[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

The urgent path out of Bangladesh’s current fragility

Having analysed the drivers of democratic transitions in the context of Bangladesh, on balance, we may still be on track to beat the odds.

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The urgent path out of Bangladesh’s current fragility

FILE VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The youth-led movement's victory in wresting freedom from an autocratic, kleptocratic government has provided us with the rare opportunity to once more rebuild our nation from scratch, to let go of all previous baggage and perforce political and geopolitical settlements on top of which Bangladesh had to be built. We have managed to raze all of that to the ground and before us lies a clean slate.

However, this is an urgent call to collectively be cognisant of the fact that our country right now is at an extremely critical stage. We are at this point, in essence, straddling a high, thin ledge, on one side of which lies the potential for a strong, sustained democratic Bangladesh and on the other side the spectre of crippled, failed nation.

Statistics, unfortunately, offer no solace either. In modern history, student-led movements against autocratic regimes have been one of the most studied phenomena in the realms of politics and political science. Here, statistics show that most countries fail to achieve that holy grail of a corruption-free, economically stable democracy, the vision of which generally fuels the movement towards its culmination of ousting an unpopular regime.

The post-movement results however fall anywhere along the spectrum of a country either descending into a failed state, reverting to some other form of autocracy, falling into military control, or managing to attain some success but by no means anywhere near the anticipated goal. Therefore, the aftermath of a successful movement is a political "Bermuda Triangle" so to speak—the potential to transition to democracy following many a successful uprising has disappeared exactly at this stage.

Post-movement, Bangladesh is at that fragile stage right now. If we want to beat the odds, and beat the statistics, we absolutely must draw lessons and do things differently. This begins with the urgent realisation that the key drivers of a successful mass uprising and those of a democratic transition post long-term autocracy are vastly different.

The necessary drivers of a democratic transition, following a successful movement include: firstly, a temporary governance arrangement that is non-partisan, socially legitimate with clear time limits and with predominant responsibility to establish an enabling environment for the conduct of free, fair elections; second, a set of functioning state institutions that would enable the conduct of democratic elections; third, existence of pro-democracy political parties with clear democracy mandates; and finally a regional environment that is supportive at the very least.

It is then important to analyse whether these drivers are present and if so, how do they manifest in case of Bangladesh? In case of their absence, what can be done as corrective action?

Taking the first driver, we have largely met that condition by establishing, in the immediate aftermath of an autocratic regime, a non-partisan, interim government that is socially acceptable to all stakeholders. Also fully understood is that the interim government will be working towards ensuring a democratic general election. However, a clear time limit and the overall terms of responsibility are yet to be set officially, which are essential elements of any temporary governance arrangement.
Nevertheless, concessions may be made for not being able to immediately set a time limit or terms of reference, as the interim government took reins at a time of deep national crisis. Almost all state institutions have been rendered completely dysfunctional through the infestation of the upper ranks with inept, corrupt, and partisan personnel.

This brings us to the second stated driver of having some key functioning institutions in place for the conduct of elections. It can therefore be argued that the reforms being undertaken by the interim government, which include the law enforcement agencies, judiciary, election commission etc., are required, at the very least, for democratic elections to be held.

Having said that, it will, however, be an astute move by the interim government to try and keep within a time frame of 120 days, as was stated in the erstwhile caretaker government provision. An interim arrangement, in juxtaposition to an active constitution of a parliamentary democracy, continuing for a longer period lays it open to several risks. These include the risk of being challenged on the legitimacy of reforms that cannot be directly linked to the formation of an enabling environment for general elections, the risk of being viewed as a form of power nab backed by the military (akin to the 2006-08 situation), consequently the risk of losing goodwill and support of international, pro-democracy allies; and perhaps most importantly, the risk of allowing our great "neighbour" time to re-insinuate itself once again and debilitatingly so, into our socio-political sphere.

Moving to the third driver, this requires the existence of pro-democracy political parties that in mandate and action engage to protect and uphold the principles of democracy. In functioning democracies, political parties tend to fulfil a vital intermediate role between citizens and the state, in which they represent citizens' interests and translate these into policy agenda. Now, in Bangladesh, most existing political parties will state that they are pro-democracy by "general intent," but by no means do they represent citizens' interests nor are they responsive to the needs. Instead, parties are engaged in struggle for power and access to state resources. In addition, 15 years of hostile rule by a single party have, to a great extent, left an impoverished political culture.

To ensure a sustainable democratic transition, we therefore need political parties that are explicitly pro-democracy, reinvigorated to embrace and represent the needs of the citizens, and eschew focusing on personal interests and patronage systems. Although there is no dearth of political parties in Bangladesh, extensive party reforms are necessary to have them surface into the modern era and serve as vehicles of representation. As such, one of the key tasks that the interim government should engage on, and this can relate directly to its primary mandate of electoral preparations, is to dialogue with political parties on required reforms, to be able to carry forward the kind of democracy we Bangladeshis are dreaming of.

The fourth and final driver, and perhaps the most significant one, is sadly one that is missing in case of Bangladesh: a regional environment that is supportive for a democratic transition. Through a combination of geography and an unrelenting, detrimental presence in our internal affairs, "regional" for us has unfortunately devolved into meaning only India. With Sheikh Hasina gone, perhaps for the first time in the history of Bangladesh, most serendipitously, India has been left with little or no "game" in this country, so to speak. However, we are indeed feeling the effects of this: the inexorable effort to try and establish the "invisible foreign hand" conspiracy theory, for instance, to not only undermine the agency of Bangladeshis to oust an autocracy but to also try and create a narrative for India to come (back) in to counter the "foreign hand."

Then there is misinformation vastly exaggerating the attack on minorities. Despite more and more reports to the contrary, India continues to overplay this in local and international media. These are all but a few post-Hasina shenanigans of our great neighbour. The situation has been aptly described by a well-known international publication which headlined, "India 'over-invested in Hasina and under-invested in Bangladesh' – and is now panicking"

If democratic elections are held timely, for the first time India might find itself in a position where it neither influences the ruling party nor the opposition. This is a highly undesirable state of things for India and something it would try its level best to remedy. Therefore, the longer we go without a democratically elected government, the more vulnerable we remain to overt and covert ploys being set in motion to regain a structure of influence in Bangladesh.

Having analysed the drivers of democratic transitions in the context of Bangladesh, on balance, we may still be on track to beat the odds. However, this will require us, both collectively and individually, to be aware of our current vulnerabilities and our fragility such that we can address these and make that transition to a democratic society, that so many before us have failed to achieve.

Mir Nadia Nivin is an international governance and institutional reform specialist having served previously with the UN in many countries around the world helping strengthen governance and implementing reforms.​

 

[Saif]

Developments for and against anti-discrimination movement

Bliss it was in that dawn to be alive But to be young was very heaven Nothing could be more appropriate for Bangladesh right at the moment than the famous couplet penned by William Wordsworth in his The Prelude. Living in this time is bliss because it opens the prospect of correcting the systemic

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Developments for and against anti-discrimination movement
Neil Ray
Published :
Sep 01, 2024 21:52
Updated :
Sep 01, 2024 21:52

Bliss it was in that dawn to be alive

But to be young was very heaven

Nothing could be more appropriate for Bangladesh right at the moment than the famous couplet penned by William Wordsworth in his The Prelude. Living in this time is bliss because it opens the prospect of correcting the systemic wrongs for the nation's journey to its cherished goal. But why is it heaven to be young? It is because they have dared to be the torch-bearers of not only an adventure on the road to a dream destiny but also challenged the rest of society to become their co-travellers.

First, they did it successfully by bringing down the government that represented the obsolete authoritarian system. Then, again they led from the front to take society at large along with themselves in mitigating the sufferings of the flood victims in the south-eastern areas of the country. The contrast between responses from either the deposed government or the people in general in the wake of cyclones Amphan or Remal and floods in Sylhet and those now witnessed is unmistakeable. Sure enough, the country's students or youths are the beacon of hope for the nation.

However, is the nation or even a section of students ready to go all the way with the mainstream students who have been striving to cement the student-people bond in favour of a social transformation for the better? Certainly, there are forces within the ranks of both students and people who joined the mass movement ---and those apart from anti-social elements ---inimical to the causes the leaderships of students are fighting for. The 200 or so higher secondary examinees who stormed the secretariat to wrest the cancellation order from the newly installed government expose a glaring deviation. Then the numerous incidents of resignation by teachers under duress in several cases accompanied with humiliation and physical assaults are contrary to the spirit of the anti-discrimination movement.

The other negative development is the non-compliance at the grassroots level of instructions issued by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) hierarchy. There are reports that immediately after the entrenched extortionist gangs of the deposed government left the scene, their places have been taken over by the counterparts from the BNP. Initially, students monitored some lucrative spots for extortion such as Karwan Bazar and the new batch of extortionists could be kept at bay. With the student vigilance gone on account of concentration to both study and collection of relief materials for the flood victims, the social parasites have staged a comeback.

However, one particular incident involving such a takeover of Shimulia ferry ghat (jetty), fish jetty and trawler jetty inspires hope. More than a hundred BNP lower ranked leaders and followers, reports a contemporary, brought out a protest rally demanding expulsion of the president and general secretary of the BNP unit of Kumarbhog, Louhajang for their capture of the jetties and starting extortion from there and shops all around. Remarkably, the general secretary of the Krishak League of Louhajang Upazila took lease of the jetties from the Bangladesh Inland Water Transport Authority (BIWTA) on payment of Tk 16,000,000 for the current fiscal year.

In this case, the protest has come from within the party rank and file. This bodes well for all including the interim government because such social resistances make its job easier. There is no alternative to banishing extortionists from society. Not only do they hold hostage business and transports but also contribute to stoking inflation. Now is the time to bring an end to this anti-social culture once for all. The social parasites ---no matter which party they belong to ---must not be given any space if the purpose is to create a society free of discrimination.​

 

[Saif]

We must not allow sacrifices of the martyrs to go in vain

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus sends out a message on the occasion of a month since the student-led mass uprising in Bangladesh.

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We must not allow sacrifices of the martyrs to go in vain
The chief adviser’s message on the occasion of a month since the student-led mass uprising

Thousands of students and people from all walks of life have made the ultimate sacrifice for one of history’s most glorious revolutions. FILE PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

On September 5, we celebrated a month of achieving Bangladesh's second independence. Thousands of students and people from all walks of life have made the ultimate sacrifice for one of history's most glorious revolutions.

They have ended the 15-year-long dictatorial rule of the fascist Sheikh Hasina, under whose leadership a brutal massacre was conducted. Sheikh Hasina has fled, leaving behind a corrupt state and a fragile economy. It is our responsibility to establish our Bangladesh in her full glory.

I am remembering those brave young people, workers, day labourers, and professionals who embraced death as they stood up against a heinous, murderous, fascist power. I am remembering the journalists killed during the movement. I convey deep respect to everyone who was martyred in this revolution.

I also want to salute the thousands of people who were wounded, who were hit by deadly force to be left crippled for life, and those who lost their eyes.

Last month, when I was given the responsibility of leading the interim government, I was inspired by the selfless sacrifices of Abu Sayed, Mugdho, and every known and unknown martyr, to take the responsibility despite all my limitations.

I am committed to fulfilling the dream of building a new Bangladesh that our young revolutionaries have ignited in the hearts of the people of the country. Inspired by the sacrifices of the martyrs, we want to change the course of history. We want to commence a new era.

You took an oath to realise your dreams. Your dreams, painted across the walls of urban and rural localities, still stand in front of us adorned in colours.

During the revolution, you discarded your studies to spend your stressful, sleepless nights with friends and then in the daytime, you said your final goodbyes to each other and took to the streets to resist a cruel regime. At the end of the revolution, you guarded the religious minorities of the country and their places of worship, and took the responsibility of directing traffic across the country. I know your studies have been harmed. So now, it's time to get back to your studies. Schools, colleges, and universities have been reopened. I urge you to go back to class and to your campuses. Because we need a well-educated and skilled generation to take home the fruit of the revolution.

It has only been a month since the interim government took responsibility. Despite that, we have undertaken important reform work to achieve the true goals of the revolution. Our first task is to ensure justice and accountability for the killings of July and August. To conduct a free and neutral investigation into the massacre under the leadership of the United Nations, we have invited the United Nations Human Rights Office. They have come to the country and started their work.

Other than this, I have also spoken to leading international law experts with a view to creating a tribunal of international standards to try those individuals accused of crimes against humanity during the months of July and August. We want to extradite the murderers and bring back the money that corrupt individuals, politicians, and bureaucrats have embezzled during the time of the autocrat. We have started discussions with specialist institutions to this end.

One of our prime responsibilities is to ensure the free treatment of the thousands who were severely injured during the revolution. Countless young students have lost their eyesight because Hasina's criminals shot rubber bullets aiming for their eyes. We will try with everything we have to bring back the light in their eyes. We are continuously working to create a full list of those martyred and wounded. The main list is ready. Now, we are collecting information on those whose bodies have been taken far away to make the list complete. Work is at the final stage to create a foundation to cover the expensive treatment of the hundreds of wounded who need long-term treatment, as well as to look after the families of the martyred. We will never forget those whose martyrdom gave us the birth of a new Bangladesh.

Recently, we signed the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. As a result, we are internationally committed to ending the "disappearance culture" established by the dictator. Separately, we are forming a commission to investigate each and every incident of enforced disappearance in the 15 years of the fascist rule. Our hearts go out to the families who have spent years after years in painful wait for their missing fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers.

The Aynaghars ("Houses of Mirrors," where victims of enforced disappearance were kept) have been closed down. We will soon be able to know about the suffering and pain of our brothers and sisters who were victims of enforced disappearance.

I presented a report of the important reforms our government has undertaken in my address to the nation at the end of last month. We are continuously meeting political parties, editors, political leaders, members of civil society, and diplomats. They are supporting our reform initiatives. We have been overwhelmed by the massive support we have received from our foreign friends. Our brave and patriotic expatriates have also been engaged in the efforts to reform the nation. I want to thank them all sincerely.

On this memorable and sad occasion, I want to express endless gratitude to the families of every martyr and every person who was wounded. I will invite the family members of every martyr to the capital, and I will meet them within a few days. I want to assure them that we will never betray the dreams of the martyrs.

We are moving forward. Now, our big challenge is repairing the damage created by misrule and dictatorship. For this, we need unity and coordination.

We all take the oath to not allow, as a nation, the blood of the martyrs and the sacrifice of our wounded brothers and sisters to fail at any cost. We will never allow the opportunity they have created for us to slip out of our hands. On this memorable occasion, we vow again to create the Bangladesh of their dreams.

May the Almighty help us all.

Prof Muhammad Yunus is the chief adviser of the interim government of Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

Don’t stop till the job is done

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged key organisers of the student-led mass uprising to continue their efforts to make students’ and the people’s dream of a new Bangladesh come true.

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Don’t stop till the job is done
Yunus tells organisers of student movement about building a new Bangladesh

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus talking to organisers of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement at the Chief Adviser’s Office in the capital’s Tejgaon yesterday. Photo: PID

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged key organisers of the student-led mass uprising to continue their efforts to make students' and the people's dream of a new Bangladesh come true.

"For the dream, they sacrificed their lives. We must make that dream a reality. We have no other way," he said.

Not only are the people of the country eager to build a new nation, but Bangladeshis all over the world are also saying they want to be a part of realising that dream, he said at a views-exchange meeting with the students at the Chief Adviser's Office yesterday.

Yunus said when he sees graffiti on the walls, it surprises him. "How did the students come up with so many words? There were no poets, no writers, and no scholars behind them," he said.

Warning the students about possible attempts to sideline them from their nation-building work, he said, "Don't give up until the job that you have taken up is done."

Students have awakened a wave; they have also awakened the youth of the whole world. "The youth of other countries also say they want to learn about us because they need this in their country too," Yunus said.

He urged the students to write to him at least once a month so that the government does not go off course.

Bangladeshis did not get such an opportunity to rebuild the country since its birth. All should remain alert so that no one can take this away, he said, adding that if the opportunity was taken away, there would be no future for Bangladesh.

Nearly 150 students from various educational institutions who played key roles during the uprising were present at the event.

Briefing reporters at the Foreign Service Academy later on, Chief Adviser's Special Assistant Mahfuj Alam said issues related to Bangladesh-India relations came up in the discussion.

"Sir [Prof Yunus] repeatedly said that we need good relations with our neighbours, but it needs to be based on equity, honour, and justice."

MOB JUSTICE, VIOLENCE

During the views exchange, a student leader pointed out that stopping the incidents of mob justice is one of the main tasks of the interim government.

If mob justice spreads to different parts of the society, then a vested group can infiltrate and definitely try to destroy the students' unity, the leader said.

Mahfuj in the briefing said, "The government has a clear position regarding mob justice. It can in no way be allowed."

He said the law would take its own course when it comes to vigilante justice like attacks on mazars, temples or any person.

"People will not 'try' anyone who was part of the fascist government or the sycophants that surrounded it. Rather, they will remain alert so that there is no compromise [with the perpetrators] and no one betrays the martyrs and those who got injured," Mahfuj said.

He said that the government has already taken some stern actions and will take even stronger measures.

RELIGION IN POLITICS, CASES

Another student leader said religion has consistently been used as a political tool and this has to be stopped.

Mahfuj after the event said a student of BRAC University raised the issue of religions being used in politics.

He said there were no discussions regarding the matter as it involved the constitution and other institutions.

When a reporter asked about the large number of people being accused in cases, Mahfuj said that a due and standard process should be followed when a case is filed.

CAMPUS POLITICS

A woman student leader said a teacher or a student may have their own political ideology, but on campus they should only be a teacher or a student.

"We don't want to see any politically labelled teacher or student on campus," she said.

Mahfuj said many agreed in the meeting that the kind of student politics Chhatra League and Awami League practised should not return to campuses.

There is an ongoing debate and discussion at educational institutions about what kind of politics the students and teachers can be involved in on campus. The government will decide only after seeing a consensus reached through that debate, he said.

OTHER SUGGESTIONS

The student leaders recommended that the interim government take steps to control the price of essentials and ensure voting rights of the people by reforming the Election Commission.

They said the government should focus on increasing agricultural production by providing subsidies to farmers, lowering the costs of pesticides, diesel, and farm equipment.

They also expressed concerns over brain drain; border killings; and law and order.

A student leader appealed to Yunus to take steps so that those who go abroad for postgraduate and PhD degrees return home afterwards.

Another student called upon the interim government to allocate a greater portion of the GDP to the education sector.​

 

[Saif]

Keep up efforts to build a ‘dignified, unique’ Bangladesh

Yunus urges students; tells them to utilise the unique opportunity to build the nation

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Keep up efforts to build a ‘dignified, unique’ Bangladesh
Yunus urges students; tells them to utilise the unique opportunity to build the nation

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus today urged students to keep up their efforts to build Bangladesh as a "dignified and unique" country.

"Don't give up until the task that you have taken up is completed," he told students at an opinion exchange meeting at the Chief Adviser's Office, alerting them that there might be efforts to isolate them from their nation-building work.

Prof Yunus said Bangladesh did not get such an opportunity since its birth, and there will be no further if this opportunity is missed.

"We will build a dignified and unique country together. People from the whole world would come and learn from you," he said, urging the students to keep up the momentum.

"Don't come out of your efforts," said Prof Yunus, adding that this is a collective dream that needs to be materialised.

The Nobel Laureate said the young people who brought an opportunity to build a new Bangladesh are on the right track.

"You are right and transparent in your thoughts. Write to us at least once in a month. Remind us repeatedly if anything remains undone. Keep reminding us so that we do not deviate from materializing your dream," he said.

Prof Yunus said the students have done an extraordinary job and they have no intention to deviate from doing whatever is necessary for building a new Bangladesh.

He said the students did not only create a wave of change in the minds of people in Bangladesh but also people around the world.

Prof Yunus said this is the beginning of a new world led by the youth. "You are history."

Much of Dhaka has turned into the graffiti capital of the world. Young students and children aged as young as 12-13 have painted the walls of this 400-year-old city with images of a new democratic environment-friendly Bangladesh.

"This surprised me. Each word written on walls is important," said Prof Yunus, adding that, "We are here to build a new Bangladesh. We need to do it together."

Nearly 150 students from various educational institutions who played key roles on the ground were present at the opinion exchange meeting held at the Chief Adviser's Office.

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam said there was an emotional atmosphere and they could not hold tears at one stage when Prof Yunus was sharing his experience based on what he saw in his eyes.

Advisers Farida Akhter, Dr Asif Nazrul, Syeda Riawana Hasan, Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud were also present at the programme.​

 

[Saif]

Fragile unity and challenges ahead

REVOLUTIONS or mass uprisings have been both triumphs and tragedies in history’s archives, marked by the inevitable complexities that follow the overthrow of entrenched regimes. The July uprising, which brought down the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule, is no exception. This student-led...

www.newagebd.net

Fragile unity and challenges ahead
HM Nazmul Alam 19 September, 2024, 00:00

REVOLUTIONS or mass uprisings have been both triumphs and tragedies in history’s archives, marked by the inevitable complexities that follow the overthrow of entrenched regimes. The July uprising, which brought down the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule, is no exception. This student-led uprising was hailed as a watershed moment for democracy in Bangladesh, one that revived the country’s aspirations for freedom and justice. Yet, only months after the fall of the AL regime, cracks have begun to appear in the unity that drove this monumental change. Disillusionment, political infighting, and opportunism now threaten to undermine the spirit of the July uprising.

The July uprising was a united front of students, civil society, and political activists who stood firm against the dictatorial excesses of the Awami League. Similar to the aftermath of the American Revolution, where the promise of liberty was tested by the challenges of nation-building, Bangladesh now faces its own set of trials. The founding political leaders of the United States — George Washington, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson — experienced deep frustration as their new nation struggled to find order amidst chaos. As historian Gordon Wood noted, the revolutionaries feared that their grand experiment in democracy might fail due to uncontrolled disobedience and disorder.

The same fear hovers over Bangladesh today, as those who fought for liberation from dictatorship now find themselves involved in conflict. The power vacuum created by the fall of the AL has allowed former members of the Bangladesh Chhatra League and the Bangladesh Juba League — the student and youth wing of the deposed regime — to reemerge under false pretenses. Camouflaged as the members of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, these individuals allegedly engage in extortion and land grabbing, tarnishing the reputation of the BNP and the broader spirit of the uprising. These actions, alongside other examples of similar misconduct, threaten to erode public trust in the very forces that once promised a new era of transparency and justice.

This disunity comes at a perilous time. The staunch supporters of the ousted regime are actively working to discredit the uprising and destabilise the current interim government. Their strategy is clear: create chaos in key sectors, such as the industrial workforce and the bureaucracy, while exploiting divisions within the forces that led the uprising. Such tactics are designed to reverse the hard-earned gains of the uprising. As in the post-American Revolution period, when currency instability and conflicting land claims sowed discord, Bangladesh too is witnessing turmoil in its political and economic fabric.

One of the most poignant literary references to such post-revolutionary chaos can be found in Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities (1859), where the revolutionaries, initially united in their fight against oppression, fall prey to infighting, vengeance, and paranoia. The reign of terror, which followed the French Revolution, serves as a stark reminder of how revolutionary unity can unravel into violence and lawlessness. Bangladesh, standing at a similar precipice, must heed this historical lesson.

In this context, the BNP now faces the critical task of preserving unity within its ranks. The main leaders of the party have been vocal in their condemnation of any unlawful actions carried out in the name of their party. Their stance is clear: the BNP will not tolerate opportunistic elements using the uprising for personal gain. This sentiment echoes the words of John Adams, who once lamented the ‘turbulent’ aftermath of the American Revolution, worrying that personal greed and unchecked ambition could destabilise the Republic.

Despite the BNP’s efforts to distance itself from those who engage in criminal activities, some elements within the interim government and rival political factions are reportedly quick to blame the party for any unrest. This political opportunism has deepened the divisions that already threaten to fracture the spirit of unity demonstrated during the July uprising. In this fragile period, the interim government must ensure that justice is not only done but also seen to be done. Swift, decisive action against those responsible for post-revolutionary lawlessness is imperative.

However, this responsibility does not rest on the interim government alone. Political leaders from all sides must prioritise national unity over individual gains. The BNP, despite the allegations it faces, has made important strides by committing to the formation of a national government if and when in power. This commitment to inclusivity mirrors the sentiments of the American revolutionaries, who, despite their differences, recognised the need for a strong central government to stabilise their fledgling nation. The US Constitution, ratified in 1787, was a product of compromise and collective vision. Similarly, Bangladesh must foster an inclusive, representative administration to ensure stability and long-term prosperity.

The upcoming elections will serve as a crucial test of this unity. Should political leaders allow divisions to fester, they risk repeating the mistakes of post-liberation Bangladesh in 1971, where infighting and factionalism led to decades of instability. History, both from Bangladesh and abroad, teaches us that the aftermath of mass uprisings is often fraught with danger. As Dickens famously wrote, ‘It was the best of times; it was the worst of times.’ For Bangladesh, the outcome depends on the choices its leaders make today.

The interim government’s role in state reform is also paramount. Without comprehensive changes to the judiciary, law enforcement, and other key institutions, the next government may inherit a system prone to the same abuses that characterised the AL regime. Much like the Constitutional Convention of 1787, which sought to rectify the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation, Bangladesh must embark on a path of institutional reform to safeguard its democratic future.

Yet, amidst the political wrangling and opportunism, the spirit of the July mass uprising must not be forgotten. At its heart, the revolution was about reclaiming the people’s right to freedom and justice. To let this hard-fought victory slip through their fingers due to political opportunism would be a tragedy. As Benjamin Rush wrote in despair in 1812, ‘America’s revolutionary experiment on behalf of liberty… will certainly fail.’ Bangladesh’s revolutionaries must ensure that their own experiment does not meet the same fate.

In conclusion, the July mass uprising was a momentous victory, but its future remains uncertain. The cracks in unity demonstrated recently must be addressed before they deepen into fissures that could unravel the entire movement. Bangladesh stands at a crossroads: it can either solidify its democratic gains through political cooperation and institutional reform, or it can allow disunity and opportunism to undo the progress achieved. The stakes are high, and the lessons of history are clear. It is now up to the nation’s leaders to ensure that the hard-earned gains are preserved for future generations.

H M Nazmul Alam is a lecturer of English and modern languages at the International University of Business, Agriculture, and Technology.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising and some thoughts of Bangladeshi-Americans

NRBs gathered in New Jersey showed eagerness to assist in the journey of the new Bangladesh forward.

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July uprising and some thoughts of Bangladeshi-Americans
Snapshots from my latest conversations with Gregorians in North America

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

It was heartwarming to see so many old faces from my school days as I attended the second reunion of Gregorians of North America (GNA), held on September 14 in New Jersey, US. Nearly 200 former students of St Gregory's High School, Dhaka had gathered—many with their spouses—from all over the US and Canada. The occasion was one of reconnecting, reminiscing, and exchanging stories, anecdotes and school-era jokes.

The most popular session was the one that focused on how Bangladesh became a Test-playing cricket nation and how we can build upon our recent extraordinary Test performance against Pakistan. There were many exciting comments regarding the ongoing tour of India. The session consisted of our early cricket heroes such as Syed Ashraful Huq, Yousuf Babu, and Khandker Nazrul Quader Lintu. Their personal stories of early failures, hard work and subsequent success entertained us all. Their experience-rich comments about the future kept everyone in rapt attention, and we wondered why these three stars are not a part of our present-day cricket board leadership, especially when so much is changing at the top echelon of professional bodies.

Shahudul Haque—Gullu to us all—kept the audience enthralled with the story of his incredible journey of walking more than 15,300 miles in 1,425 days (three years and 11 months). Starting on October 17, 2020, he has walked every day. Everyone gasped when he recounted that on rainy days, when he cannot go out, he climbs up and down the stairs of his 13-storey apartment building for as many times as it takes to complete his daily routine of minimum five miles. The circumference of Earth is nearly 25,000 miles, of which he has already passed the halfway mark. For someone who is in his mid-70s, such a feat of endurance made him an instant hero of the event.

Where I had the privilege to speak was a session titled "Recent events in Bangladesh and how NRBs can contribute in the changed circumstances." Everyone spoke in a manner that proved that they had been following the recent uprising most meticulously. There was a lot of pride in what has been achieved, accompanied with some feeling of uncertainty, especially regarding the various forces that appear to have been unleashed. While there were some uncertainties regarding reforms, a consensus seemed to prevail about significantly trimming the prime minister's power and fixing their tenure in office to a maximum of two terms.

Generally, they all welcomed the toppling of the previous government, having suffered the humiliation for many years of belonging to a country whose reputation of corruption, nepotism, abuse of power, cronyism and unaccountable power surpassed most others of similar category. Like us at home, the non-resident Bangladeshis (NRBs) also wondered how the Sheikh Hasina government could become so unbelievably oppressive. Whatever details I could provide led to more in-depth questions about the gradual deterioration of the quality of governance in Bangladesh. They wondered, like many of us, how a powerful regime like Sheikh Hasina's could fall so fast, so completely, and so ignominiously. People's power made it all possible.

They marvelled at the bravery of our young. Though we have a long tradition of student movements, the distinguishing feature of the July uprising was the participation of younger generation—boys and girls from schools. The Road Safety Movement in 2018 seemed to have broken the psychological barrier of school students to get down to the streets to fight for what they considered to be right and just. Families descended on the streets of Dhaka with courage and bravery that armies get trained for years to master. What amazed the NRBs over and over again were the stories of these students, spontaneously joined by the general public—including women, the elderly and young mothers—who continued to demonstrate for days in spite of police killing. To defy the trigger-happy police, Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) and Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) members for days, without the slightest sign of fear or despondency, will surely be recorded as one of the most courageous mass demonstrations in the world. The GNA audience were mesmerised by how young women participated with equal intensity and courage as their male counterparts in the daily battles with police and other forces. This marked a new phase in their sense of equality, confidence and self-assertion.

The NRBs' faith in Prof Muhammad Yunus seemed boundless. They all believe that he is the right person for the job, but are worried as to whether he would be given the time he needs for the reforms people expect him to deliver. The length of his tenure remained a lively topic throughout the event.

Fear was expressed about too many issues being placed on the agenda and that the enormity of the task would jeopardise the interim administration's success. The formation of six commissions with highly competent leaders somewhat assuaged the fear among the audience that substantive work could now be expected in some crucial areas.

What impressed me immensely was the eagerness of the NRBs gathered in New Jersey to assist in the journey of the new Bangladesh forward, which has so suddenly emerged. The whole session was full of questions as to how these highly qualified Bangladeshi-Americans could help in the progress of their country of origin. There were professionals from academia, business, engineering, IT, medicine, pharmacy, and even cybersecurity. Those present mostly consisted of mid- to high-level professionals who, though they were US citizens, were eager and willing to partake in the new journey. They cited the example of their Indian counterparts who have made significant contributions to India's march forward. They greatly regretted the failures of past governments to tap into these highly trained intellectual resources, who have now gained strength and momentum and are ready to assist their country of origin. What they eagerly wanted was a dependable conduit—either governmental or through the private sector—to channel their professional and academic expertise to their counterparts in Bangladesh. Given Prof Yunus's experience and personal expertise on knowledge transfer, these NRBs feel confident that their long-cherished wish is on the verge of being fulfilled.

My brief exposure and fragmented exchanges convinced me that it's high time we established professional linkages with these highly qualified and equally highly motivated NRBs, and use their knowledge to assist in our journey in the potential-rich 21st century. We need to urgently set up some sort of mechanism to make use of this huge reservoir of talent that can help transform Bangladesh.

If knowledge is the most important resource of future advancement, then the global citizens of Bangladesh origin are eagerly waiting to serve Bangladesh in providing that crucial resource. It has been foolish on our part not to seek their collaboration earlier. It will be self-defeating, in fact suicidal, to continue in that direction.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Daring to defend the anti-discrimination student movement

I don’t think Hasina fell because of my writing. Then why do I continue writing?

www.thedailystar.net

Daring to defend the anti-discrimination student movement

In the second half of that month, the government sought to eliminate the student protesters by means of point-black shootings, airstrikes from helicopters, and other violent measures. PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

Some academics, journalists, and writers – including myself – started discussing the formation of the Forum for Bangladesh Studies in 2021. It was officially launched on October 10, 2022. Under the aegis of the forum, I have had the opportunity to work closely with some of the best minds of our country, including Dr Badiul Alam Majumdar.

My involvement with the forum helped me become more conscious of what was going on in Bangladesh during the 15-year autocratic rule of Sheikh Hasina. It also brought on a greater sense of urgency for me to write and publish opinion pieces devoted to issues of the day and taking the Hasina regime to task. However, I was perturbed by the fear of possible government reprisals.

After reading some of my essays critical of the Hasina government, one well-meaning academic friend once cautioned me saying, "Be careful." I understood his message but couldn't stop writing. His kind concern for my safety increased my respect for him.

I shared my disquiet with Dr Badiul Alam Majumdar. He told me that if we stopped writing, that would embolden the repressive regime, and if many of us wrote, it would be difficult to hound us. He added that he kept raising voice against the regime's abuse of power to have a clear conscience. I agreed with him and increased the volume of my writing on what was happening in Bangladeshi politics.

However, despite conquering my fear of government oppression, I faced an unforeseen backlash from some of my friends. My stance against Hasina's autocracy alarmed them. Like me, they hated the regime to the bone, but they didn't consider it safe to maintain communication with someone who wrote columns in newspapers criticising the government. They went to the extent of not answering my phone calls; I respected their standpoint and stopped calling them.

I failed to see much logic in being overly fearful. I thought it was important to show solidarity with brave and courageous writers and journalists who were writing from within Bangladesh against the oppression of the Hasina regime. Moreover, the newspaper editors who published my writings were all based in Bangladesh. So, living thousands of miles away from the country, why should I be scared?

Then came the anti-discrimination student movement in July 2024. In the second half of that month, the government retaliated against student protesters with point-black shootings, airstrikes from helicopters, and other violent measures. Generally, an invading force uses such methods to subdue an occupied nation. But our own security forces used them, killing and maiming thousands of our students in broad daylight. Images of the cruelty of the government were unbearable—they had a chilling effect on me.

At the same time, I was outraged to see that some of our intellectual elites were providing the government with intellectual cover-ups while our unarmed students were being killed en masse. I understood their security concerns, but I thought that, at the very least, they could remain reticent. Instead, they chose to abet autocracy. Perhaps, they thought that the regime would survive that wave of protests, and with time, things would once again fall in place.

Fear gripped all of us—in Bangladesh and in its diasporas. We could not anticipate such a murderous venture by the Hasina government to quell the student movement, nor did we comprehend the logic behind using our security forces to kill our young people in the streets.

I suffered from a severe Hamletian dilemma. Shall I or shall I not write about the government repression on the student protesters? I wanted to write, but would my writing jeopardise the security of my family members in Bangladesh?

The internal battle within me was raging. It was between my urge to rise to the occasion and write, and the need to consider the safety of my family members back home. As I was torn between these two dominant emotions, on July 30, I received a request from a journalist friend in Dhaka, saying, "If possible, please write a piece on the student movement… we all are distraught. But we are speaking."

This message reinforced the severity of the situation and the urgency to speak up. It boosted my morale and I shed my fear and hesitancy. I immediately produced two essays: "What leads students to defy death on streets" (New Age, July 31, 2024) and "Violence against students: A tribute to our little John Hampdens" (The Daily Star, August 4, 2024).

I had written "Hasina's memory-killing tactics and our responsibility" before Hasina fell and fled on August 5. But it was published afterwards, on August 7.

In post-Hasina Bangladesh, my friends who sought to distance themselves from me now answer my phone calls. Intellectual elites who were hesitant until the morning of August 5 to call a spade a spade now describe Hasina's rule as an autocracy. Many of them who adjusted with the Hasina regime then are now readjusting with the interim government and with the new reality. They lived a comfortable life then and may continue to do so now. But I have great respect for those writers and journalists who wrote and spoke against Hasina's autocracy at a time when others didn't consider it prudent to do so. I feel morally privileged that I belong to this group.

Did my writings over the years shake Hasina's autocracy? Did they help mitigate the sufferings of people in Bangladesh and elsewhere? Or, did they embolden the anti-discrimination student movement? The answers to all these questions are probably in the negative. Not many writers are able to make a material difference in society through their writings. In "In Memory of WB Yeats," the Anglo-American poet WH Auden writes in reference to his fellow litterateur WB Yeats's literary career:

Mad Ireland hurt you into poetry.

Now Ireland has her madness and her weather still,

For poetry makes nothing happen.

Yeats's literary career was largely inspired by the troubles in his country, Ireland, and he wrote to fix them. But, according to Auden, Yeats's work didn't do much to establish peace and stability in Ireland. Likewise, Hasina's autocracy got me out of my academic cocoon and motivated me to write essays on down-to-earth issues that affected Bangladesh during her rule.

But I don't think Hasina fell because of my writing. Why do I continue writing then? To use Dr Badiul Alam Majundar's words, I write out of a need to have a clear conscience. Regardless of its effects on others, my writerly commitment to noble causes serves as a source of moral comfort for me. This is very important to me. I would like to end this essay with a relevant quote from the 11th century polymath Ibn Hazm, "It seems unworthy of a man to consecrate himself to something which is not higher than he is…. One who consecrates himself to lesser things is like one who trades a precious gem for a pebble."

Dr Md Mahmudul Hasan is professor of English at International Islamic University Malaysia.​