[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

We must not allow sacrifices of the martyrs to go in vain

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus sends out a message on the occasion of a month since the student-led mass uprising in Bangladesh.

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We must not allow sacrifices of the martyrs to go in vain
The chief adviser’s message on the occasion of a month since the student-led mass uprising

Thousands of students and people from all walks of life have made the ultimate sacrifice for one of history’s most glorious revolutions. FILE PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

On September 5, we celebrated a month of achieving Bangladesh's second independence. Thousands of students and people from all walks of life have made the ultimate sacrifice for one of history's most glorious revolutions.

They have ended the 15-year-long dictatorial rule of the fascist Sheikh Hasina, under whose leadership a brutal massacre was conducted. Sheikh Hasina has fled, leaving behind a corrupt state and a fragile economy. It is our responsibility to establish our Bangladesh in her full glory.

I am remembering those brave young people, workers, day labourers, and professionals who embraced death as they stood up against a heinous, murderous, fascist power. I am remembering the journalists killed during the movement. I convey deep respect to everyone who was martyred in this revolution.

I also want to salute the thousands of people who were wounded, who were hit by deadly force to be left crippled for life, and those who lost their eyes.

Last month, when I was given the responsibility of leading the interim government, I was inspired by the selfless sacrifices of Abu Sayed, Mugdho, and every known and unknown martyr, to take the responsibility despite all my limitations.

I am committed to fulfilling the dream of building a new Bangladesh that our young revolutionaries have ignited in the hearts of the people of the country. Inspired by the sacrifices of the martyrs, we want to change the course of history. We want to commence a new era.

You took an oath to realise your dreams. Your dreams, painted across the walls of urban and rural localities, still stand in front of us adorned in colours.

During the revolution, you discarded your studies to spend your stressful, sleepless nights with friends and then in the daytime, you said your final goodbyes to each other and took to the streets to resist a cruel regime. At the end of the revolution, you guarded the religious minorities of the country and their places of worship, and took the responsibility of directing traffic across the country. I know your studies have been harmed. So now, it's time to get back to your studies. Schools, colleges, and universities have been reopened. I urge you to go back to class and to your campuses. Because we need a well-educated and skilled generation to take home the fruit of the revolution.

It has only been a month since the interim government took responsibility. Despite that, we have undertaken important reform work to achieve the true goals of the revolution. Our first task is to ensure justice and accountability for the killings of July and August. To conduct a free and neutral investigation into the massacre under the leadership of the United Nations, we have invited the United Nations Human Rights Office. They have come to the country and started their work.

Other than this, I have also spoken to leading international law experts with a view to creating a tribunal of international standards to try those individuals accused of crimes against humanity during the months of July and August. We want to extradite the murderers and bring back the money that corrupt individuals, politicians, and bureaucrats have embezzled during the time of the autocrat. We have started discussions with specialist institutions to this end.

One of our prime responsibilities is to ensure the free treatment of the thousands who were severely injured during the revolution. Countless young students have lost their eyesight because Hasina's criminals shot rubber bullets aiming for their eyes. We will try with everything we have to bring back the light in their eyes. We are continuously working to create a full list of those martyred and wounded. The main list is ready. Now, we are collecting information on those whose bodies have been taken far away to make the list complete. Work is at the final stage to create a foundation to cover the expensive treatment of the hundreds of wounded who need long-term treatment, as well as to look after the families of the martyred. We will never forget those whose martyrdom gave us the birth of a new Bangladesh.

Recently, we signed the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. As a result, we are internationally committed to ending the "disappearance culture" established by the dictator. Separately, we are forming a commission to investigate each and every incident of enforced disappearance in the 15 years of the fascist rule. Our hearts go out to the families who have spent years after years in painful wait for their missing fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers.

The Aynaghars ("Houses of Mirrors," where victims of enforced disappearance were kept) have been closed down. We will soon be able to know about the suffering and pain of our brothers and sisters who were victims of enforced disappearance.

I presented a report of the important reforms our government has undertaken in my address to the nation at the end of last month. We are continuously meeting political parties, editors, political leaders, members of civil society, and diplomats. They are supporting our reform initiatives. We have been overwhelmed by the massive support we have received from our foreign friends. Our brave and patriotic expatriates have also been engaged in the efforts to reform the nation. I want to thank them all sincerely.

On this memorable and sad occasion, I want to express endless gratitude to the families of every martyr and every person who was wounded. I will invite the family members of every martyr to the capital, and I will meet them within a few days. I want to assure them that we will never betray the dreams of the martyrs.

We are moving forward. Now, our big challenge is repairing the damage created by misrule and dictatorship. For this, we need unity and coordination.

We all take the oath to not allow, as a nation, the blood of the martyrs and the sacrifice of our wounded brothers and sisters to fail at any cost. We will never allow the opportunity they have created for us to slip out of our hands. On this memorable occasion, we vow again to create the Bangladesh of their dreams.

May the Almighty help us all.

Prof Muhammad Yunus is the chief adviser of the interim government of Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

Don’t stop till the job is done

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged key organisers of the student-led mass uprising to continue their efforts to make students’ and the people’s dream of a new Bangladesh come true.

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Don’t stop till the job is done
Yunus tells organisers of student movement about building a new Bangladesh

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus talking to organisers of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement at the Chief Adviser’s Office in the capital’s Tejgaon yesterday. Photo: PID

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged key organisers of the student-led mass uprising to continue their efforts to make students' and the people's dream of a new Bangladesh come true.

"For the dream, they sacrificed their lives. We must make that dream a reality. We have no other way," he said.

Not only are the people of the country eager to build a new nation, but Bangladeshis all over the world are also saying they want to be a part of realising that dream, he said at a views-exchange meeting with the students at the Chief Adviser's Office yesterday.

Yunus said when he sees graffiti on the walls, it surprises him. "How did the students come up with so many words? There were no poets, no writers, and no scholars behind them," he said.

Warning the students about possible attempts to sideline them from their nation-building work, he said, "Don't give up until the job that you have taken up is done."

Students have awakened a wave; they have also awakened the youth of the whole world. "The youth of other countries also say they want to learn about us because they need this in their country too," Yunus said.

He urged the students to write to him at least once a month so that the government does not go off course.

Bangladeshis did not get such an opportunity to rebuild the country since its birth. All should remain alert so that no one can take this away, he said, adding that if the opportunity was taken away, there would be no future for Bangladesh.

Nearly 150 students from various educational institutions who played key roles during the uprising were present at the event.

Briefing reporters at the Foreign Service Academy later on, Chief Adviser's Special Assistant Mahfuj Alam said issues related to Bangladesh-India relations came up in the discussion.

"Sir [Prof Yunus] repeatedly said that we need good relations with our neighbours, but it needs to be based on equity, honour, and justice."

MOB JUSTICE, VIOLENCE

During the views exchange, a student leader pointed out that stopping the incidents of mob justice is one of the main tasks of the interim government.

If mob justice spreads to different parts of the society, then a vested group can infiltrate and definitely try to destroy the students' unity, the leader said.

Mahfuj in the briefing said, "The government has a clear position regarding mob justice. It can in no way be allowed."

He said the law would take its own course when it comes to vigilante justice like attacks on mazars, temples or any person.

"People will not 'try' anyone who was part of the fascist government or the sycophants that surrounded it. Rather, they will remain alert so that there is no compromise [with the perpetrators] and no one betrays the martyrs and those who got injured," Mahfuj said.

He said that the government has already taken some stern actions and will take even stronger measures.

RELIGION IN POLITICS, CASES

Another student leader said religion has consistently been used as a political tool and this has to be stopped.

Mahfuj after the event said a student of BRAC University raised the issue of religions being used in politics.

He said there were no discussions regarding the matter as it involved the constitution and other institutions.

When a reporter asked about the large number of people being accused in cases, Mahfuj said that a due and standard process should be followed when a case is filed.

CAMPUS POLITICS

A woman student leader said a teacher or a student may have their own political ideology, but on campus they should only be a teacher or a student.

"We don't want to see any politically labelled teacher or student on campus," she said.

Mahfuj said many agreed in the meeting that the kind of student politics Chhatra League and Awami League practised should not return to campuses.

There is an ongoing debate and discussion at educational institutions about what kind of politics the students and teachers can be involved in on campus. The government will decide only after seeing a consensus reached through that debate, he said.

OTHER SUGGESTIONS

The student leaders recommended that the interim government take steps to control the price of essentials and ensure voting rights of the people by reforming the Election Commission.

They said the government should focus on increasing agricultural production by providing subsidies to farmers, lowering the costs of pesticides, diesel, and farm equipment.

They also expressed concerns over brain drain; border killings; and law and order.

A student leader appealed to Yunus to take steps so that those who go abroad for postgraduate and PhD degrees return home afterwards.

Another student called upon the interim government to allocate a greater portion of the GDP to the education sector.​

 

[Saif]

Keep up efforts to build a ‘dignified, unique’ Bangladesh

Yunus urges students; tells them to utilise the unique opportunity to build the nation

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Keep up efforts to build a ‘dignified, unique’ Bangladesh
Yunus urges students; tells them to utilise the unique opportunity to build the nation

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus today urged students to keep up their efforts to build Bangladesh as a "dignified and unique" country.

"Don't give up until the task that you have taken up is completed," he told students at an opinion exchange meeting at the Chief Adviser's Office, alerting them that there might be efforts to isolate them from their nation-building work.

Prof Yunus said Bangladesh did not get such an opportunity since its birth, and there will be no further if this opportunity is missed.

"We will build a dignified and unique country together. People from the whole world would come and learn from you," he said, urging the students to keep up the momentum.

"Don't come out of your efforts," said Prof Yunus, adding that this is a collective dream that needs to be materialised.

The Nobel Laureate said the young people who brought an opportunity to build a new Bangladesh are on the right track.

"You are right and transparent in your thoughts. Write to us at least once in a month. Remind us repeatedly if anything remains undone. Keep reminding us so that we do not deviate from materializing your dream," he said.

Prof Yunus said the students have done an extraordinary job and they have no intention to deviate from doing whatever is necessary for building a new Bangladesh.

He said the students did not only create a wave of change in the minds of people in Bangladesh but also people around the world.

Prof Yunus said this is the beginning of a new world led by the youth. "You are history."

Much of Dhaka has turned into the graffiti capital of the world. Young students and children aged as young as 12-13 have painted the walls of this 400-year-old city with images of a new democratic environment-friendly Bangladesh.

"This surprised me. Each word written on walls is important," said Prof Yunus, adding that, "We are here to build a new Bangladesh. We need to do it together."

Nearly 150 students from various educational institutions who played key roles on the ground were present at the opinion exchange meeting held at the Chief Adviser's Office.

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam said there was an emotional atmosphere and they could not hold tears at one stage when Prof Yunus was sharing his experience based on what he saw in his eyes.

Advisers Farida Akhter, Dr Asif Nazrul, Syeda Riawana Hasan, Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud were also present at the programme.​

 

[Saif]

Fragile unity and challenges ahead

REVOLUTIONS or mass uprisings have been both triumphs and tragedies in history’s archives, marked by the inevitable complexities that follow the overthrow of entrenched regimes. The July uprising, which brought down the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule, is no exception. This student-led...

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Fragile unity and challenges ahead
HM Nazmul Alam 19 September, 2024, 00:00

REVOLUTIONS or mass uprisings have been both triumphs and tragedies in history’s archives, marked by the inevitable complexities that follow the overthrow of entrenched regimes. The July uprising, which brought down the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule, is no exception. This student-led uprising was hailed as a watershed moment for democracy in Bangladesh, one that revived the country’s aspirations for freedom and justice. Yet, only months after the fall of the AL regime, cracks have begun to appear in the unity that drove this monumental change. Disillusionment, political infighting, and opportunism now threaten to undermine the spirit of the July uprising.

The July uprising was a united front of students, civil society, and political activists who stood firm against the dictatorial excesses of the Awami League. Similar to the aftermath of the American Revolution, where the promise of liberty was tested by the challenges of nation-building, Bangladesh now faces its own set of trials. The founding political leaders of the United States — George Washington, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson — experienced deep frustration as their new nation struggled to find order amidst chaos. As historian Gordon Wood noted, the revolutionaries feared that their grand experiment in democracy might fail due to uncontrolled disobedience and disorder.

The same fear hovers over Bangladesh today, as those who fought for liberation from dictatorship now find themselves involved in conflict. The power vacuum created by the fall of the AL has allowed former members of the Bangladesh Chhatra League and the Bangladesh Juba League — the student and youth wing of the deposed regime — to reemerge under false pretenses. Camouflaged as the members of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, these individuals allegedly engage in extortion and land grabbing, tarnishing the reputation of the BNP and the broader spirit of the uprising. These actions, alongside other examples of similar misconduct, threaten to erode public trust in the very forces that once promised a new era of transparency and justice.

This disunity comes at a perilous time. The staunch supporters of the ousted regime are actively working to discredit the uprising and destabilise the current interim government. Their strategy is clear: create chaos in key sectors, such as the industrial workforce and the bureaucracy, while exploiting divisions within the forces that led the uprising. Such tactics are designed to reverse the hard-earned gains of the uprising. As in the post-American Revolution period, when currency instability and conflicting land claims sowed discord, Bangladesh too is witnessing turmoil in its political and economic fabric.

One of the most poignant literary references to such post-revolutionary chaos can be found in Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities (1859), where the revolutionaries, initially united in their fight against oppression, fall prey to infighting, vengeance, and paranoia. The reign of terror, which followed the French Revolution, serves as a stark reminder of how revolutionary unity can unravel into violence and lawlessness. Bangladesh, standing at a similar precipice, must heed this historical lesson.

In this context, the BNP now faces the critical task of preserving unity within its ranks. The main leaders of the party have been vocal in their condemnation of any unlawful actions carried out in the name of their party. Their stance is clear: the BNP will not tolerate opportunistic elements using the uprising for personal gain. This sentiment echoes the words of John Adams, who once lamented the ‘turbulent’ aftermath of the American Revolution, worrying that personal greed and unchecked ambition could destabilise the Republic.

Despite the BNP’s efforts to distance itself from those who engage in criminal activities, some elements within the interim government and rival political factions are reportedly quick to blame the party for any unrest. This political opportunism has deepened the divisions that already threaten to fracture the spirit of unity demonstrated during the July uprising. In this fragile period, the interim government must ensure that justice is not only done but also seen to be done. Swift, decisive action against those responsible for post-revolutionary lawlessness is imperative.

However, this responsibility does not rest on the interim government alone. Political leaders from all sides must prioritise national unity over individual gains. The BNP, despite the allegations it faces, has made important strides by committing to the formation of a national government if and when in power. This commitment to inclusivity mirrors the sentiments of the American revolutionaries, who, despite their differences, recognised the need for a strong central government to stabilise their fledgling nation. The US Constitution, ratified in 1787, was a product of compromise and collective vision. Similarly, Bangladesh must foster an inclusive, representative administration to ensure stability and long-term prosperity.

The upcoming elections will serve as a crucial test of this unity. Should political leaders allow divisions to fester, they risk repeating the mistakes of post-liberation Bangladesh in 1971, where infighting and factionalism led to decades of instability. History, both from Bangladesh and abroad, teaches us that the aftermath of mass uprisings is often fraught with danger. As Dickens famously wrote, ‘It was the best of times; it was the worst of times.’ For Bangladesh, the outcome depends on the choices its leaders make today.

The interim government’s role in state reform is also paramount. Without comprehensive changes to the judiciary, law enforcement, and other key institutions, the next government may inherit a system prone to the same abuses that characterised the AL regime. Much like the Constitutional Convention of 1787, which sought to rectify the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation, Bangladesh must embark on a path of institutional reform to safeguard its democratic future.

Yet, amidst the political wrangling and opportunism, the spirit of the July mass uprising must not be forgotten. At its heart, the revolution was about reclaiming the people’s right to freedom and justice. To let this hard-fought victory slip through their fingers due to political opportunism would be a tragedy. As Benjamin Rush wrote in despair in 1812, ‘America’s revolutionary experiment on behalf of liberty… will certainly fail.’ Bangladesh’s revolutionaries must ensure that their own experiment does not meet the same fate.

In conclusion, the July mass uprising was a momentous victory, but its future remains uncertain. The cracks in unity demonstrated recently must be addressed before they deepen into fissures that could unravel the entire movement. Bangladesh stands at a crossroads: it can either solidify its democratic gains through political cooperation and institutional reform, or it can allow disunity and opportunism to undo the progress achieved. The stakes are high, and the lessons of history are clear. It is now up to the nation’s leaders to ensure that the hard-earned gains are preserved for future generations.

H M Nazmul Alam is a lecturer of English and modern languages at the International University of Business, Agriculture, and Technology.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising and some thoughts of Bangladeshi-Americans

NRBs gathered in New Jersey showed eagerness to assist in the journey of the new Bangladesh forward.

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July uprising and some thoughts of Bangladeshi-Americans
Snapshots from my latest conversations with Gregorians in North America

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

It was heartwarming to see so many old faces from my school days as I attended the second reunion of Gregorians of North America (GNA), held on September 14 in New Jersey, US. Nearly 200 former students of St Gregory's High School, Dhaka had gathered—many with their spouses—from all over the US and Canada. The occasion was one of reconnecting, reminiscing, and exchanging stories, anecdotes and school-era jokes.

The most popular session was the one that focused on how Bangladesh became a Test-playing cricket nation and how we can build upon our recent extraordinary Test performance against Pakistan. There were many exciting comments regarding the ongoing tour of India. The session consisted of our early cricket heroes such as Syed Ashraful Huq, Yousuf Babu, and Khandker Nazrul Quader Lintu. Their personal stories of early failures, hard work and subsequent success entertained us all. Their experience-rich comments about the future kept everyone in rapt attention, and we wondered why these three stars are not a part of our present-day cricket board leadership, especially when so much is changing at the top echelon of professional bodies.

Shahudul Haque—Gullu to us all—kept the audience enthralled with the story of his incredible journey of walking more than 15,300 miles in 1,425 days (three years and 11 months). Starting on October 17, 2020, he has walked every day. Everyone gasped when he recounted that on rainy days, when he cannot go out, he climbs up and down the stairs of his 13-storey apartment building for as many times as it takes to complete his daily routine of minimum five miles. The circumference of Earth is nearly 25,000 miles, of which he has already passed the halfway mark. For someone who is in his mid-70s, such a feat of endurance made him an instant hero of the event.

Where I had the privilege to speak was a session titled "Recent events in Bangladesh and how NRBs can contribute in the changed circumstances." Everyone spoke in a manner that proved that they had been following the recent uprising most meticulously. There was a lot of pride in what has been achieved, accompanied with some feeling of uncertainty, especially regarding the various forces that appear to have been unleashed. While there were some uncertainties regarding reforms, a consensus seemed to prevail about significantly trimming the prime minister's power and fixing their tenure in office to a maximum of two terms.

Generally, they all welcomed the toppling of the previous government, having suffered the humiliation for many years of belonging to a country whose reputation of corruption, nepotism, abuse of power, cronyism and unaccountable power surpassed most others of similar category. Like us at home, the non-resident Bangladeshis (NRBs) also wondered how the Sheikh Hasina government could become so unbelievably oppressive. Whatever details I could provide led to more in-depth questions about the gradual deterioration of the quality of governance in Bangladesh. They wondered, like many of us, how a powerful regime like Sheikh Hasina's could fall so fast, so completely, and so ignominiously. People's power made it all possible.

They marvelled at the bravery of our young. Though we have a long tradition of student movements, the distinguishing feature of the July uprising was the participation of younger generation—boys and girls from schools. The Road Safety Movement in 2018 seemed to have broken the psychological barrier of school students to get down to the streets to fight for what they considered to be right and just. Families descended on the streets of Dhaka with courage and bravery that armies get trained for years to master. What amazed the NRBs over and over again were the stories of these students, spontaneously joined by the general public—including women, the elderly and young mothers—who continued to demonstrate for days in spite of police killing. To defy the trigger-happy police, Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) and Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) members for days, without the slightest sign of fear or despondency, will surely be recorded as one of the most courageous mass demonstrations in the world. The GNA audience were mesmerised by how young women participated with equal intensity and courage as their male counterparts in the daily battles with police and other forces. This marked a new phase in their sense of equality, confidence and self-assertion.

The NRBs' faith in Prof Muhammad Yunus seemed boundless. They all believe that he is the right person for the job, but are worried as to whether he would be given the time he needs for the reforms people expect him to deliver. The length of his tenure remained a lively topic throughout the event.

Fear was expressed about too many issues being placed on the agenda and that the enormity of the task would jeopardise the interim administration's success. The formation of six commissions with highly competent leaders somewhat assuaged the fear among the audience that substantive work could now be expected in some crucial areas.

What impressed me immensely was the eagerness of the NRBs gathered in New Jersey to assist in the journey of the new Bangladesh forward, which has so suddenly emerged. The whole session was full of questions as to how these highly qualified Bangladeshi-Americans could help in the progress of their country of origin. There were professionals from academia, business, engineering, IT, medicine, pharmacy, and even cybersecurity. Those present mostly consisted of mid- to high-level professionals who, though they were US citizens, were eager and willing to partake in the new journey. They cited the example of their Indian counterparts who have made significant contributions to India's march forward. They greatly regretted the failures of past governments to tap into these highly trained intellectual resources, who have now gained strength and momentum and are ready to assist their country of origin. What they eagerly wanted was a dependable conduit—either governmental or through the private sector—to channel their professional and academic expertise to their counterparts in Bangladesh. Given Prof Yunus's experience and personal expertise on knowledge transfer, these NRBs feel confident that their long-cherished wish is on the verge of being fulfilled.

My brief exposure and fragmented exchanges convinced me that it's high time we established professional linkages with these highly qualified and equally highly motivated NRBs, and use their knowledge to assist in our journey in the potential-rich 21st century. We need to urgently set up some sort of mechanism to make use of this huge reservoir of talent that can help transform Bangladesh.

If knowledge is the most important resource of future advancement, then the global citizens of Bangladesh origin are eagerly waiting to serve Bangladesh in providing that crucial resource. It has been foolish on our part not to seek their collaboration earlier. It will be self-defeating, in fact suicidal, to continue in that direction.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Daring to defend the anti-discrimination student movement

I don’t think Hasina fell because of my writing. Then why do I continue writing?

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Daring to defend the anti-discrimination student movement

In the second half of that month, the government sought to eliminate the student protesters by means of point-black shootings, airstrikes from helicopters, and other violent measures. PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

Some academics, journalists, and writers – including myself – started discussing the formation of the Forum for Bangladesh Studies in 2021. It was officially launched on October 10, 2022. Under the aegis of the forum, I have had the opportunity to work closely with some of the best minds of our country, including Dr Badiul Alam Majumdar.

My involvement with the forum helped me become more conscious of what was going on in Bangladesh during the 15-year autocratic rule of Sheikh Hasina. It also brought on a greater sense of urgency for me to write and publish opinion pieces devoted to issues of the day and taking the Hasina regime to task. However, I was perturbed by the fear of possible government reprisals.

After reading some of my essays critical of the Hasina government, one well-meaning academic friend once cautioned me saying, "Be careful." I understood his message but couldn't stop writing. His kind concern for my safety increased my respect for him.

I shared my disquiet with Dr Badiul Alam Majumdar. He told me that if we stopped writing, that would embolden the repressive regime, and if many of us wrote, it would be difficult to hound us. He added that he kept raising voice against the regime's abuse of power to have a clear conscience. I agreed with him and increased the volume of my writing on what was happening in Bangladeshi politics.

However, despite conquering my fear of government oppression, I faced an unforeseen backlash from some of my friends. My stance against Hasina's autocracy alarmed them. Like me, they hated the regime to the bone, but they didn't consider it safe to maintain communication with someone who wrote columns in newspapers criticising the government. They went to the extent of not answering my phone calls; I respected their standpoint and stopped calling them.

I failed to see much logic in being overly fearful. I thought it was important to show solidarity with brave and courageous writers and journalists who were writing from within Bangladesh against the oppression of the Hasina regime. Moreover, the newspaper editors who published my writings were all based in Bangladesh. So, living thousands of miles away from the country, why should I be scared?

Then came the anti-discrimination student movement in July 2024. In the second half of that month, the government retaliated against student protesters with point-black shootings, airstrikes from helicopters, and other violent measures. Generally, an invading force uses such methods to subdue an occupied nation. But our own security forces used them, killing and maiming thousands of our students in broad daylight. Images of the cruelty of the government were unbearable—they had a chilling effect on me.

At the same time, I was outraged to see that some of our intellectual elites were providing the government with intellectual cover-ups while our unarmed students were being killed en masse. I understood their security concerns, but I thought that, at the very least, they could remain reticent. Instead, they chose to abet autocracy. Perhaps, they thought that the regime would survive that wave of protests, and with time, things would once again fall in place.

Fear gripped all of us—in Bangladesh and in its diasporas. We could not anticipate such a murderous venture by the Hasina government to quell the student movement, nor did we comprehend the logic behind using our security forces to kill our young people in the streets.

I suffered from a severe Hamletian dilemma. Shall I or shall I not write about the government repression on the student protesters? I wanted to write, but would my writing jeopardise the security of my family members in Bangladesh?

The internal battle within me was raging. It was between my urge to rise to the occasion and write, and the need to consider the safety of my family members back home. As I was torn between these two dominant emotions, on July 30, I received a request from a journalist friend in Dhaka, saying, "If possible, please write a piece on the student movement… we all are distraught. But we are speaking."

This message reinforced the severity of the situation and the urgency to speak up. It boosted my morale and I shed my fear and hesitancy. I immediately produced two essays: "What leads students to defy death on streets" (New Age, July 31, 2024) and "Violence against students: A tribute to our little John Hampdens" (The Daily Star, August 4, 2024).

I had written "Hasina's memory-killing tactics and our responsibility" before Hasina fell and fled on August 5. But it was published afterwards, on August 7.

In post-Hasina Bangladesh, my friends who sought to distance themselves from me now answer my phone calls. Intellectual elites who were hesitant until the morning of August 5 to call a spade a spade now describe Hasina's rule as an autocracy. Many of them who adjusted with the Hasina regime then are now readjusting with the interim government and with the new reality. They lived a comfortable life then and may continue to do so now. But I have great respect for those writers and journalists who wrote and spoke against Hasina's autocracy at a time when others didn't consider it prudent to do so. I feel morally privileged that I belong to this group.

Did my writings over the years shake Hasina's autocracy? Did they help mitigate the sufferings of people in Bangladesh and elsewhere? Or, did they embolden the anti-discrimination student movement? The answers to all these questions are probably in the negative. Not many writers are able to make a material difference in society through their writings. In "In Memory of WB Yeats," the Anglo-American poet WH Auden writes in reference to his fellow litterateur WB Yeats's literary career:

Mad Ireland hurt you into poetry.

Now Ireland has her madness and her weather still,

For poetry makes nothing happen.

Yeats's literary career was largely inspired by the troubles in his country, Ireland, and he wrote to fix them. But, according to Auden, Yeats's work didn't do much to establish peace and stability in Ireland. Likewise, Hasina's autocracy got me out of my academic cocoon and motivated me to write essays on down-to-earth issues that affected Bangladesh during her rule.

But I don't think Hasina fell because of my writing. Why do I continue writing then? To use Dr Badiul Alam Majundar's words, I write out of a need to have a clear conscience. Regardless of its effects on others, my writerly commitment to noble causes serves as a source of moral comfort for me. This is very important to me. I would like to end this essay with a relevant quote from the 11th century polymath Ibn Hazm, "It seems unworthy of a man to consecrate himself to something which is not higher than he is…. One who consecrates himself to lesser things is like one who trades a precious gem for a pebble."

Dr Md Mahmudul Hasan is professor of English at International Islamic University Malaysia.​

 

[Saif]

Rethinking nationalism in the wake of Bangladesh’s uprising

If the country is to rebuild itself, it must establish a national identity that unites its citizens and secures the future of the state.

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Rethinking nationalism in the wake of Bangladesh’s uprising

In the wake of the 2024 uprising, the intellectual debate on nationalism will be crucial for shaping Bangladesh’s future. FILE PHOTO: PALASH KHAN
The 2024 student-public uprising in Bangladesh has reignited a critical conversation about the future of nationalism in the country. At the heart of this dialogue is the tension between Bangalee nationalism, born from the liberation movement of 1971, and Bangladeshi nationalism, which has been touted as an alternative. Mahfuj Alam, an important figure in the uprising, recently gave a speech that has gone viral, advocating for a shift towards a more inclusive and tolerant form of nationalism. His reflections raise important questions about the relationship between the state, society, and the individual.

Mahfuj's core argument revolves around the necessity of reforming the individual's moral character in order to reform society, which, in turn, would lead to the reform of the state. This bottom-up approach emphasises the role of personal ethics and social change as the foundations for state-building. His call for a shift away from Bangalee nationalism towards a more inclusive framework challenges the foundational ideas that have shaped Bangladesh's identity since its independence. However, this argument overlooks the complex interplay between the state and the individual and risks simplifying the path towards a more inclusive and tolerant nation.

At the crux of Mahfuj's speech is the idea that the state cannot achieve moral integrity unless its citizens first cultivate their own. This line of thinking, while partially valid, turns the relationship between the individual and the state into a one-way street. It places the burden of societal reform on the individual, ignoring the role the state itself plays in shaping the moral and ethical fabric of society. Institutions, laws, and policies are powerful tools that can influence and guide individual morality. In fact, they are often essential in protecting individuals from moral decline.
A more nuanced understanding of the relationship between the state and the individual would recognise it as a two-way process. The state has a responsibility to foster an environment where individuals can develop moral character, but individuals alone cannot bear the full burden of societal reform.

Mahfuj's vision of state-building through a bottom-up approach, where individuals and society must first be reformed before the state can be rebuilt, reflects a classical liberal view of the state. Yet, this approach can be slow and unwieldy, especially in moments of crisis like the present one. In contrast, top-down approaches, where the state takes the lead in reforming institutions and shaping societal norms, are often more effective in times of urgency. While bottom-up reform is necessary for long-term change, moments of national crisis demand swift, decisive action that only top-down approaches can deliver.

A key point in Mahfuj's argument is his call for a paradigm shift in nationalism, moving away from the secularism of 1971-based Bangalee nationalism towards a new, more inclusive form of nationalism. He critiques Bangalee nationalism as exclusionary, arguing that the rise of authoritarianism in Bangladesh has its roots in the secular framework established after 1971.

According to Mahfuj, the secularism that underpinned Bangalee nationalism failed to be inclusive, leading to the alienation of various social and religious groups, and, ultimately, contributing to the rise of authoritarianism. His vision is one of a secularism that embraces all ideologies and paths in the land, one that is more inclusive and reflective of the diversity within Bangladesh.

This critique of Bangalee nationalism is not without merit. The secularism that was central to the formation of Bangladesh in 1971 has indeed struggled to accommodate the full spectrum of identities within the country. However, Mahfuj's proposed solution—a complete break from Bangalee nationalism—raises its own set of questions. Is it truly necessary to abandon Bangalee nationalism altogether? Or can secularism be reinterpreted in a way that addresses its historical shortcomings while preserving the legacy of the liberation struggle?

The issue at hand may not be Bangalee nationalism itself but rather how its principles have been applied. If secularism were reimagined to include the diverse perspectives that Mahfuj envisions, it could serve as the basis for a reformed Bangalee nationalism that is capable of guiding Bangladesh through its current challenges. This would eliminate the need for a wholesale shift to a new nationalist paradigm, such as Bangladeshi nationalism, and would allow for a continuity of national identity rooted in the history of the 1971 struggle.

Mahfuj's call for a new nationalism, framed as a shift from Bangalee to Bangladeshi nationalism, also invites scrutiny. Can Bangladeshi nationalism, with its focus on a broader national identity, truly offer more inclusivity than a reformed Bangalee nationalism? And if it does, is that inclusivity inherent to Bangladeshi nationalism, or is it simply a matter of how secularism is applied within it? If the latter is true, then Bangladeshi nationalism may face the same application-based challenges as Bangalee nationalism has over the past five decades.

These debates are crucial as Bangladesh emerges from the 2024 uprising. The question of nationalism, and whether a paradigm shift is necessary, cannot remain unanswered for long. If the country is to rebuild itself, it must establish a national identity that unites its citizens and secures the future of the state.

The paradigm shift in nationalism that Mahfuj advocates may indeed be necessary, but only if it can offer a more inclusive, tolerant, and pragmatic path forward. Whether this shift comes through a reformed version of Bangalee nationalism or a move towards Bangladeshi nationalism remains to be seen. What is clear, however, is that any solution must address the deep-rooted issues of redemption, reconciliation, and inclusion that have haunted Bangladesh since 1971.

In the wake of the 2024 uprising, the intellectual debate on nationalism will be crucial for shaping Bangladesh's future. The state must address questions of identity and belonging to rebuild effectively. Beyond the immediate crisis, the focus should be on creating an inclusive and cohesive national identity. As Mahfuj rightly notes, the failures of redemption after 1971 must not be repeated. Moving forward, the state must reimagine its role in fostering an inclusive society that reflects the aspirations of all citizens.

Kazi ASM Nurul Huda is an associate professor of philosophy at the University of Dhaka and holds a PhD in philosophy from the University of Oklahoma, USA.​

 

[Saif]

Can you ‘mastermind’ an uprising?

The July uprising is too seismic to be credited to any individual

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Can you ‘mastermind’ an uprising?
The July uprising is too seismic to be credited to any individual

The student coordinators had no choice but to declare an all-out movement against the government—it was the demand of the moment, not a pre-
designed plan. Photo: PID

The July uprising claimed the lives of hundreds of people, but resulted in a seismic shift in the history of Bangladesh. The movement was a perfect storm brewed by a number of contributing factors that all seemed to align as if by divine intervention, resulting in the ouster of Sheikh Hasina's tyrannical regime. Thousands of activists took to the streets—students, workers, professionals, and intellectuals alike. Each contributed in their own way. Why, then, is there this search for a "mastermind" behind the entire movement?

This search for a mastermind cannot be solely blamed on the media or overenthusiastic social media users. Even the interim government's Chief Adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus introduced Mahfuj Alam as the brains behind the movement at an international event—although Mahfuj himself refused to be called the mastermind, a fact even the chief adviser alluded to. This reminds me of a quote from Friedrich Hayek, who said that the curious task of economics (or social science) is to show people how little they know about what they think they can design. Hayek was wrong about many things, but one of his ideas has withstood the test of time: the concept of spontaneous order. Following the trend of classical liberal thinkers before him, Hayek believed that order could arise from spontaneity.

Many social norms are established not by the enforcement of explicit rules but spontaneously for the sake of efficiency. I believe social movements follow a similar logic.

A social movement is shaped by many factors, with a plethora of internal and external actors playing their part. The July uprising was no exception. It is true that there was an organisation providing a backbone to the movement, with stellar leadership initiatives and a distribution of responsibilities that contributed to its success. When one group of leaders was picked up by security forces, another stepped up to guide the movement. The well-defined demands that evolved over time were also crucial in bringing the movement to its one-point conclusion.

The formulators of these demands and those who pushed for the final anti-regime stance deserve commendation. But calling them the "brains behind the movement" seems like an exaggeration. In fact, most leaders were and still are unknown to the public, aside from the two advisers to the interim government and a few recognisable faces repeatedly shown in the media. Many other leaders worked behind the scenes and deserve credit. But the point of my article is to argue that attributing credit to specific individuals is misguided.

In social science research, we often say that there are "spandrels"—developments that occur as a byproduct of various factors, including time and context, almost by (sometimes fortunate) accident. These factors cannot be ignored. As many film directors and novelists would say, there are more characters in a story than just protagonists and antagonists. Sometimes, the setting or time itself becomes a character. In a similar manner, I believe the primary actor in the July uprising was not an individual but the city, the moment, and the momentum of that moment. As events unfolded, the movement evolved, and the perfect conditions were created for it to propel forward.

If any one individual had not been present at that moment, the movement would not have faltered—others would likely have stepped in to make decisions. We cannot know if those decisions would have been as prudent, but the momentum of the moment demanded nothing less than what transpired. Even if key individuals had been replaced, the outcome would likely have been similar, as the movement had already taken on a life of its own.

Many people are congratulating and valorising the efforts of the coordinators, who have become national heroes. But other actors also played crucial roles, such as activists of opposing political parties, journalists who risked their lives, and expatriates who helped raise international awareness of the situation in Bangladesh. Their contributions cannot be overlooked. More importantly, the spontaneous order that defined the movement should receive primary credit for its success.

Thousands of people participated in the movement, risking their lives, writing on social media, and demanding the removal of an autocratic regime even before the one-point demand came about. Such widespread enthusiasm cannot be engineered—it can only be sparked by the momentum of the moment, which was the primary factor in the movement's success.

I am not undermining the efforts that the student leaders put in. They deserve credit for stewarding the movement. But can they really be called the masterminds, as if they planned every step and pre-designed the entire movement in their minds? Nobody could predict what would happen the next day as the movement progressed. The decision of the student leaders to launch the one-point programme upon their release from the custody of security forces was certainly pivotal, leading thousands to march to Ganabhaban on August 5. But the moral legitimacy of the Hasina regime—if there was any—had entirely vanished the moment the first bullet was fired at students. The student coordinators had no choice but to declare an all-out movement against the government—it was the demand of the moment, not a pre-designed plan.

In fact, I can attest to private conversations with movement leaders who confessed they never imagined the movement would become so massive and succeed in toppling the government during its early days. Hence, attributing the role of masterminds to the leaders is a bit of a stretch. It is natural for us to seek order and reason in historical events that defy explanation, but to claim that there was a mastermind behind the July uprising is to oversimplify a complex and multifaceted movement.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising: The garage of compassion

On July 18, Dhanmondi-27 had become one of the flashpoints when protesters took to the streets to enforce the “complete shutdown” called by the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

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July uprising: The garage of compassion
2 doctors set up makeshift clinic, saved over 100 lives in 2 days

On July 18, Dhanmondi-27 had become one of the flashpoints when protesters took to the streets to enforce the "complete shutdown" called by the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

As violent clashes broke out between the demonstrators and police, who were backed by the then ruling party activists, the roads and alleyways had turned into a warzone, resulting in deaths and myriad injuries.

However, many of those wounded were too afraid to seek medical help.

Cops were stationed in front of a number of hospitals, causing a fear of arrest in anyone who sought treatment. Many were overwhelmed with patients while others refused to provide treatment. Some charged exorbitant fees.

Amid the bloody violence, two young doctors – Dr Worthy Jukhrif and Dr Hritisha Aktar Mitheen – stood out through their sheer sense of duty.

Not only did they open their doors to the wounded, they converted their building's garage on Satmasjid Road into a makeshift clinic.

Other residents provided ample support with supplies -- bandages, antiseptics, orsaline, mineral water, and even dry biscuits.

In two days, Worthy and Mitheen treated over 100 injured people -- turning the garage into a sanctuary for those who had nowhere else to turn.

DUTY TO THE PEOPLE

Around 2:00pm on July 18, as clashes went on, tear gas clouded the streets and nearby alleys, while rubber bullets were strewn almost everywhere.

"For the first time in my life, I heard the sound of bullets. Something I had only seen or heard on television was now frighteningly close," remembered Worthy, who is an OT assistant at Ibn Sina Hospital and also works as a health show presenter on a private television channel.

From her balcony, she saw injured students huddled below -- bloodstains on their clothes, terror in their eyes.

"I knew I couldn't just stand by."

She rushed downstairs, where fellow residents -- including Dr Mitheen, a former medical officer at Labaid Specialised Hospital -- had also gathered.

"Humanity is what I acted upon. I couldn't hold myself back," said Mitheen.

Residents of the building quickly brought whatever first-aid supplies they could find.

One of the doctors' neighbours, Khurshid Jahan, said, "Seeing them wounded only reminded us that we have children too and we must act.

"As ordinary people, we had very little to offer, but I tried to provide as much comfort to the students as was possible while Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen treated their wounds. My husband and daughter provided them with water, first-aid supplies and clothes."

At first, the wounded were being treated in the building's reception area. As more people arrived, two beds were set up in the garage and treatment continued there.

The doctors tried to provide utmost care – they removed pellets, dressed deep wounds and offered counselling.

Worthy said, "Some of the injuries were horrific – backs, heads and chests riddled with shotgun pellets lodged deep into their muscles. At least 10 victims came with pellets in their eyes."

The more severe cases were referred to trusted clinics that were willing to help, despite the fear of a ban hanging over their heads.

One particular patient left a lasting mark on Worthy – a 10-year-old who had come with pellets all over his body.

"I treated him and told him to go home. Within a few hours, he returned with another pellet in his forehead. I treated him again and he left.

"Later that day, some students showed me a video of the same boy, lying lifeless on the street … I didn't know his name, but I couldn't stop thinking about him … I still suffer from sleepless nights at the thought."

The next day – July 19 – the curfew was imposed and helicopters hovered overhead.

But the doctors continued treating the wounded – students, guardians, pedestrians, whoever came for help.

Even when supplies ran low, the building's residents reached out to pharmacy owners and managed more.

As word spread, more and more people came to this unlikeliest of clinics for help, when all other doors were slammed shut on their faces.

THREATS AND SURVEILLANCE

Around 8:30pm on July 19, police fired tear gas shells towards their building, situated on Satmasjid Road, forcing them to close the gates and bring students inside for safety.

Some men in civilian clothes questioned the building's guards, asking who the residents were and why they were treating protesters. They threatened them with dire consequences if anyone stepped outside.

"Initially, I didn't focus on the threats. But when they asked about us, I was a little nervous. We, however, carried on with our work … Our primary duty was to humanity. Whatever I did, I did for my country," Mitheen said.

Soon enough, residents began noticing drones flying above the building.

"Some colleagues from the media informed me that only three houses in the Dhanmondi area were under surveillance. Ours was one of them," Worthy said, adding that their phones were also being tracked by then.

Despite the anxiety and fear of arrest or interrogation, nothing could come in between these doctors and their sense of duty.

"I found peace knowing that I treated those students out of my duty to my profession. Helping others should be driven by humanity, not politics – blood carries no political identity.

"Despite everything, the gratitude from the students made it all worthwhile."

After the fall of the Sheikh Hasina-led government, the students who had found refuge in the garage returned on August 6. They thanked the two doctors for standing by them when no one else did.

For the new Bangladesh, Mitheen hoped that no one else would fall victim to oppression.

"We achieved victory for the brothers and sisters who gave their lives. The shedding of their blood must not go in vain."​

 

[Saif]

The psychological costs of an uprising

The systemic issues make even the admission of one’s struggles a minefield

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The psychological costs of an uprising

This idea that one must recover because another has done so is deeply troubling. It has the effect of inflicting even more suffering on those already grieving. VISUAL: SHAIKH SULTANA JAHAN BADHON

In July, a friend told me about a student protester whose anxieties had become so severe, they wanted to be captured by the police just for the ordeal to be over with. The anguish expressed in such a desire is just a snapshot of the horrors experienced by individuals who saw a state turn against them in one of the most harrowing times in the country's recent history.

Nawshin, a student of Dhaka University, remains traumatised, "I saw the police firing with my own eyes, and I saw the kids fighting back with bricks and sticks." She found herself having a panic attack multiple times, an occurrence that is not typical for her.

The fact that she lives alone, away from her family in Dinajpur, made her situation worse. "I felt like I was living in a prison," she said. Without much cash, bKash inactive, and limited messages owing to a small phone balance, her woes were exacerbated by the tightened claws of a state machinery grasping for power by any and all means. We know, but we forget to mention, the case of many such students who were away from family at that time. Have they been able to find, in a new city they might have begun to call home, even a sliver of the peace they previously found there? Is it possible now to return to dormitories that saw raids, arrests, and the violations of privacies—including by the unlawful checking of phones? Can peaceful sleep come, even months after, when the walls of one's room stopped being a protected place?

The disruption of one's intimate space violated in this manner has been one of the most defining moments of the entire period of uncertainty we lurched into; the violence outside was another. However, the period after August 5, has its own issues. Raian Abedin, a student of North South University who partook in the protests, said, "I just cannot come to terms with a reality that shifted this violently and quickly. I know so many who suffered deep, deep wounds from the protests. While I myself was fortunate enough to not face the worst, the smell of tear gas, and the fear of death still comes back to me like a memory. What we are doing now is forcing normalcy, because we have to keep living no matter what."

Presenting a "normal" face to society is a struggle many face even in peaceful times. In the aftermath of an emergency, this issue becomes intensely complicated. It is after all, an event of massive proportions that shot its roots through every household. Zareena (name changed for privacy), a mother of two sons, who participated in the uprising, shared, "Because of the surroundings I am in and the upper-class society we mingle in, the people I usually mix with were not too invested in the situation. I felt I could not fully express my feelings."

While parents such as Zareena have been supportive, many friends and family may unwittingly be insensitive to those suffering from the memories of July. Dr Mehtab Khanam, an honorary professor in the Department of Psychology at Dhaka University, and a practicing psychologist, discussed how harmful making comparisons can be, and stated, "A lot of hurtful and judgmental comments are often passed wherein a person who is struggling might be asked why they are unable to manage when someone else in the same situation has."

This idea that one must recover because another has done so is deeply troubling. It has the effect of inflicting even more suffering on those already grieving. It is an issue afflicting not just the young, but parents like Zareena who feels she was unable to do much in her neighbourhood. Seeing the children on the streets as akin to her own children, she stated, "I have survivor's guilt that I was alive when they were out on the streets risking their lives."

For many, the return to one's previous life has been made difficult by reminders of the violence that occurred in the places they regularly pass through. For Nawshin, the Dhaka University campus bore remnants of the violence, not just in her memory, but also in the graffiti memorialising the martyred. She said, "Each time I go to campus, I am reminded of the blood. Each time I enter, I feel like I am once again traumatising myself."

However, violence has not become just a memory after August 5. It has remained an active threat for many. Nawshin stated that she never needed to think about what she wears, but now, it is a fear she carries.

Raian stated, "The protests were not the end of the story. If anything, they gave rise to numerous new things to worry about." Recently, there have been accounts of mob lynchings and increased attacks on women, but also in the retaliatory acts of violence against family members of the Awami League and the increased threats posed against systemically vulnerable communities. Even protesters themselves are finding themselves in uncertain situations. Musharrat Hossain, senior lecturer at North South University, stated, "In the aftermath, we are seeing that many students at the frontlines of the uprising are now being sidelined. At all campuses, vested groups seem to be awaiting their chance to take their stakes from the movement. In many cases, those who had put their lives on the line are not getting their due recognition."

At present, even identifying the underlying issues poses challenges. For one, not enough time has passed for us to know if people have post-traumatic stress disorder. Moreover, the symptoms of distress and various stress disorders are numerous, ranging from disrupted sleep and changes in appetite to a loss of ability to function or control one's moods. Making the situation worse is the lack of understanding that the majority of the population has towards mental health issues. Dr Mehtab Khanam stated, "There remains a lot of stigma about mental health. A majority of the nation's citizens are unaware of matters regarding mental health." Locating the problem to one of the fundamental aspects of modern society, she states, "It is unfortunate that we have been unable to develop an education system that is able to make all aspects of a child flourish." She mentioned the lack of attention to vital life skills, whether communication, anger management or problem-solving, that remain untaught in our educational institutions.

In a similar vein, Musharrat Hossain said, "The reality is we have to help the students heal. Teachers have been altering their syllabi to accommodate student's needs after such a violent period. In truth, however, we have failed to truly help them heal. Trauma-informed teaching is something we are unable to do in our universities at this point."

The systemic issues, along with the more vicious cultural stereotypes surrounding mental health, make even the admission of one's struggles a minefield. Pair this with the mushrooming of individuals claiming to have solutions for those already in a vulnerable condition, and you have a recipe for the exploitation of people with mental health struggles. I asked Dr Mehtab Khanam how an individual can know for certain that the professional they are seeking help from is a legitimate entity, and she replied, "There is currently no way to know." The answer is distressing, but Khanam explains, "At present, while there is a licensing body for psychiatrists, no such body exists for psychologists. Further exacerbating the situation is the existence of very short courses that require only a small amount of training. For a psychotherapist and a psychologist, it is not only hours of training that are required, but application of knowledge and also personal sessions for the therapists themselves."

For people battling mental illnesses for a long time, the problems are far too intimately known. Many see the answer in individual efforts, but the fact might be that just as the uprising took thousands, this challenge too will take thousands to solve. In the case of Bangladesh, it would be millions. Musharrat Hossain lays the responsibility on institutions. She said, "There is no such thing as people's reform. It must happen at a policy level, and the current period is crucial for us to act in order to prevent the vulnerable from being further abused and marginalised."

What we do know however, is that in some ways, a cultural shift has occurred post-July, if not at a mass scale, then at least among many individuals who had previously not been as concerned about the state of affairs in the country. When asked if the uprising made her more protective of her children, Zareena said, "No, the courage has increased. If the need arises, I would expect my children to stand for what is right. Unless I am satisfied that the sacrifice of all those we lost was successful, I will remain concerned about the current situation of Bangladesh."

Aliza Rahman is a member of the editorial team at The Daily Star.​