongering party hacks).

Finally, the "India factor" lurks around the corner. There is no doubt that India deserves our respect and gratitude for its actions and sacrifices in our Liberation War. It had harboured millions of our refugees, hosted our government in exile, provided weapons and training to our freedom fighters, offered critical diplomatic support and, eventually, fought a war with Pakistan in which 3,843 of its soldiers were killed and 9,851 wounded.

The initial relationship was predictably rosy but soured later. Many bilateral issues (such as trade barriers, market access, illegal immigration, borders, water sharing, etc) could all be resolved if good faith negotiations between equals had been pursued. However, India's patronising attitudes and the insensitivity to the interests and demands of Bangladesh increasingly forced the latter to look weak and dependent. In popular perception, India turned from a "good neighbour" into a "neighbourhood bully."

The relationship became more complicated through the unleashing of communal forces in India through the ascent of proto-fascist forces pursuing a Hindutva agenda of supremacy and intolerance which led to systematic assaults on India's Muslim history and heritage, as well as the rights and practices of minorities. This would affect the people of Bangladesh as well.

Finally, India left the impression that it was more interested in cultivating a relationship with a particular "party" than with the sovereign country that international law and norms dictate. This politicised its role and compromised its neutrality. And since that "party" stands discredited in Bangladesh today, and its leader has found protection in India, the situation becomes murkier yet.

The problems Bangladesh faces today are surely daunting. But an incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful country. The youngsters have fulfilled their responsibilities. Will the elders find the moral clarity, economic foresight and political courage to fulfil theirs? The nation wishes them success and waits in hope and prayers.

Dr Ahrar Ahmad is professor emeritus at Black Hills State University in the US, and director general of Gyantapas Abdur Razzaq Foundation in Dhaka.​

 

[Saif]

Beacon of inspiration in South Asia

BANGLADESH experienced a political earthquake when prime minister Sheikh Hasina resigned following a nationwide protest in August led by the youth, particularly the Gen-Z generation. The ‘Gen-Z Revolution’ shares striking similarities with the Arab Spring, underscoring the powerful impact of...

www.newagebd.net

Beacon of inspiration in South Asia
Zulker Naeen 21 August, 2024, 00:00

A scene of student protests in Dhaka on July 18. | New Age/Sony Ramany

BANGLADESH experienced a political earthquake when prime minister Sheikh Hasina resigned following a nationwide protest in August led by the youth, particularly the Gen-Z generation. The ‘Gen-Z Revolution’ shares striking similarities with the Arab Spring, underscoring the powerful impact of youth-driven movements in bringing about significant radical change in Bangladesh. Like their Arab counterparts a decade earlier, these uprisings were a consequence of widespread dissatisfaction with corrupt governance. The youth of Bangladesh were driven by frustration with autocratic governance, economic inequality, and a desire for greater political freedom.

This revolution in Bangladesh — from a demand seeking reforms in the quota system for public services to a call for Hasina’s resignation — marks a pivotal moment in the country’s political landscape, driven by a generation of young people disillusioned with the status quo. This movement emerged from deep-seated frustrations over economic inequality, job scarcity, and a political system that many viewed as corrupt and unresponsive to their needs.

Sheikh Hasina’s leadership since 2009 has brought significant economic advancement but has also been characterised by an authoritative governance style. The July Revolution, driven by the increasing dissatisfaction of the unstoppable youth, abruptly terminated her 15-year rule over Bangladesh. Textbooks are being rewritten to downplay the darker periods of the Hasina regime, and there is a concerted effort to build a new national identity that reflects the aspirations of a younger generation.

The ‘Bangla Spring’ symbolises a youth-driven movement aimed at challenging the existing political order, advocating for more democratic governance, and rejecting the autocratic practices of the ruling regime. It reflects a broader trend of youth engagement in political activism, with students at the forefront of pushing for systemic change.

This metaphor of rebirth and renewal traces its origins back to the Arab Spring in the early 2010s, where the collective voice of the youth reshaped the future of entire nations. As we witness the recent youth-led revolution in Bangladesh, the question arises: Is this another ‘spring’? And why does the metaphor continue to resonate so powerfully?

Back to history, the Arab Spring began in December 2010, when Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor, set himself on fire in protest against police corruption and ill-treatment. The suicide in public ignited a wave of protests that spread throughout Tunisia to other Arab countries, including Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and Bahrain.

Similarly, in South Asia, widespread ‘Gota Go Gama’ protests in Sri Lanka in 2022 exemplify the immense power of youth in driving political change, much like the recent uprisings in Bangladesh. As Sri Lanka’s economic crisis deepened in 2022, it was the nation’s youth — primarily university students — who became the backbone of a sustained, months-long movement that ultimately toppled the government.

Recently, on August 9, the ‘Reclaim the Night’ marches across West Bengal, sparked by the horrific rape and murder of a young doctor, have resonated deeply with the spirit of the student-led revolution in Bangladesh.

Now that the movement has spread to other Indian cities like Delhi, Hyderabad, Mumbai, and Pune, it goes beyond just a demand for safety; it represents a broader political awakening, a sort of ‘spring.’ The echoes of Bangladesh’s revolution have crossed borders, fuelling a fire in West Bengal that challenges not only the status quo but the very fabric of a system that has long failed its people. Recently, the Pakistan Student Federation issued a stern condition to the government, demanding the release of former prime minister Imran Khan by August 30. This demand follows closely on the heels of the successful student-led revolution in Bangladesh, which has sparked similar sentiments among the youth in Pakistan. This student marches from Islamabad’s D Chowk to bring true freedom, signalling a potential escalation in the already tense political landscape of Pakistan. Undoubtedly, the echos of the Bangla Spring are influencing and inspiring youth movements in neighbouring countries and their political discourse. Perhaps a growing sense of solidarity and shared response among South Asian youths makes them increasingly willing to challenge established political orders in pursuit of justice and freedom.

It was clear when the Kolkata students marched and organised sit-in demonstrations with banners expressing solidarity with Bangladeshi students who were laying chests in front of the gun while protesting against the government in July. Undeniably, this solidarity shown by Kolkata’s youth was a powerful testament to the boundless spirit of youth who stand united against oppression and injustice. It has illustrated that the voice of students knows no borders when it comes to demanding rights and challenging any discriminatory systems.

After this dramatic fall of the Hasina regime, the ‘Bangla Spring’ represents more than just a moment in Bangladesh’s history; it has become a beacon of inspiration for young populations in neighbouring countries like India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. The Bangla Spring may very well be the catalyst for a new wave of uprisings across South Asia, as the seeds of revolution are already being sown in fertile soils with discontent. Students and young activists in India have taken to the streets to protest policies they believe undermine democracy and secularism. A growing youth demographic in Pakistan is increasingly demanding systemic change, challenging the status quo with unprecedented vigour because of economic stagnation and political instability. Similarly, in Sri Lanka, young people have been at the forefront of protests against economic mismanagement and political corruption, echoing the spirit of the Bangla Spring in their demands for a new political order.

As young people across the region unite in their demands for a more just and equitable future, they are collectively reshaping the narrative of their nations, signalling that the spirit of the Bangla Spring is alive and spreading, poised to redefine the future of South Asia. Now, it is a clear picture of the streets where the humid air will reverberate with the powerful chants of ‘We want justice,’ a cry that transcends mere slogans to become the very anthem of the march. The streets will be alive once again with the march of students, their faces aglow with the light of mobile phones, candles, and flaming torches. Carrying the national flag with pride, they will stand united, hand in hand, and their voices will be amplified by the auspicious sound of conch shells, a call for justice that echoed through the daylight and night.

Under the cover of umbrellas or soaked by the rain, they will continue their march — a symbol of unwavering determination. Despite the gridlock late at night, the streets won’t contain the tide of marchers. Such a sea of humanity is not an ordinary protest — it is a collective awakening, a powerful testament to the enduring spirit of a people united in their pursuit of justice and change. Similarly, the Bangla Spring, the new dawn of revolution, marks a pivotal chapter in South Asian history, where the youth of Bangladesh became the torchbearers of a revolution — marching to the streets, armed with nothing but their convictions and a desire for change with the spirit of spring — a season of hope, resilience, and transformation. As we watch the events unfold in Bangladesh, it is clear that this movement has the potential to reshape not only its own country’s political landscape but also inspire similar movements across South Asia. Whether this is a new ‘spring’ or just a revolution, one thing is certain: the youth of Bangladesh have made history, and their actions will reverberate far beyond their nation’s borders.

Zulker Naeen is a research coordinator at the Centre for Critical and Qualitative Studies, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

A liberation for Bangladesh, a lesson far beyond

AS A Malaysian who has frequented Bangladesh over the last 15 years, there is a huge soft spot in my heart for this country. Over more than a decade, I have come to love Bangladeshi people, food, culture and language; I can now even speak some Bangla! (well, basic Bangla which is probably...

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A liberation for Bangladesh, a lesson far beyond
Raudah Mohd Yunus 23 August, 2024, 00:00

| New Age/Md Saurav

AS A Malaysian who has frequented Bangladesh over the last 15 years, there is a huge soft spot in my heart for this country. Over more than a decade, I have come to love Bangladeshi people, food, culture and language; I can now even speak some Bangla! (well, basic Bangla which is probably equivalent to the fluency of a 3-year old Bengali kid). This gradual familiarisation with Bangladeshi culture and people has led me to become somewhat well-versed in the country’s history and politics.

From the 1971 war to the recent mass student protests that have finally liberated Bangladesh from Sheikh Hasina’s autocratic grip, my concern for Bangladesh and its future is very much similar to that I had grown for Egypt, where I had spent six years of my early adulthood studying medicine at its Alexandria University. In Egypt, I had seen the good and the evil. For six consecutive years, I revelled in the relentless beauty of the Mediterranean Sea, and enjoyed street foods like kushari, ta’miyya, and the ful-falafel sandwich. I made numerous unforgettable friendships with the locals, from classmates in the campus to the bawwab at the apartment building where I lived. At the same time, I witnessed horrendous atrocities committed against Egyptians, especially students and young people. Despite the widespread political suppression and a palpable climate of fear, Egyptian youth take to the streets every now and then, and were often met with tear gas and bullets from the Egyptian special force known for their brutality.

Frankly speaking, I cannot remember how many times I saw clashes between students and these special forces in our campus and heard news about medical students being arrested, or someone’s father or brother imprisoned. Such was the heavy price Egyptians paid for speaking the truth and demanding something better for the nation. There were days when I had to squeeze myself in between protesters and the security personnel through the university main gate, to catch my classes without being late. In those times, I often felt remorseful that I could not stand with my classmates or help amplify their voices. I was mostly a bystander trying to make sense of the complexities of Egyptian politics with my young and naïve mind.

Given my earlier acquaintance with Egypt, encountering Bangladesh gave me a distinct sense of déjà vu. In Dhaka, the super-crowded streets and impossible-to-navigate traffic reminded me of Cairo al-zahma (‘Cairo the Crowded’). My favourite scenes of green paddy fields and children splashing in ponds along the rail line from Dhaka to Brahmanbaria often brought my memories back to the peaceful life in rural Egypt where farmer families work hard to make ends meet. Some of the rural Egyptian children made it to prestigious medical schools across the country only to be bewildered by the marginalisation of poor students and favouritism shown to their peers from the upper class. What is more, they received harsh treatment if they dared voice out opinions that challenged the authority.

Indeed, this was a common experience among millions of Bangladeshi youth, especially the poor who travel from remote villages to study at universities with the hope of securing better jobs and improving the lives of loved ones left behind. Universities that were supposed to be centres for learning and intellectual development turned out to be a nightmare for innocent students. Many of them soon learnt that these were the places of discrimination, suppression of democratic voices and movements, and outright brutality by political forces such as the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of Hasina’s Awami League.

All these bring memories from my days in Egypt. On one sunny day my friends and I were strolling in a park in Egypt’s Abu Qir when a car suddenly pulled up next to us. A young gentleman jumped out, asking where we were from. Perhaps it was obvious from our looks that we were not locals. When we told him about our country of origin, he started pleading for advice on how he could get out of Egypt and travel to a foreign land for better life opportunities. I was taken aback by his sudden, emotional plea. But what I gathered from him was trauma, pain and anger. That man represented the anguish of the millions of young Egyptians who felt betrayed by their country.

Bangladeshi youth were no different. The high out-migration of young people, along with a severe brain drain phenomenon that the country has been grappling with, was a testament to the collective frustration experienced by the young generation, especially those with education and skills. Needless to say, these precious gems would be more than happy to serve the country if given the right treatment and opportunity. Alas, Sheikh Hasina and her colleagues in the government were more interested in ill-gotten wealth and power than investing in their own fellow countrymen!

An ever-present vibe I observed and picked up through conversations with locals in Dhaka and rural areas in Bangladesh that I have visited was fear and intimidation. Among the university students, a recurrent topic was bullying and physical aggression by the BCL members while regular families spoke of kidnapping, forced disappearances and looting of properties by the Awami League’s officers and supporters. Most of these atrocities were committed with impunity. As a result, ordinary people are often too scared to voice their genuine views or make any political demands, because they know too well the consequences.

Back home in Kuala Lumpur, through Bangladeshi expatriate friends, I heard every now and then that someone they knew escaped to Malaysia because of the persecution and harassment they had faced for speaking out against Hasina’s misrule and corruption. As such, I have seen how these forced migrations had caused intense suffering and torn families apart. Some of these victims had to spend years in hiding, moving from one place to another. Some even died in exile, never to see their loved ones again. These stories came from my very own personal encounters; thus, I wonder how many Bangladeshis shared the same fate and fled to other parts of the globe to avoid torture and death.

In July 2024, Bangladesh’s streets erupted in violence. To be more accurate, the country was gripped by mass student protests sparked by a discriminatory job quota system. The protests had begun as a peaceful movement until they were met with violence and attacks by security forces and thugs linked to the ruling party. Protesters were deterred by bullets and tear gas, causing a total of nearly one thousand deaths. The number of those who would die later due to injuries is unknown. Among the resistance icons was Abu Sayed, a 25-year-old student from Rangpur who was shot point-blank by the police despite standing with his arms open to show that he did not intend any harm to people around him. To aggravate Sayed’s families’ grief, the then prime minister Sheikh Hasina subsequently staged a two-minute drama of ‘deceitful compassion’ where she invited Sayed’s family to her office, hugged his mother and shed tears, promising her proper investigation and justice. Of course, the two-minute meeting was full of photographers to make sure the drama was well-captured and memorialised, making the whole nation aware of Hasina’s ‘empathy and benevolence’.

Nonetheless, as violent crackdowns continued, Bangladesh’s students defied death and persisted. The increasing brutality against them only strengthened their resolve. On July 18, the government shut down the internet and all communication networks. The next day, the government deployed the military and imposed a national curfew. Bangladeshi friends who live around me in Wisconsin were anxious and panicking over their inability to communicate with loved ones back home. Some of them narrated heart-wrenching stories of how sick family members were unable to move or access health care because of the curfew. For the ill needing urgent medical attention, living through the sudden movement restriction was like waiting for a death sentence.

The protests grew wider and more intense, to the point that police and army officers could no longer bring themselves to use further violence to quell the gatherings despite the ‘shoot-on-sight’ order. On August 5, Hasina fled Bangladesh after a 15-year misrule that has deeply scarred the nation. A wave of shock, relief and joy swept over Bangladesh and beyond. It was a moment of triumph and liberation! Three days later, 2006 Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus arrived in Dhaka to lead Bangladesh’s interim government. There was a mixture of emotions — hope and joy, along with sorrow and grief for the martyrs who had given their lives but did not witness this spectacular victory.

Thirteen years ago, on February 11, 2011, Hosni Mubarak was ousted following 18 days of intense protests throughout Egypt. His 30-year autocratic rule ended with the uprising of Egyptians who could no longer tolerate a brutal, corrupt and undemocratic government that served not its people but vested interests of the elites and western powers. Similarly, Hasina’s 15-year dictatorship and oppression ended with the revolution of Bangladeshi youth who could no longer endure political injustices and socio-economic discrimination that favoured the few at the expense of the many. The political landscape in Egypt has taken different turns and directions since then. But we pray and hope that the liberation of Bangladesh from the grip of Hasina and Awami League will be a reason to celebrate for a very long time.

As I watch political scenes in Bangladesh unfold, I can only pray hard that this liberation brings lasting peace, justice and prosperity to the millions of Bangladeshi youth who had risked their lives to fight for a better future. May this liberation protect and uplift the oppressed, poor and destitute — from the rickshaw wallas who illuminate the vibrant streets of Dhaka to political refugees living in exile and away from their loved ones. This defining moment is a lesson and reminder to all the corrupt and tyrannical regimes out there. Particularly, Bangladesh’s revolution is a warning to the genocidal Israeli occupation that their day of reckoning is coming soon.

Raudah Mohd Yunus is a public health specialist. She is currently a postdoctoral researcher at the Medical College of Wisconsin, USA.​

 

[Saif]

Revolution before us

Neither students nor the masses who joined them in the political upheaval that reached its peak on August 5, could, perhaps, comprehend what they had done. That the entire nation owned August 5 and was ready to defend it at all costs was evident when people in every neighbourhood held all-nig

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Revolution before us
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Aug 25, 2024 22:39
Updated :
Aug 25, 2024 22:39

Neither students nor the masses who joined them in the political upheaval that reached its peak on August 5, could, perhaps, comprehend what they had done. That the entire nation owned August 5 and was ready to defend it at all costs was evident when people in every neighbourhood held all-night vigils to drive back robbers as the police fled their stations immediately after the fall of the past government. It was a case of total collapse of law and order. But the nation was united behind students to face any challenge to their independence and national sovereignty. The armed forces also rose to the occasion and stood beside the people.

Students managed road traffic in absence of traffic police and the people were with them heart and soul. Now the nation is facing another daunting crisis, the most devastating flash floods in the last 31 years inundating 11 north-eastern and south-eastern districts. About 5 million people are affected. Will the hardly three weeks old interim government of Dr Yunus be able to tide over this new crisis? But Dr Yunus and his team of advisers are not alone in meeting this new challenge. The whole nation is behind him. Whether natural or manmade, Bangladeshi people have shown in every case of past calamities their resilience against all odds. As always, such resilience is demonstrated through national unity. Consider the long queues of people with food, water, clothes, cash money at the TSC (Teacher-Student Centre) of the Dhaka University where some three thousand students of the anti-discrimination student have been busy collecting and packaging donated relief goods for the flood-stricken people. Notably, their relief goods collection started since August 21 following the heavy rainfall the days before in the Indian state of Tripura causing floods there. To make matters worse, in the face of building water pressure, the Dumbur dam on the Gumti river in Tripura was reportedly opened resulting in the sudden deluge in the downstream areas of Bangladesh. The student volunteers have also been coordinating the entire relief operation through their committees formed across the nation for the purpose. The energy of the nation's youth is now unleashed for the humanitarian cause of helping the flood-hit people. All such activities are taking place spontaneously without seeking any state support. So, the government can now plan, and it has already been doing so, how the yet bigger challenge of post-flood rehabilitation work could be met. On this score, the Chief Adviser, Dr Muhammad Yunus, on Saturday, August 24 met NGO leaders and stressed utilising their expertise as well as local knowledge (the experiences of the people in their centuries-long struggle against floods and other natural disasters) to carry out relief operation and post-flood rehabilitation in a coordinated fashion. At this point, he did not fail to bring to the notice of those present on the occasion the extraordinary scene at the TSC.

We also witnessed such concentration of youthful energy when they braved the bullets of the autocracy and brought about its downfall. But they would not have been able to achieve that had their brothers, sisters, parents, friends and neighbours not also joined them.

It is a kind of unity among the people that the nation saw during the Liberation War in 1971. So, it is not just accidental that people are calling August 5 as the day of second independence.

People, in the thick of street fights, skirmishes and brawls during what were later known as revolutions of the past, did not know they were becoming part of history. The famished Paris mob that stormed the Bastille fortress on July 14, 1789 did not know that their action would go down the history as one that would change the world. So were the working class women protesting against food shortages and high prices of bread in the streets of Petrograd (then-capital of Russia) on February 23, 1917 unware that they were part of revolution that not only changed the Russian, but the world history.

In fact, no revolution is ever planned. It happens. History later records it as a revolution. So, was what happened on August 5, 2024 a revolution? Being the part of the fast-changing events, it is not possible to grasp what the totality of it is looking like. Will it all reach a successful end?

Many revolutionary events in history did not end up in the expected way in the long run. The republican revolutions of 1848 in Europe, for instance, finally ended not with a bang but a whimper. So, did many others. This is how some historians would like to describe great social and political events of the past. Success or failure of a revolution is in the mind of the historian who narrates it. Revolutionary events, like storms, take place to bring about a radical change in the existing order of things.

The August 5 was such a revolutionary moment with the potential to change the oppressive structure of the state and governance. Hence was the outburst of protesting masses, whose energy was unleashed to destroy the existing order-the physical structures and the narratives of that oppressive order. So did a few instances of excesses were seen to have been committed to the chagrin of some cultured members of society. True, the people who bring about changes are in the thick of things. They have no scope to observe and analyse events from a distance and come up with a value judgement ---if those were good or bad!

But if excesses do not happen, that is anything but revolution. It is up to history to judge that.​