[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

Extraordinary situation calls for extraordinary measures

BANGLADESH, following the overthrow of an extremely repressive government of the Awami League, in the face of a great democratically oriented student-mass uprising and subsequent voluntary disappearances of all the League leaders from the country’s political scene, obviously with a view to...

www.newagebd.net

Extraordinary situation calls for extraordinary measures
Nurul Kabir 10 October, 2024, 00:10​

BANGLADESH, following the overthrow of an extremely repressive government of the Awami League, in the face of a great democratically oriented student-mass uprising and subsequent voluntary disappearances of all the League leaders from the country’s political scene, obviously with a view to escaping court proceedings for their political, economic and criminal offences, is now passing through a critically important transitional phase of history. The great July movement, which culminated in prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s resignation and fleeing to India on August 5, apparently looked like a ‘revolution’, which many a politician and intellectual of the country still call it adorably, but in essence it was not. By the simplest definition, a ‘revolution’ is a political Event that overthrows one class of people from power by another class, enabling the winning class to build its own state machinery on the debris of that of the defeated one. And, obviously, such a revolution takes place under the leadership of an organised revolutionary party with a philosophically thought-out set of political, economic and cultural agenda, to be implemented in the post-revolution society.

The victorious July movement of the masses — more than 80 per cent of some 1,500 martyrs of and some 22,000 critically injured in the movement came from under-privileged sections of society — has definitely overthrown the autocratic regime of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League, but the autocratic state machine that successive governments of the country’s ruling class have built up in Bangladesh since its birth and Hasina’s has further brutalised it over a decade and half remains intact with all its repressive laws, rules, policies, resources and practices.

Moreover, despite enormous courage, profound commitment and great tactical skills of the student leaders, who transformed their initial anti-job quota agitation eventually into a mass movement for the ouster of the League government, they were not a homogenous force organised under a revolutionary party with a comprehensive revolutionary agenda.

They are, in fact, a patriotic group of courageous young boys and a few girls, coming from different political traditions and containing heterogeneous politico-philosophical thoughts. Not surprisingly, the young leadership of the successful mass uprising invited, visibly ignoring the exiting constitution of the state, Professor Muhammad Younus, a Nobel peace laureate of particularly western repute, who might have been in prison if Hasina had continued in power for a few more months, to lead an ‘interim government’ to carry out certain ‘reforms’ — political, constitutional and economic, et cetera, and hold free and pair national elections for transferring power to an elected authority. The political parties and the national army have complied with wishes of the students. This is an extraordinary time.

Meanwhile, the young group of student leaders is learnt to be trying to launch a political party of their own while it has not yet formulated any manifesto and agenda for the planned party. It is, indeed, impossible to determine the political characteristic of a political party in the making — revolutionary or reformist — without analysing its manifesto and agenda. Hence, at this point of history, this is irrelevant to talk about the ‘revolutionary imposition of a revolutionary agenda by a revolutionary party’.

Under such a circumstance, the question arises as to what kind of reforms the interim government of Professor Yunus intends to carry out and in how much time it should accomplish its interim agenda. The Yunus administration has, meanwhile, announced half a dozen commissions to prescribe — in 90 days of the constitution — constitutional, electoral, judicial, public administration, police and anti-corruption mechanism reforms. It has not issued any political and philosophical guideline/s for the commissions to make recommendations to base on. Thus, the citizens concerned are left with nothing but speculating about the possible nature of the recommendations to come, and that too, based on the personal politico-philosophical orientations of the individual members of the commissions.

Bangladesh essentially needs democratic reforms in almost every sector of its collective life while the most important one being the democratisation of the constitution of its state. In a democratic dispensation, the constitution is expected to be a document reflecting the ‘general will’ of the people — the ‘sovereign’. It is the constitution that guarantees the legitimate rights of the citizens, on the one hand, and provides legitimate power for actors of different branches of the state to exercise, on the other. The constructional provisions of a democratic state, a republic in other words, must recognise the importance of the state to remain perpetually accountable to the ‘sovereign’ — the people, that is. Understandably, a genuine representation of different sections of the people — irrespective of their class, ethnic, gender and religious identities — is essential in the entire constitution making/reforming process, right from the beginning. Here, in the present case, the ‘beginning’ begins from the constitution of the ‘constitution reforms commission’ while the commission has only marginal representation of women, but it does not have any ‘representation’ from the national and religious minority communities, constituting a significantly large section of the country’s population having their own difficulties and aspirations in the existing undemocratic dispensation. Besides, despite the existence of many peasant and labour organisations in the country, no representation from these huge classes of people is there on the constitution reforms commission.

If morning shows the day, evidently, the interim government of Professor Yunus, which has appointed the commission, intends to offer the post-July mass-uprising Bangladesh a patriarchal, Bengali Muslim majoritarian piece of constitution of the state, ignoring the fact that the great mass uprising against autocracy was participated in and supported by, although by different degrees, all sections of the people — Bengalis and non-Bengalis, male and female, Muslims and non-Muslims, the rich and the poor.

If this is the kind of reforms that the interim government intends to carry out in other sectors as well, Bangladesh has no chance to get out the old political, economic and legal order. It should realise that an extraordinary situation, arising out of magnificent student-mass uprising that has generated new hopes and aspiration in society, needs extraordinary measures to fulfil the new demand of history — a genuinely democratic transformation of the pseudo-democratic republic.

Nurul Kabir is editor of New Age​

 

[Saif]

Credit for August 5 uprising belongs to students, not any party: Jamaat Ameer

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman has stated that the credit for the August 5 mass uprising does not belong to any political party but rather to the students and the people. He remarked that the nation has been freed from fascism through the bloodshed and sacrifices of the youth and the gene

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Credit for August 5 uprising belongs to students, not any party: Jamaat Ameer
Published :
Oct 11, 2024 20:51
Updated :
Oct 11, 2024 20:51

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman has stated that the credit for the August 5 mass uprising does not belong to any political party but rather to the students and the people. He remarked that the nation has been freed from fascism through the bloodshed and sacrifices of the youth and the general public.

"We seek to earn the genuine love of the people through our work. We do not want divisions between the minority and the majority. We envision a society where temples, like mosques, do not require security. If anyone attempts to disrupt our harmony, we must unite to resist them," he said.

Dr Shafiqur Rahman made these remarks as the chief guest at a workers' conference organised by Sylhet Metropolitan Jamaat, held on Friday at 3:30 pm at the Kushiyara International Convention Hall in South Surma, Sylhet, UNB reports.

The event was presided over by Muhammad Fakhrul Islam, a member of Jamaat's Central Executive Committee and Ameer of Sylhet Metropolitan Jamaat, and conducted by Secretary Muhammad Shahjahan Ali. Several thousand workers from the city attended the conference.

In his address, Dr Shafiqur Rahman added that during the regime of the 'fallen fascist', Jamaat-e-Islami suffered the most oppression. "Our top leaders were executed on charges of crimes against humanity, and they were martyred. Today, history has marked them as the real perpetrators of crimes against humanity," he concluded.​

 

[Saif]

How we go about the Bangla Spring now will define its future | The Daily Star

Between “July 34-36”, Bangladesh saw the explosion of a united democratic desire among people of all classes and professions. The demand for democracy was the revolutionary desire then. Following on from that, establishing meaningful democracy is going to be the true revolutionary programme now...

thegreatwave.thedailystar.net

How we go about the Bangla Spring now will define its future
Altaf Parvez

Before the Bangla Spring, there was a perception around the world that in the era of “surveillance states”, transformative politics cannot emerge victorious. This, after all, was the era of spies, of reactionists, of populism—an era of Pegasus’s dominance. But if George Orwell was alive, he would have looked on in awe at how the people of Bangladesh have flipped “1984” in 2024. This is why this mass uprising has communicated new hope among the oppressed peoples of the world. They are now thinking, “Victory is possible.” As a result, there is a global necessity to protect this uprising in Bangladesh. At the same time, conservative attempts to discredit and derail it are also nothing unnatural.

Lethargy in civil administration

Already, the Bangla Spring has faced some troubles within the country. There is some scepticism in society about the strength of the government that has been formed following the uprising. The government is facing a multidimensional crisis as it struggles to project an image of power. Perhaps as a byproduct of this, the administration has not been as active as expected. The activity in police stations has not resumed in full swing, and the police are yet to conduct patrols like they used to. Incidences of stealing and hijacking are on the rise.

The fire incidents in Gazi Tyre and Pran-RFL factories spread terror among industrialists. In Gazi Tyre, looting took place for an extended period of time, after which it was set on fire, yet no effective preventive steps were seen. The fact that industrialists, afflicted by fire and terror, are having to go around asking for security in different places is definitely a matter of embarrassment for the interim government.

At the same time, the pre-announced destruction of shrines in various places is spreading fear in rural society. No one in the administration seems to be considering it their responsibility to stop these attacks. Although warnings of legal actions against those involved were issued by the chief adviser’s office, their effects were negligible.

In fact, even during the terrible floods in Greater Noakhali, the civil administration was unable to assume the role of leading the coordination efforts. Instead, people had to place their trust in the army and students. Even though hundreds of trucks filled with relief goods left Dhaka, a tremendous weakness was observed in coordination among involved groups, especially with regard to prioritising marginal areas that needed the relief on an emergency basis.

Many volunteers were seen distributing relief in places close to highways and big roads, taking some pictures, and coming back. It’s as if there was nothing to be done about getting rid of the floodwaters other than distributing relief and blaming India! The people of Greater Noakhali and surrounding areas were in an unthinkable state of suffering because of waterlogging.

People don’t want to lose trust

Similar to Noakhali, the spirit of the mass uprising was almost absent in the civil administration’s response to flood in other affected districts as well. In all sorts of offices including educational institutions, there is only the circus of removing the officials who have been there until now and replacing them with new ones. The political-philosophical direction behind why the “old” ones must be removed and why it’s necessary to replace them with “new” ones has not been communicated to the field level.

As a result, these institutions have fallen into the cycle of signing attendances and various groups vying for control. Trying to avail everyday “services”, people can’t find any sign of the “Second Liberation War”.

At the end of the “war”, people are finding it hard to understand how they could be participating in the reconstruction of the country. In other words, there is no clear political and administrative “vision” that has been delivered to the districts and upazilas even after an incident as big as a mass uprising. The stimulus and promises seem to be stuck in TV screens. Unbeknownst to everyone, the seeds of hopelessness are being sowed even though the memory of the sacrifices of so many still burns freshest. But ordinary people are still not ready to lose hope. At least with Muhammad Yunus, they have a lot of trust.

Students belong on the ground, not in bureaucracy

In this tug of war between hope and despair, the students and others involved in the mass uprising could have taken the responsibility of building synergy between society and central administration. But the formation of students’ and people’s mass uprising committees in every district has not happened. They have not been assigned any specific activity relating to building the country. If the will is there, even now they can be used to accomplish a variety of nation-building activities.

On the ground, I have heard many say that the students could have solved many long-festering problems, such as illegal encroachment of rivers, without delay. By controlling traffic across the country on the first few days after August 5, students proved that they are ready to do any practical and technical task. They proved their worth again during the flood rescue and relief operations. At that time, “old society” did help them with open hands.

At the Bangladesh Agricultural University in Mymensingh, students were seen taking initiatives to produce saplings for post-flood agricultural rehabilitation. Many may remember that a similar spirit took hold in the tumultuous days of 1972-73. But the new government is failing to give this spontaneous youth force suitable tasks to keep alight the kindling of this fire. Instead of fashioning a “combined national role” for students, we have seen a handful of student leaders become advisers to the government. Perhaps a few more of them will join bureaucratic activities.

The highest achievement from all of this could be a “synergy” between the students and the people, and the old bureaucracy. But the demand of the mass uprising was not coordination with the colonial administration, or the debuts of students and new people within the bureaucracy. The demand was its complete reform. A full-body change. The consequence of the present organisational strategy is twofold. First, it’s leading to a bureaucratisation of talented student organisers as they waste their valuable time in administrative complications over appointments, transfers, suspensions, and so on. Second, watching the “coordinators” of the movement work like this could lead to pessimism particularly among the Generation Z.

Both scenarios would be extreme forms of self-sabotage. It is as though the “Spring” is being forcefully transformed into a “Winter”.

The uprising that started under the leadership of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement platform remains incomplete without the expected transformation of the state. That is why the entire leadership group of the student movement should have been on the ground for a much longer period. They should have highlighted the demands of reform from the field level. They should have compiled these demands and continuously presented them in front of the government. Only in this way could the uprising live on as a continuous process. The civil administration would not have been able to sit idle in sabotage like it is doing now.

But instead, some dangerous signs of superiority and chauvinism can be seen now. Some specific young people are being given the proprietary rights for the “mass” movement. Some are being affectionately given the title of “masterminds”. But if we removed the bubbles of individualism, we would see that the “mastermind” of the Bangla Spring is an all-encompassing desire for democracy. The students and the people turned the quota reform movement into a one-point movement a day before the “coordinators” uttered it. We must not forget that.​

To be continued....................

 

[Saif]

The movement should be made more inclusive

Considering that the July-August movement did not happen under the leadership of one person or party or coalition, it is illogical for the student body of one university to claim sole authority over the movement. In fact, this movement does not belong to a coalition of many universities either.

The descriptions of those killed and wounded in the movement make it clear that it was a movement of people of all classes and professions. In fact, it is historically inaccurate to characterise this movement as having started with the quota reform question and ended with the fleeing to India of Sheikh Hasina.

The essence of the 14-15-year-long struggle of people of many classes and professions has lent itself to the Bangla Spring. Thus, it is not just a child born to the middle class during the month of July. Without the realisation of the desires of so many people through this long period of time, this movement will not stop. In that sense, only a fair election will not fulfil the demands of the labourers killed or wounded in this movement.

There are no universities in the spot—Dhaka's Jatrabari—where most people were killed during the movement. It is mainly an area of labourers. The bloodiest resistance during the mass uprising occurred here. These people did not sacrifice their lives on the issue of quota reform. Various longstanding crises in their day-to-day lives led them to take to the streets. They were unable to forget the feeling of insult borne out of an omnivorous culture of extortion and the denial of the right to vote in a number of elections.

So, the fact that people of these classes and professions are appearing in front of the government with their demands is not unnatural. It is all a sign of a society reborn that everyone, from labourers of pharmaceutical companies to rickshaw pullers, is engaging in processions and meetings. The incidents of beating up members of Ansar or doctors are very reactionary in nature. The central leadership of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement needs to rethink these issues.

To raise the inclusive profile of the movement, the demands of different classes and professions must be considered with importance. The organisers of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement can go to people from all walks of life and explain to them why it’s important to give room for political reforms. The powers of the movement need to be synergised with various marginal groups, instead of synergising it with the bureaucracy. Chasing away the different professional groups who are raising demands now will have a boomerang effect in the long run. Even now, the fact that the public is accepting this government as inclusive enough—despite the fact that there is no representation of workers and farmers in the adviser’s council—is because of their love for the students, and trust in some of the advisers. But nothing is permanent.

Meanwhile, the lack of participation by female students in the decision-making process of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement is becoming notable, whereas a big base of power for the July-August movement was the long processions that female students would call during days and nights. Not only on the university premises, but in districts and upazilas too, young women were in the vanguard of the movement with tremendous emotion and excitement. The traditional ideas about Bangladeshi women long held by our society have, by and large, been erased this time. Only an anti-discriminatory, democratic society can adopt the progressive elements of the recent movement. But in the field, there are some different tendencies too. One of them is to transform the mass uprising into a so-called “cultural war”. Already, Islamic parties are sitting together with a “revolutionary” goal, according to the media. Organisers of many “banned” organisations are having cases against them withdrawn, as per media reports. Many in the “intelligentsia” are raising public support to transform the current government into a “revolutionary government”. The “united power” of July 36 (August 5) is getting split into many subgroups like this. Many are trying to stuff their ideological desires into the spirit of the uprising.

But on the ground during July-August, the pictures were different. Everyone’s demand was for democracy. The anger against a massacre made this demand explosive. People stood up in front of deadly guns not because of some “revolutionary ideology”. It wasn’t the call of the intelligentsia that made them do it, it was the desire for a democratic society. It was against the limitless authoritarianism of one person. It was against unthinkable police dominance within society.

Between July 34-36 (August 3-5), Bangladesh saw the explosion of a united democratic desire among people of all classes and professions. The demand for democracy was the revolutionary desire then. Following on from that, establishing meaningful democracy is going to be the true revolutionary programme now. The intelligentsia making more “revolutionary” demands can be seen as undue pressure on the interim government.

But to fulfil the fundamental expectation of the Bangla Spring, some crucial reforms of the state’s colonial structure is a must. Among them are reforms for the local government system and many institutions like the Election Commission. To move forward with these reform programmes, it might be necessary to rewrite the constitution too. For that, experts have said that the proposed election could be organised in the form of the people’s council election of 1970. Meanwhile, the interim government needs to undertake some quick reforms, and for that, they need the political parties to participate and consent to them. Without this much-needed participation, it will be difficult to realise the goal of transformation and to make it durable. In this scenario, the centrist BNP needs to play a special role and stand with the government.

On the ground, BNP activists need to suppress their tendency to take control and occupy, and the prime responsibility of the leadership of the party has to be to help the government in their reform agenda.

BNP has a big responsibility

At this moment, BNP is definitely a major force among the political parties. They themselves have already proposed some reforms. As a result, there is little room for BNP as a power in the movement to disagree with the non-partisan students and people and the interim government. However, BNP’s reform proposals are very mild in their characteristics. A positive aspect is that Ganatantra Mancha, a major proponent of reform politics in Bangladesh, stands as an ally of BNP. If these two parties cooperate with the government that is enthusiastic about enacting reforms, there is no need to delay the elections.

If the election is left hanging for an indefinite period of time, then the development work on the ground is bound to slow down. Besides, without an elected government, there will be scant foreign investment.

From the upazilas to the national parliament, there are no public representatives at any level. On the one hand, the administration that has been a victim of partisanship is in extreme turmoil; on the other hand, the same structure has to deal with the pressure of implementing the annual development plan. The result is easy to guess. Thus, reform and elections must both be undertaken. In between all of this, those responsible for the corruption and crimes of past years must be brought to justice.

Despite credible news of the loot of thousands of crores of taka by mafias masquerading as industrialists and politicians, if they are not brought to justice and punished then the powers of the movement will have no option but to enact people’s courts in the country. The culture of corruption-disappearance-murder has put Bangladesh into an existential risk. To stop corruption on a structural level, the anti-corruption commission must be reformed according to the current political desire.

To move the reform agenda forward, news media must be rebuilt as mass media

The media world now has an enormous responsibility to understand the local nature of corruption. Revoking the Cyber Security Act and rescuing media organisations from the hands of businessmen-appointed mercenaries are the initial demands in this case. Broadcast mediums can be brought under a trust where institutions are managed in a journalism-friendly way.

Over the past years, the broadcast media has been used like tissue paper for the powerful, while hardworking journalists could not write or say much in fear of the Digital/Cyber Security Act. Cases and harassment were every-day occurrences.

The editor of the premier English newspaper of the country once told this writer about the 80 cases filed against him. How can the media contribute to building the country from this situation? But instead of any structural solutions, opportunist media “houses” of the past have suspended and appointed one or two people to resort to hide-and-seek games.

Attention also must be given towards stopping anti-Bangladesh campaigns in the outside world. An effective way of stopping this is to conduct credible investigations over the violent incidents that occurred in recent weeks and to use fact-checkers en masse. A second way is to engage the leadership of different religions and ethnicities in extensive diplomatic activities. In this, the government and the student movement must show the courage to neutralise any right-wing sabotage at the root.

Going forward, the pluralistic character of the mass uprising must be sustained throughout Bangladesh’s future.

Altaf Parvez is a researcher and writer​

 

[Saif]

Protecting the gains of the ‘second liberation’

At present, there are four areas of profound challenges that require a more proactive approach.

www.thedailystar.net

Protecting the gains of the ‘second liberation’
Bangladesh - Gains of the second liberation

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

In my previous column, I mentioned that the "second liberation" of August 5 restored our citizenship, overthrew a violent authoritarian rule, and halted economic disaster. But clearly, the journey has only begun. The all-important task now is to sustain these gains.

The government has announced six commissions for critical reforms in that spirit. These commissions—looking into electoral, constitutional, anti-corruption, judiciary, administrative, and police reforms—are headed by some of the best people with long dedicated work in these areas. These are all areas where reforms chosen wisely and implemented effectively will put Bangladesh on a just, equitable development path.

In parallel, a high-powered white paper committee has been tasked to examine the experience of the previous government's rule to understand what went wrong with its economic management and identify the lessons for the future. While oligarchs and political cronies became wealthy, the economy plunged into a macroeconomic crisis, lost its competitive edge, reduced job growth, and became excessively concentrated regionally and in the hands of a few powerful people.

The economist in me hopes that the committee will highlight the critical importance of providing far more autonomy, authority and resources for critical financial management, evaluation, data collection and research institutions, such as the CAG, IMED, BBS and BIDS, so that the integrity of data and research is uncompromised, and that they are made available timely.

Even more profoundly, I hope they will point out that providing high-quality public services, support for small and medium businesses, and generally a good investment climate and good governance in our towns and villages will be impossible under an excessively centralised political economy. In sum, achieving the SDGs will require decentralising and devolving political, administrative and economic powers to urban and rural local governments. Only that can truly unleash our people's creative spirits and entrepreneurial energies.

The interim government has done well by tying the work of these groups to a tight frame of delivering their reports within three months. It is an ambitious target, and there will be a need to consult. However, a short period will require these groups to focus on the core issues and write crisply. Then we can have national conversations around their reports.

There are, however, four areas of profound challenges that require a more proactive approach. Unless these are met, the gains of the second liberation are in danger of being lost in economic instability and social unrest.

That is not speculative thinking. Economic and job growth and poverty reduction will slow without a quick return to stability. Bangladesh took nearly 20 years after independence to regain the per capita incomes of 1970, mainly due to political instability. Economic growth took off only by restoring democratic constitutional rule and legitimate elected governments that could back and sustain Saifur Rahman's vigorous fiscal and trade reforms.

So, what is to be done now?

First, sustaining the gains of August 5 requires not letting the economy falter. Yes, we have inherited a "mess," an endangered economy. Proper steps are being taken in fiscal, financial, education and other matters. But the voice of the private sector, which employs most of our workers, earns our foreign exchange and produces most of our output, must be in the cabinet. Let a labour leader be also included to get the voice of the workers. But the economy's day-to-day concerns must be heard from those directly involved. Yes, this enlarges the size of the cabinet. But to protect the gains of the second liberation and the success of the interim government, the economy—jobs and welfare of the people—deserves the highest consideration.

Second, we need a more forceful approach to restoring law and order. Yes, Bangladesh is undoubtedly in a unique post-uprising aftermath where the police, the primary weapon of suppression under the past regime, lack confidence and morale and are mostly unseen. Yes, it is also true that the law and order situation could be far worse, given the circumstances. Yet, these are inadequate arguments that undermine the interim government. If entrepreneurs and workers perceive a lack of understanding and lose confidence and security, economic activity will decline as factories close down, exports fall and jobs are lost. Social unrest will follow.

For starters, we need undivided attention. The current arrangement under which one adviser has both home and agriculture portfolios is extraordinary and needs change. The coordination between the justice and home ministries needs improvement. The filing of dubious cases indiscriminately to imprison members and fellow travellers of the past regime diminishes this government's credibility. We are not talking about forgiving leaders of the past autocratic government and party. They must bear responsibility for their decisions and actions that caused widespread mayhem. However, murder cases have been filed against ordinary people where the accused are known to have been far away from the crime scenes.

Let me give a specific example. The former planning minister, Prof MA Mannan, is an upright man. He tried to speak the truth in office, sometimes subtly, to point out wrongs and mistakes. Because of his truth-telling, he was removed from the cabinet in January. He is, in fact, someone who needs to be consulted about his experience, but he was arrested last month on an absurd charge of murder (he was granted bail on October 9). Even the students and people of his area protested on his behalf.

Then there was the question of assaults on indicted prisoners on the way to the courtroom. It did not require rocket science to stop such misdeeds, and it has been done. But there have been several incidents of lynching across the country, which erode confidence.

The government has taken the sensible step to endow army officers with magistracy powers, but it is unlikely that it would be enough given that they lack the necessary training and experience. A corps of police and RAB officers with integrity and experience can be formed as a special task force working with the now magistracy-empowered army to tackle crime and disorder swiftly. They can also subdue violence with dialogue and firmness, but with minimum force. The UN has been requested to provide the necessary training to the police force. Other bilateral partners can also be requested. But we need urgency.

Third, a more realistic approach is required for much-needed constitutional reforms. There is broad agreement about the critical parameters of the new political order we seek. These include providing much stronger checks and balances to power and enshrining civil and human rights with the full force of the constitution. Other ideas floating around are proportional representation, bicameral houses, with proportional representation in at least one of them; term limits for heads of government; freeing parliamentarians from the yoke of Article 70 in the case of non-budget and no-confidence motions; strong parliamentary committees and oversight especially in the area of financial management; and a political parties act that set up transparent and democratic codes of conduct.

It is worth highlighting that the need to move ahead with decentralisation and devolution in the country is missing here. Bangladesh is one of the most centralised countries in the world, where local governments control less than 10 percent of public expenditures compared to more than 20 percent share of local government in other lower-middle-income countries. Our cities and towns are in a mess because our mayors lack budget and authority. And yes, they also lacked accountability to the people under the last regime.

Fourth, that brings us to the crucial matter of process here. Should we rewrite a new constitution or make amendments to the old one? Writing a new constitution will, rightly, invite considerable controversy over issues that may be peripheral to the urgent, forward-looking tasks at hand. There will be the question of validity. A few pointed amendments that can implement reforms and then be put to a referendum may be a more manageable path.

Let us be blunt here: a new constitution that risks removing the separation between the state and religion and between the state and ethnicity could potentially create second-class citizens in Bangladesh. That will be tragically contrary to the spirit of the Liberation War, where hundreds of thousands of martyrs gave their lives for freedom and equality. The spirit of an inclusive, equal society is also at the heart of the anti-discrimination movement of the students and people who brought in the second liberation. A new constitution that does not recognise these truths will lead the country to backwardness and regress.

We cannot afford to lose our rich syncretic history and culture that made this land generously welcome migrants and visitors. If our people are to prosper, we need the embrace of the world: we need massive amounts of foreign investment for jobs, global market access, and the technology it will provide. We need other countries to embrace our workers by providing them with jobs abroad. We need a constitution and a country that unites its people in a liberal, open and equal society that the world will embrace.

Dr Ahmad Ahsan is director at the Policy Research Institute of Bangladesh (PRI), a former World Bank economist, and a faculty member at Dhaka University.​

 

[Saif]

None to be arrested or harassed for involvement in July mass uprising: Home ministry

The student-people, who actively worked staying at the field level to make the mass-uprising a success, would not face any case, arrest or harassment for the incidents regarding the mass uprising

en.prothomalo.com

None to be arrested or harassed for involvement in July mass uprising: Home ministry
Special Correspondent
Dhaka
Updated: 14 Oct 2024, 16: 22

The home ministry has said no one would be arrested or harassed in cases filed from 15 July to 8 August for involvement in the mass uprising that saw the Awami League government stepping down after 15 years.

The ministry said this in a statement published today, Monday.

The statement reads, "A new journey towards building a discrimination-free new Bangladesh has started through the fall of the autocratic fascist government by the student-people mass uprising on 5 August.”

“The student-people, who actively worked staying at the field level to make the mass-uprising a success, would not face any case, arrest or harassment for the incidents regarding the mass uprising that took place from 15 July to 8 August last,” the statement said.

The home ministry asked the relevant authorities to maintain highest level of cautiousness in this regard.

It also asked the concerned officials to remain alert so that no one could take advantage by means of false information.​

 

[Saif]

‘We must not lose focus from real political barriers’ | The Daily Star

Badruddin Umar, a leading Marxist intellectual, political analyst, and activist, talks about the recent student-led mass uprising and what lies in the political future of Bangladesh in an interview with Ananta Yusuf, Priyam Paul, and Shamsuddoza Sajen of The Daily Star.

thegreatwave.thedailystar.net

'We must not lose focus from real political barriers'

Badruddin Umar, a leading Marxist intellectual, political analyst, and activist, talks about the recent student-led mass uprising and what lies in the political future of Bangladesh in an interview with Ananta Yusuf, Priyam Paul, and Shamsuddoza Sajen of The Daily Star.

How has the recent mass uprising managed to succeed despite facing significant repression from state machinery?

Several mass movements have taken place in Bangladesh in the past, such as the ones in 1952, 1969, 1971 and 1990. The one we experienced this year probably faced even more repression than the 1969 Mass Uprising in then East Pakistan. We have been up against corruption since 1972, and Sheikh Hasina’s tenure since 2008 offered more of the same. However, the Awami League’s rule of 15 and a half years can be questioned in more ways than one.

Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian rule was supported by factors such as the army, police and judiciary. Because of that, the Awami League suffered as an organisation. In addition, leading representatives of the party were given licence to loot the country. It led to the party turning into a fraudulent and untrustworthy one. In fact, it ultimately led to party officials and workers not prioritising political mandates and promises. Some Awami League politicians functioning at the union and village levels earned crores of taka during Hasina’s reign. It’s unheard of. The former prime minister’s personal assistant is said to have amassed a fortune of over $30 million.

Hasina took dynasty politics to levels we could not have ever imagined. What happened to Sheikh Mujib’s former residence was unfortunate. But I would say that Sheikh Hasina is partly responsible for the incident.

Regressive taxes were implemented quite strictly and the middle and lower classes in the country suffered. People residing in rural areas were especially affected. Millions of dollars were transferred abroad. It’s akin to stealing money directly from the general public’s bank accounts. On top of the obvious financial scams, freedom and democracy were at an all-time low in Bangladesh. The student-led demonstration was a reaction to the overall situation; it was not confined to the demand for quota reform. Sheikh Hasina did not want to compromise, and that was one of the reasons why the Awami League was ousted. The situation had improved after legal changes were initiated following the initial protests. But power corrupts, and the Sheikh Hasina government did not negotiate with the students as it should have.

Incidents in July proved that law enforcement agencies cannot put a lid on a widespread mass movement in the country. Awami League should not have ordered its student wing, Bangladesh Chhatra League, to take part in violent ripostes. Former minister Obaidul Quader was apparently instrumental in inciting them.

Do you believe this popular uprising will substantially change the country’s political, economic and social arenas?

I do not think radical political changes will take place in the future. But I do believe that it will be difficult for another authoritarian government to come to the centre. The way leading Awami League personalities ravaged the country is quite shameful. It never happened before. Most of the preceding MPs were businessmen first, before being politicians. Although I look forward to the future, I am not sure that the political changes that we need will be initiated. I do not believe that our economy and education sectors will take giant leaps forward in the coming years.

It remains to be seen what steps the interim government, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and other leading political parties will take. Some may not like the BNP, but it is still one of the strongest parties in the country and will definitely look to join in during election time. BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami have supported the student movement, but they will look for legitimate political power following Dr Muhammad Yunus’s tenure.

Hasina took dynasty politics to levels we could not have ever imagined. What happened to Sheikh Mujib’s former residence was unfortunate. But I would say that Sheikh Hasina is partly responsible for the incident. Sheikh Mujib’s name and family affiliations have been utilised for political projects which have not been backed with the required resources. The Awami League’s corrupt run tarnished Sheikh Mujib’s legacy. She should have paid heed to her father’s reputation and realised that it was her in power, not her father. Using Mujib’s pictures at every meeting and Bangladesh embassies created a narrative that linked Awami League’s looting with Sheikh Mujib’s international stature.

One must also understand that India’s relations are not with Bangladesh, but with the Awami League. The BJP-led government has openly declared its alliance with the Awami League. Sheikh Hasina never ignored India’s demands, and that is why the country provided her shelter after her ousting. India’s Minister of External Affairs S Jaishankar spoke in parliament about the political scenario in Bangladesh. Jaishankar did not stress upon the number of lives that were lost during the movement, instead focusing on matters that are prioritised by his government.

It is difficult for Bangladesh to not pay heed to India. Similarly, India tries to maintain good relations with Bangladesh as the former does not have strong bonds with most of its neighbours. Thus, India will play its cards according to future political developments in Dhaka. New Delhi is definitely considering how to interact with the Awami League amid the political upheaval. Without a doubt, the imperialist powers will have inputs of their own as well.

Will the fate of the Awami League mirror that of the Muslim League, or is a resurgence possible?

I do not think the Awami League can make a comeback. Sheikh Hasina was the cult figure who represented the party. With her leaving the country under circumstances that were honestly completely unexpected, it is difficult to foresee a hasty return to mainstream politics for the party. The sad truth is that a number of important Awami League leaders were just not fit for modern-day politics. Muslim League’s decline was marked by its inability to adapt to the changing political landscape of Bangladesh, and that is exactly what the Awami League experienced. Will Awami League be able to win seats legally if they take part in elections today? I do not think so.

Awami League emerged in the 1950s and was in focus in 1954, when the government of the United Front (also known as a Awami League-led coalition) fell in the then East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Following this, the party’s structure was worked upon for more than a decade. By 1969, Awami League was organised and two years later, in 1971, it was politically relevant and supported by the masses. The movement in 2024 is like the one in 1952 in that, at its core, it is not driven by political parties per se.

The fact that the 2024 movement was mostly student-backed and not initiated by political parties does bring to the table some problems. Dr Yunus, the leader of the interim government, is not a political personality. I have written about Dr Yunus and Grameen Bank in the past. The US supports his micro-credit programme firmly, but real changes come with effective political reforms. Dr Yunus also has the backing of renowned international organisations.

Our current cabinet members are up against a political vacuum. The interim government faces many challenges in terms of making the political changes we actually need. Where the state structure is concerned, amending it requires constitutional and parliamentary elements to come into play. Thus, we need parliamentarians who are reliable and honest to make this happen. I am quite sceptical as to whether this will happen.

I am aware of the possibility of the formation of a student party in the future. This may be tough to achieve as the students do not yet have a strong social base like Awami League, BNP or Jamaat. I doubt whether the students will be able to achieve it, even though they have done well till now and two of them are in the current cabinet. I do believe that they will try to make it happen.

Is there a possibility of forming a new constituent assembly in the current context?

Our constitution has been amended quite a few times, and its history is controversial. The Bangladesh Constitution came from a Yahya Khan-appointed council. We all know about the 1970 election when political shifts took place. The following year, the Liberation War took place, which instilled certain political aspirations in the masses. Were those ambitions reflected in Bangladesh’s original constitution? I am not too sure.

Following independence, many personalities who were instrumental during the 1971 war were shunned. Instead, persons who were linked to the 1970 election were brought to the fore. If you ask me, it was akin to doing something illegal. It affected the contents of our 1972 constitution. In my opinion, our constitution needs to be totally revamped. This requires much political clout, which the interim government does not possess. Even if fair elections take place, will the amendments be made and accepted? It is tough to imagine.

What were the motivations behind the attacks on Hindus following the fall of Awami League regime?

After August 5, Hindus in Bangladesh have come under attack. It is deplorable and must be stopped. Muslims, too, are facing similar problems in our country. That must also be reported by the media. And the violence against Hindus in Bangladesh must not be given a political twist. Corruption and criminal activities are presently worrying everyone in Bangladesh. We must turn away from communal politics, especially during a time when our youth has sacrificed so much to see political changes take place. We must put an end to such political narratives as it is ultimately the Bangladesh brand which is being seriously affected. Ordinary Bangladeshis are secular and have been against communal politics since 1947. In recent times, the Indian government has given impetus to the notion that general Bangladeshis are anti-Hindu. Hefazat and Jamaat oppose communists and democrats in our country, not Bangladeshi Hindus. That’s an important point to consider.

We must put an end to such political narratives as it is ultimately the Bangladesh brand which is being seriously affected. Ordinary Bangladeshis are secular and have been against communal politics since 1947. In recent times, the Indian government has given impetus to the notion that general Bangladeshis are anti-Hindu.

We must not divert our attention from the real political barriers we face as a united nation. Hindus participated in the July mass movement along with Muslims. At the present juncture, we must try to mitigate differences rather than indulging in political manoeuvres of the past. Hindu-Muslim divides have impacted lives of many throughout the subcontinent for decades. Awami League came to power in 1996 with Jamaat’s support. Awami League has also collaborated with Hefazat for many years. We must be very careful, going forward, in relation to how we deal with and negotiate with such political obstacles.

What steps should be taken now to safeguard democracy?

Large-scale changes require a social revolution, which in turn calls for unwavering commitment and the right intentions. An organised political party in power is the need of the hour. Lenin was a firm believer in the solidarity of the general public. In Bangladesh, what we need right now is a platform which accommodates the demands of the masses. Such a framework needs to bring the people of Bangladesh together and truly pave the way for fundamental changes to take place. Vested interests and corruption need to be eradicated. We need to look past the politics of mistrust and misconception. Of course, it is not going to be easy.

During the 1970s and 1980s, many in Bangladesh were hopeful. In the realm of student politics, standout individuals would come forward to enter politics. Today, that is no longer the case. Most of the bright students are not optimistic about the future of Bangladeshi politics.

Student politics of the past was much more concerned with overall sociopolitical factors. Essentially, this quota reform movement was driven by opposition to the state of rights of the individual, even though it did touch upon matters related to the country. One must take into account that the quota reform movement did not initially stem from demands of progressive politics to be implemented in Bangladesh. It started as a protest against the lack of job opportunities and resonated with the public due to Awami League’s misrule since 2008. The government’s response to the protests angered the people further, and that led to a mass movement. We need student politics to attain its hopeful character of the past, where looking forward comes naturally, instead of pessimism taking over.

Since 1991, elections at the university level have been non-existent. When BNP came to the centre in 1991, student halls were invaded by its student wing. Then 1996 saw the Awami League regaining power and it led to a similar scenario in many university dormitories. This has been a recurring theme. The quota reform movement was, in part, against oppressors such as the Chhatra League.

Elections need to be restored at universities. The formation of credible student unions is a must-do, and students should be given the opportunity to experience free and fair elections. Teachers must not take part in divisive politics. They must pay heed to developing themselves as dependable educators and concentrate on matters such as research. Our education sector has, in fact, been affected by the lack of quality teachers. Today, Dhaka University and other academic institutions have appointed many professors in their ranks, but the sad reality is that educational standards in Bangladesh have dipped. We are really up against it when it comes to making the alterations we actually need.

I do not think that student politics should be banned. Why should students be deprived of such opportunities? Student politics in Bangladesh needs to be nurtured and guided. The unfortunate incidents taking place at our universities today are sad. The situation was not like this during our time.​

 

[Saif]

Ali Riaz for resisting pillars of fascism to materialise possibilities of July uprising

Constitution Reform Commission head Professor Dr Ali Riaz on Saturday put emphasis on evicting the pillars of fascism, based on which the recently ousted Awami League (AL) government ruled the country, to materialise the possibilities of July uprising. “The fascism lasted for the last 15 yea

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Ali Riaz for resisting pillars of fascism to materialise possibilities of July uprising
BSS
Published :
Oct 19, 2024 23:43
Updated :
Oct 19, 2024 23:43

Constitution Reform Commission head Professor Dr Ali Riaz on Saturday put emphasis on evicting the pillars of fascism, based on which the recently ousted Awami League (AL) government ruled the country, to materialise the possibilities of July uprising.

“The fascism lasted for the last 15 years depending on four pillars- institution, ideological hegemony, mass media and foreign powers . . . we have to tackle strongly these four pillars to prevent the recurrence of the fascism,” he said.

Dr Riaz, also professor of political science at Illinois State University (ISU) in the USA, said this while addressing a discussion titled ‘Stories of injured poets and writers in July Uprising’ organized by Literary Magazine Kaler Dhani at Dhaka College Auditorium in the city this evening.

With the fall of the autocratic AL government, he said, “We have witnessed the collapse of the first phase of fascism. And we are now going to enter the second phase of continuation of struggle against fascism”.

Noting that the previous fascist government had institutionalized the enforcement of extra force and intimidating people to cling onto power, the noted political scientist said, adding that it had also created an ideological hegemony.

Sometimes the hegemony was termed as Liberation War spirit through it was contrary to the Liberation War, he said, adding that narratives of development, glorifying individual and a special narrative of history were created to continue the fascism.

In the last 15 years, the so-called intellectuals accepted the slavery selling out their consciences, which was never seen in the country before, Dr Riaz added.

He said Bangladeshi intellectuals, poets and writers played vital roles during the 1969 and 1990 mass uprisings, but for the first time in the country so called and established intellectuals, writers, artistes and literateures did not join movement (July uprising) this time as the hegemony created in the name of ideology in exchange of money, property and facilities achieved a victory.

The noted political scientist emphasized on creating an alternative cultural hegemony and independent thought to challenge the ideological hegemony that is still prevailing in the society.

Noting that media cannot emerge as mass media in the country due to ownership manner, Dr Riaz said a big weakness of Bangladesh’s media is that there is no corporate media in the country; rather, the media turned into weapons to protect the interests of other corporate institutions.
As the country was ruled following the kleptocratic system and an elite group had a close relation with the government due to media ownership, he said, they had no option other than serving the autocratic regime for their own interest.

He emphasized on taking measures for supervising media independently and creating basic ethics so that the media can play its proper role and does not worship any individual.

Mentioning that foreign powers, especially India and China, helped the fascism to last for 15 years, Dr Riaz said, “If you do not want to let the fascism to return, you should be nationalist and safeguard the national interest”.

Shaheed Abrar Fahad’s younger brother Abrar Faiyaz, Jatiya Nagorik Committee Member Secretary Akhter Hossain, Dr Sakira Nova, writer and journalist Amirul Momenin Manik, journalist and researcher Dr Kajal Rashid Shaheen, writer Mohammad Nazim Uddin, Kabi Nazrul Institute Executive Director Md Latiful Islam Shibli, International Mother Language Institute Director Dr Mohammad Ashaduzzaman and columnist Shahidullah Farayezi spoke as guests.

Besides, among injured poets and writers Hasan Afif, Shah Hujaifa Ferdous, Hasan Imam, Masud Nur, Sherif Faruqui, Quader Mazhar, Ibrahim Nirob, Al Nahiyan, Md Asadullah, Morshed Alam Hridoy, Aktar Zaman and Saleh Ahmed Khasru shared their stories.

Kaler Dhoni Editor Imran Mahfuz and writer Zubayer Ibn Kamal moderated the event.

​

 

[Saif]

Are we trying to get ‘everything, everywhere, all at once’?

The euphoria of August 5, and the momentous days leading up to it, especially since July 15, are now being overshadowed by a cloud of uncertainty.

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Are we trying to get ‘everything, everywhere, all at once’?

Protesters clashed with police while demonstrating in front of the Bangabhaban in Dhaka on October 22, 2024. Photo: Prabir Das

The euphoria of August 5, and the momentous days leading up to it, especially since July 15, are now being overshadowed by a cloud of uncertainty. Most of us feel like we have no idea what the future holds, which direction this country is going in, or what it will mean for us individually.

Some of my friends are genuinely worried whether we are regressing towards an era of more restrictions on women—what they should wear, which spaces they are allowed to occupy, what kind of work they may be permitted to do. Truth be told, I too am concerned and dismayed. Instead of looking forward to a nation where everyone's freedom is guaranteed—regardless of religion, gender, race, ethnicity, ideology, or political affiliation—I find myself worrying whether I'll be able to express my thoughts freely without being labelled as "anti-this" or "pro-that," much like under the previous regime. I am not sure whether I can tell my daughter that the new Bangladesh, free of fear and injustice, she has been so excited about, is really on its way.

So, what is the source of this unease? Where do we begin? Is it the wave of dubious murder charges against anyone associated with the former regime, no matter how tenuous the connection, or those who have criticised the current interim government, even targeting an advocate who consistently supported the student protests? Is it because of reports of women being beaten up in public for the clothes they wear, for being unaccompanied at night? Is it because groups of students claiming to be part of the anti-discrimination student movement are going to schools, universities and government offices, forcing resignations of VCs, teachers, principals, and officers, or resorting to vandalism to demand rechecking of HSC results and to get an "auto pass?" Is it because of the overnight "takeover" of markets, bus stands, and bazaars by the new political kids in town? Is it because "fear" continues to be the weapon to bully and terrorise and force whatever outcome is desired by particular groups?

We seem to be suffering from wanting "everything, everywhere, all at once," the title of an extraordinarily long film that won many Academy Awards, where one loses track of the overload of bizarre things happening in different dimensions.

Unfortunately, current events make it difficult not to be sucked into the vortex of gloom and doom. The ridiculous pace at which things are happening, moreover, makes it impossible to write anything that is not dated. In the last 24 hours of writing this piece, a volley of disturbing events has taken place with the surety that more will follow.

It started with the president's comment that he had not actually seen the former prime minister's resignation letter in a conversation with Manab Zamin's editor which came out in the paper's weekly publication. This provoked all kinds of debate regarding whether indeed Sheikh Hasina had resigned and if not, what did it all mean. More immediately, it called to question the wisdom of the president contradicting his speech to the nation where he specifically mentioned that the prime minister had indeed resigned. Was this a faux pas or something more deliberate?

This along with comments by the law adviser questioning the mental capacity of the president as well as calls from two prominent student leaders—Sarjis Alam and Hasnat Abdullah—led to student activists congregating near the Shaheed Minar and Raju Bhashkorjo, with the anti-discrimination student movement issuing an ultimatum to the government to meet their five-point demands. They included—the removal of the president, abolishing the 1972 constitution replaced by a new one that reflected the spirit of the uprising, and "proclamation of the republic" to rebuild a post-2024 Bangladesh in consultation with democratic and functioning political parties. All this in one week or else they "will return to the streets with full force."

Meanwhile, crowds gathered near Bangabhaban, getting increasingly belligerent as police tried to prevent them from breaking through the security barriers. Despite detonating stun grenades, using tear gas, and batons, the police could not control the crowds who chased them away. Five people were injured. A few policemen were attacked and saved by journalists covering the incident. Even the army personnel present couldn't calm the crowds. It was only when Hasnat Abdullah and Sarjis Alam appealed to the protesters, promising a change "in two days," that they were convinced to leave.

These events and many more that will unfold in the days to come, indicate that we are still in a flux, a turbulence that should have been anticipated and mitigated. It is understandable that the president's latest comments and all the speculations it has given birth to would make the student protesters nervous and suspicious. But the law adviser's statements regarding the president, later endorsed by the chief adviser's office, should have been enough for them to wait for the government's decision. It was, after all, the students who invited Professor Yunus to lead the interim government and guide us towards a democratic process. Is it reasonable to expect such fundamental changes, as outlined in the five demands, to happen in just one week? The government has to be given the time and space to carry out the reforms required to ensure the basic prerequisites for the democratic process, which have been completely destroyed by the previous regime. This is why they have 10 reform commissions headed by respected citizens.

At the same time, we must all acknowledge the reality of instigators from various quarters, whether from the previous regime or other political players, to make the interim government look ineffectual so that some agenda can be served.

This makes it all the more crucial for the interim government, despite its overwhelming tasks to repair and heal a country financially crippled and institutionally made sick by a morally corrupt regime, to always be in close contact with the students and the public. Student leaders should take advantage of the access they have to a government formed on the basis of their movement and discuss their demands. At the same time, while the interim government's mandate is to fulfil the aspirations of the July-August uprising, it must also exercise its authority to prevent excesses that are reminiscent of the regime that has been ousted.

August 5 happened through a violent, abnormal sequence of events during which the government turned on its own people and used the police to brutally suppress them. The overwhelming majority of protesters were students and the general public, all coming together because of a common cause—to free themselves from 15 years of repression. But while all these people were united over their frustration and anger against a dictator and her cronies, once the common enemy was ousted, the very same comrades have become divided. Political rivalries, personal vendetta, and a sense of entitlement among various groups, started to surface, while remnants of the old regime are working to take advantage of this divisiveness.

While we may be critical of the interim government's delayed response to a series of troubling incidents, we should not be too quick to dismiss them. We must appreciate the enormity of their responsibilities. More importantly, we must not forget what happened only about three and a half months ago. Are we already forgetting the faces of those young men and women, being brutally beaten, then cold-bloodedly shot at the behest of a heartless dictator? Let us share the sorrow of the families who lost their loved ones for a movement that promised to bring freedom and justice to us. There are still thousands of people, many in the prime of youth, who are alive but have lost a limb—a leg, an arm, the ability to see again during the movement. Such tremendous sacrifice obligates all of us to be more restrained, forgiving, and patient. We have to realise the futility and dangers of wanting everything, everywhere, all at once.

Aasha Mehreen Amin is joint editor at The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Many fake coordinators popping up since Aug 5

Many fake coordina-tors have appeared like chameleons since August 5, said Sarjis Alam, one of the central coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

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Many fake coordinators popping up since Aug 5
Says Sarjis

Many fake coordina-tors have appeared like chameleons since August 5, said Sarjis Alam, one of the central coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

"We need to differentiate ourselves from them. They have always been opportunistic, and that hasn't changed; it won't change in the future. If we don't separate ourselves from them, they will tarnish our image under the guise of coordinators," Sarjis said.

He made these comments during a meeting with students and families of those killed and injured in Madaripur during the July-August uprising. The event was organised at the Madaripur municipality building yesterday.

About the possibility of formation of a political party based on the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, Sarjis said people involved with the platform can form a political party in the future if they wish, but it should be under a different name or banner.

"The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement will never turn into a political platform, that's for sure. However, if the members of this platform want to engage in politics under another name or banner in the future, they certainly have the democratic right to do so."

He warned that forming a party now would only create division among the platform members.

Sarjis said the mass uprising has ended the wrongdoings of Sheikh Hasina's former government, and the opportunists are trying to create division among the students.

"That's why we need to unite. The students who took part in the movement should remain united. Otherwise, the situation will take a turn for the worse.

"We must remember that this setup has been built for 16 years, and only a few of their [Awami League] leaders have fled. It won't be long before they return," Sarjis said.

He cautioned that any student thinking of becoming a "fascist" or trying to misuse power would be expelled from the platform and brought to book.​

 

[Saif]

Women’s role in July-Aug mass uprising in Bangladesh largely ignored

Female protesters of the student-led mass uprising expressed their disappointment as women’s contribution to the uprising that forced Sheikh Hasina to resign and flee to India has not been...

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Women’s role in July-Aug mass uprising in Bangladesh largely ignored
Shaikh Rafid Karim and Nasir Uz Zaman 26 October, 2024, 23:41

Female protesters of the student-led mass uprising expressed their disappointment as women’s contribution to the uprising that forced Sheikh Hasina to resign and flee to India has not been properly recognised in the post-uprising time.

Thousands of women, including female students, were in the front line organising and leading the movement in different phases across Bangladesh but they mostly remain invisible in the post uprising activities to rebuild the country.

Contrary to their situation, two male coordinators, Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan secured positions in the council of advisers, leading the interim government formed after Hasina’s fall, as the representatives of the student force, while two male coordinators Hasnat Abdullah and Sarjis Alam are mostly visible in the forefront of activities of the Students’ Movement Against Discrimination platform that led the movement.

The 10 commissions formed by the interim government to bring reforms in different sectors have so far incorporated only seven women members among their 52 members, including the commission chiefs.

Female students’ protests on the night of July 14 across the universities against Hasina’s calling the quota protesters as ‘Razakars’ effected the paradigm shift that transformed the anti-discrimination student movement into a mass uprising, witnessing countless women occupying the streets throughout the mass movement.

In interviews with New Age female protesters ascribed lack of recognition, discriminatory attitude, less space in organisations and institutions, patriarchal practice, violent political practices, family barriers, among other factors, to their invisibility in the post-uprising rebuilding process.

Maisha Maliha, student of Dhaka University and one of the leaders of the Students’ Movement Against Discrimination platform, said that women significantly and spontaneously joined the uprising.

Despite women played a major role in sustaining the movement their contributions were not properly recognised after the movement, she said.

The platform on October 22 announced a new four-member central convening committee making Hasnat Abdullah convener, Arif Sohel member secretary, Abdul Hannan Masud chief organiser and Umama Fatema spokesperson.

The platform’s list of its 158 coordinators and co-coordinators made in August showed that there was only one female among 23 coordinators.

Umama Fatema did not respond to New Age queries about women’s contribution and recognition issue saying that she did not know anything about the matter.

In response to the query regarding a decline in women’s participation in the recent activities of the platform, a former coordinator Nusrat Tabassum said, ‘You should individually ask those who are not coming.’

Nazifa Jannat, a private university student and former coordinator, shared her experiences in the movement, saying that women’s spontaneous and active participation accelerated the movement as a united force.

‘In many places, they were in the front line organising the movement and taking instant decision to further the movement,’ said Nazifa.

People from all walks of life became united during the movement going above gender, race and religion, she stated.

‘A division was created after the uprising. We saw that women were questioned about their appearance, clothes, etc,’ said Nazifa.

She pointed out a tendency to push women to the margin in patriarchal practices.

Regarding women’s reduced participation, Nazifa said, ‘Level playing field was not ensured for them after the movement.’

Samanta Shermeen, spokesperson for newly-formed Jatiya Nagarik Committee, a platform of youths who were at the forefront during the uprising, said that she also experienced a lack of participation of women in the front line.

She pointed out that rejecting or cornering women in leadership and decision making process was part of the socio-political system being practised for long.

‘Fascist practices in political parties and organisations need to be abolished,’ said Samanta, stressing that a new political settlement was critical to ensure equal opportunities for women and all backward communities according to their competence.

Founding member of Naripokkho, Shireen Huq, said that she was excited, impressed and inspired by the presence of so many young women in the movement. It was a natural expectation therefore that this would be reflected in the composition of the interim government.

‘We are disappointed. I am not sure what the reasons behind it are. There are four women advisers but no representation from the female students,’ said Shireen, who will lead the reform commission on women’s affairs.

‘The issue of the absence of women representation itself is an unrecognised issue,’ Shireen remarked.

She also emphasised gender-balanced representation in the reform commissions all of which have yet to be formed.

Echoing Shireen, Bangladesh Mahila Parishad general secretary Maleka Banu said that the issue of gender-balanced representation must be addressed without any delay.

‘We don’t want to see the absence of women’s voice in the reform committees. Their lack of representation in the students bodies is not expected either,’ said Maleka.​

 

[Saif]

Sarjis against mass arrest of BCL members

Sarjis Alam, a coordinator of the Anti-Discrimina-tion Student Movement, said yesterday that he did not favour mass arrest of Dhaka University students solely because of their affiliation with recently banned Bangladesh Chhatra League.

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Sarjis against mass arrest of BCL members

Sarjis Alam. File photo

Sarjis Alam, a coordinator of the Anti-Discrimina-tion Student Movement, said yesterday that he did not favour mass arrest of Dhaka University students solely because of their affiliation with recently banned Bangladesh Chhatra League.

He clarified his position in a Facebook post last night, saying many students, including those from the movement, had been compelled to join BCL in the past.

Sarjis also said his post was specifically about DU, where the protests were primarily led by students residing in the halls until July 15.

Those familiar with DU halls know that students had to participate in BCL programmes and attend meetings, according to him.

About 80 percent of the BCL's hall committees were typically comprised of students who joined the organisation to secure good accommodation and other reasons, Sarjis said.

Among the remaining 20 percent, many misused their power; some oppressed dissenters, while others aspired to leadership positions within the hall units, he said.

The most significant contributions to the first phase of the movement came from those 80 percent students who had to join BCL for different reasons, he said.

If certain BCL members had not come out from the halls, the other students would not have had the courage to join the protests, Sarjis added.

These BCL members' participation also prevented the BCL leadership from stifling the protests, Sarjis said.

"Now the question is if I should label these students from the halls with the BCL tag and put them in the banned category. The answer is: 'No'.

"I'll never support mass arrest solely targeting those who were members of the BCL on the campus. This cannot happen."

Sarjis continued, "Those who stood beside me in the struggle for justice, risking their lives against the obstacles created by the BCL, are my brothers. I'll support them. The truth remains the truth, regardless of what anyone else may say."

Sarjis had previously been involved in BCL politics. He had been elected member of Amar Ekushey Hall council during Dhaka University Central Students' Union and hall council polls in 2019 from the BCL panel.

The interim government banned BCL on October 23 as a "terrorist organisation" for brutal and deadly attacks on students during the mass uprising, and its misdeeds in the past 16 years.

Hundreds of leaders and members of BCL's DU and hall units were accused in two cases filed earlier over attacks on DU students on July 15. Some of them have already been arrested.​

 

[Saif]

WB Yeats’s ‘Easter, 1916’ and Bangladesh’s July 1-36, 2024

What motivated our youth to defy death in order to free Bangladesh from the yoke of a brutal regime?

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WB Yeats’s ‘Easter, 1916’ and Bangladesh’s July 1-36, 2024

We can draw some parallels between the Easter rebels and the intrepid protesters of the anti-discrimination student movement (or the July 1-36, 2024 uprising). File photo: AFP

The 1923 Nobel laureate in literature, William Butler Yeats (1865-1939), is admired as arguably the greatest English-language poet of the 20th century. His country Ireland was the longest standing colony in Europe. It came under Anglo-Norman rule in 1169 and suffered colonial oppression for nearly 800 years.

One of the major Irish uprisings against British colonialism happened in 1798. Commonly known as the Irish Rebellion of 1798, it was inspired by the American War of Independence (1775-83) and the French Revolution (1789-99). The British crushed the rebellion and instituted "the most savage repression … to wipe out further resistance."

The next major Irish revolt to gain independence was the Easter Rising. It began on Easter Monday, on April 24, 1916, and is regarded as the "harvest of seeds sown in 1798." Yeats's poem "Easter, 1916" makes it easy to remember the date. Its four stanzas imply the fourth month (April), the first and third stanzas have 16 lines each and point to the year 1916, and the second and fourth stanzas each have 24 lines to indicate April 24.

The British quelled the Easter Rising in six days and executed 15 of its top leaders through firing squads within weeks. The heavy-handed response sparked a huge outburst of anger among the Irish, many of whom—including Yeats—did not support the rebellion at the beginning.

Although suppressed and ostensibly a failure, the anticolonial struggle continued and spread from Dublin to other parts of Ireland, culminating in the Irish War of Independence (1919-21). The Anglo-Irish Treaty was signed in December 1921 and the Irish Free State (Agreement) Act was passed in the British Parliament on March 31, 1922. Thus, 26 of Ireland's 32 counties achieved independence; the remaining six counties were and continue to be under British rule. They form what is now Northern Ireland, which is part of the UK, though not as a colony in the conventional sense of the term.

Yeats was mainly an intellectual and literary prodigy who was opposed to armed insurrection and bloodshed. To him, anti-imperialism was an intellectual act and cultural rejuvenation free from violence. He shared a general distrust in Irish revolutionaries and discredited their rhetoric, as his poem "September 1913" illustrates his disenchantment with post-John O'Leary Irish nationalist leaders.

Initially, Yeats considered the bloodshed and loss of lives during Easter Rising futile and wasteful. But the unwavering dedication of the rebels changed his mind and earned his sympathy. To elegise and eulogise them, he wrote "Easter, 1916," a palinode where he retracts what he said earlier in "September 1913."

In "Easter, 1916," Yeats uses the oxymoronic refrain "a terrible beauty is born" to glorify the heroism of the Easter rebels. To describe their devotion and tenacious commitment to freedom, he says:

Hearts with one purpose alone

Through summer and winter seem

Enchanted to a stone.

…

Too long a sacrifice

Can make a stone of the heart.

I don't think the imagery of "stone" here signifies "extreme idealism," "the frozen heart" or "the rigidity and inflexibility" of the nationalists. Rather, it stands for their single-minded purpose.

We can draw some parallels between the Easter rebels and the intrepid protesters of the anti-discrimination student movement (or the July 1-36, 2024 uprising). Its young stalwarts stunned the whole world with their spectacular bravery on the streets of Bangladesh. They showed unprecedented solidarity among themselves by standing their ground in the face of shoot-at-sight orders. At Sheikh Hasina's behest, shootings and helicopter strikes were carried out against our valiant young people. But they didn't hedge or budge; they didn't desert the streets even when they saw their co-protesters being killed next to them. Hundreds of them were massacred and thousands wounded. Many of the survivors are left with life-changing disabilities. As long as Hasina was in power, some of the injured couldn't even go to hospitals for treatment as police were arresting the bullet-wounded demonstrators from healthcare facilities.

What motivated our youth to defy death in order to free Bangladesh from the yoke of a brutal regime?

To use Yeats's imagery, their hearts were tied to—or turned into—a "stone," which represents their strong resolve to liberate their land from autocracy and oppressive practices. The urge for freedom fired them up, took them to the streets, and inspired them to stay put.

Hasina stayed in power from early 2009 until her fall in early August 2024. The young protagonists of the anti-discrimination student movement came of age during her rule. Hers was the only political system that they experienced firsthand. It was riddled with farcical and non-participatory elections, ballot stuffing on the eve of polls, candidate and voter intimidation, lack of transparency in the vote count, massive corruption, wholesale plundering of banks, illegal syphoning of money out of the country, and extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and other gross human rights violations.

What affected the students most directly was the culture of impunity at educational environments where Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of Hasina's party, the Awami League, instituted a reign of terror.

Our students couldn't tolerate the totalitarian regime any longer. In June 2024, they rallied around the anti-discrimination student movement to get a fair share in the job market. Soon, Hasina's arrogance galvanised them to free their country from her autocracy in July. Hasina didn't resign in July, so our youth extended its length beyond its 31st day. Hasina fell and fled on "July 36" (August 5) and the country was "liberated."

Yeats embeds memories of the Easter Uprising and immortalises its heroes in "Easter, 1916." The courage and strength of mind of our youth are no less inspiring and remarkable than those of the Irish rebels. We will feel artistically bereft if we don't see our litterateurs produce pieces like "Easter, 1916" to commemorate the sacrifices of our young people, to take pride in their "excess of love" for Bangladesh, and to celebrate their bravery and patriotic duty to liberate it and its people from oppression. We must document their determined courage, steadfast resilience, and the spirit of selflessness and fearlessness.

Because of some bad apples among them, we once dreaded our students. But they have now restored their dignity through their heroic fortitude and feats and through their readiness to die for a cause bigger than them.

We will be thrilled to read poetry containing verses like:

[Abu Sayed] and [Mugdho]

And [Shahriar] and [Yasin]

Now and in time to be,

Wherever green is worn,

Are changed, changed utterly:

A terrible beauty is born.

Dr Md Mahmudul Hasan is professor at the Department of English Language and Literature in the International Islamic University Malaysia.​

 

[Saif]

Had left a video message on Aug 5 for armed struggle: Adviser Nahid

Adviser Nahid Islam has said that he had prepared a video message on August 5 for circulation, calling for an armed struggle should the Sheikh Hasina government commit genocide on the day. Nahid, one of the coordinators of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement that led to the July-August mass u

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Had left a video message on Aug 5 for armed struggle: Adviser Nahid
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Oct 29, 2024 20:09
Updated :
Oct 29, 2024 20:57

Adviser Nahid Islam has said that he had prepared a video message on August 5 for circulation, calling for an armed struggle should the Sheikh Hasina government commit genocide on the day.

Nahid, one of the coordinators of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement that led to the July-August mass uprising, made the disclosure at a programme in the capital on Tuesday.

Speaking as a special guest at the prayer and discussion session in memory of the July Movement martyr Nasib Hasan Riyan, the advisor said, "On August 5, which is 36 July, we recorded a video in which I stated that if there is any genocide or massacre were to take place today, we would call for an armed struggle.

“We may not return; you’ll continue to fight. I sent the video to some journalists. If I do not return today, if we do not achieve victory today, then this will be our last message. We were all prepared for death, and we still are."

The adviser to the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting and the Ministry of Posts, Telecommunications, and Information Technology, said, "At that time, everyone was ready to become a martyr. Nasib declared on Facebook that he was going to the streets, telling his family that he might die today. For those of us who were in the field, this was our reality."

Nahid said there is a collective desire to build a dignified, just, and corruption-free Bangladesh. "The people across the country share this aspiration, and we’ll all work together for it."​

 

[Saif]

Youth will lead the country

Adviser of the interim government for posts, telecommu-nications and information technology Md Nahid Islam yesterday said the

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Youth will lead the country
Says Nahid

Adviser of the interim government for posts, telecommu-nications and information technology Md Nahid Islam yesterday said the young people who dreamt of building new Bangladesh through July mass-uprising are taking preparation to lead all sectors including economy, politics, business and society.

"Young people have shown Bangladesh a new way... they will lead Bangladesh in all aspects," Nahid, also adviser for information and broadcasting, said while addressing as special guest at an event marking National Youth Day-2024 at Osmani Memorial Auditorium in Dhaka, according to a ministry press release.

"Bangladeshi young generation has shown the world a new path through the July mass uprising, and the whole world is now waiting to see where this people will take Bangladesh," he said.

"All took to the streets during the July mass uprising, with patriotism on one side and death on the other. We had to fight choosing either the motherland or death," he said.

"Our fight is ongoing and we will definitely protect our motherland and stand high in the world again," he added.

Addressing as the chief guest, adviser for youth and sports Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain said a total five lakh jobs will be created in the government sector in the next two years.

"As a demographic dividend, power of the youth is very important for the country's economy," Asif, also adviser for labour and employment, said.

"Our interim government is developing the job-seeking youth as human resources through the Department of Youth Development," he added.​

 

[Saif]

Protecting the 'Revolution'

The revolution or the mass upsurge of July-August in Bangladesh was undoubtedly a successful one, which made an apparent impossibility a reality and ignited new hopes and expectations in society. Those who led the movement had stated in clear terms at the very outset that they wanted to establish a

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Protecting the 'Revolution'
Helal Uddin Ahmed
Published :
Nov 04, 2024 22:02
Updated :
Nov 04, 2024 22:02

The revolution or the mass upsurge of July-August in Bangladesh was undoubtedly a successful one, which made an apparent impossibility a reality and ignited new hopes and expectations in society. Those who led the movement had stated in clear terms at the very outset that they wanted to establish a discrimination-free new Bangladesh. Thereafter, the students and masses of the country staged a vigorous rebellion that expelled a deeply entrenched fascist, autocratic, and mafia-like regime. Consequently, people can now rightly expect that a social transformation would materialise soon. As consolidating a mass-upsurge is no different than doing the same for a revolution, similar experiences in other parts of the world should now be looked at and emulated wherever applicable in case of Bangladesh.

The revolutionary leader of modern China Mao Zedong had asserted: "Revolution is not a dinner party, nor an essay, nor a painting, nor a piece of embroidery; it cannot be advanced softly, gradually, carefully, considerately, respectfully, politely, plainly, and modestly." At the same time, he also asserted: "Politics is war without bloodshed, while war is politics with bloodshed." But materialising the aims of the mass upsurge for a discrimination-free Bangladesh with the help of an archaic bureaucracy that has its origin and orientations rooted in the colonial past will indeed be difficult if the existing constitution and its contradictory legal stipulations are adhered to. Bangladesh needs to find a path forward by shunning the colonial traditions. But this struggle for transformation and progress appears to be getting mired in the quicksand of indecisiveness.

Some observers opine that the organizers of the mass upsurge should have entered into dialogues with the masses all over the country immediately after the event. Some civil society members and politicians have been doing this, but the initiatives so far fell far short of requirement. Besides, a large proportion of these dialogues were confined to the gentlemen class in society. Therefore, it is not yet clear for how long the ideological mooring of Bangla-Spring can remain robust. The leaders of the mass upsurge should now focus more on the general masses by attaching lesser priority to the gentlemen classes and bureaucracy. They should do this if they really believe that the mass people were the real architects of this new chapter in Bangladesh's history, and real advancements can be made only through the participation of all segments of society. Global experiences point to the need for inclusiveness in deciding on the post-revolution pathways by regularly sitting with the masses. Revolution becomes a celebration only by treading that path.

Although the July-August revolution had mingled with the essence of a 15-year-long movement against the fascist regime by various classes and professions, it was also true that the final chapter was enacted within a mere two months. The limitations of such a cataclysmic change within such a short time is that many people could not absorb the ideological aspirations and responsibilities in their own contexts, although they spontaneously participated in the movement. These people will become protectors of the revolution only when they identify themselves with those ideologies. Millions of such supporters are needed for sustaining this revolution. This task cannot be done by the leaders of the student-led movement against discrimination alone. All people facing discriminations in society and governance should be included in this fold. Reforming the state will be difficult without including maximum number of such deprived people in the process. The political parties are usually the mainstay in any process for change. But initiatives for addressing the aspirations for change among the masses appear to be lacking among many political parties.

Some observers also hold the view that it is for the first time after independence that the mass people are seeking to create a new society. They want to come out of their decades-long frustration with the state by becoming an engine for change. The responsibility of including these people in this celebration of change squarely falls on the leaders of the mass upsurge. And the celebration will yield success only when significant improvements are made in the status of the teeming millions living in the lower echelons of society. No reactionary forces can stop this onward journey if food, clothing, shelter, education, and medical care of the common people are ensured. The employment of workers and the interests of farmers should be prioritised alongside ensuring easy availability of essential commodities at fair price. Many people are now dwelling on the superstructures while discussing reforms. But the poorer segments of society are not getting that much attention. There should be more discussions about the problems faced by the farmers and workers.

Worryingly, a segment of the civil society is already spreading scepticism about the strength and future of the mass upsurge. It should also be kept in mind that such segments remain apprehensive about losing their own positions and status in case of sweeping changes. At the end of the day, they cannot rise above their individual or group interests. The focus of interest of some of these people are now administrative centres, but the root causes of many ailments facing the society and country over previous decades lie at this very spot. In fact, the most pressing challenge for the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus is to make the administration pro-people. This can happen if the revolution defies the vested interests of the upper classes. The tide of the mass upsurge for a discrimination-free society cannot and should not be liberal with the discriminatory systems still in place, as the revolution cannot be protected in this way.

The widespread support received by the interim government has been unprecedented in the history of Bangladesh. After so much bloodletting, the government now occupies a unique position of authority, from where there is no scope to embrace failure. There is no option for it but to follow an inclusive path through regular interactions with all stakeholders including the political parties, the civic organizations, and representatives of various professions and classes.​

 

[Saif]

Anti-Discrimination Student Movement forms Narail committee

With its aim to establish district-level committees nationwide, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement has now formed a 51-member convening committee in Narail district

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Anti-Discrimination Student Movement forms Narail committee

With its aim to establish district-level committees nationwide, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement has now formed a 51-member convening committee in Narail district.

This marks their third convening committee at the district level after Kushtia and Chuadanga.

Earlier, on November 2, they formed a 111-member committee in Kushtia, followed by another committee in Chuadanga on November 4.

The 101-member convening committee for Narail district was announced on Wednesday evening through the official Facebook page of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

The announcement was signed by the movement's convenor, Hasnat Abdullah, and member secretary, Arif Sohel.

Rafayetul Haque Tomal has been named the convener while Md Shafayet was made the member secretary of the 51- member convening committee.

In other key positions, Quazi Yazur Rahman Babu was made the chief organiser and Nusrat Jahan was named the spokesperson.

In addition, six were appointed as joint convenors, seven as joint member secretaries, three as organisers, and 31 as members.​

 

[Saif]

Rickshaw that carried revolution martyr finds place in museum

The rickshaw that carried Golam Nafiz, a martyr of the anti-discrimination movement, will be preserved at the Mass Revolution Memorial Museum, Nahid Islam, ICT and Information adviser announced today

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Rickshaw that carried revolution martyr finds place in museum

Photo: Collected

The rickshaw that carried Golam Nafiz, a martyr of the anti-discrimination movement, will be preserved at the Mass Revolution Memorial Museum, Nahid Islam, ICT and Information adviser announced today.

He made the statement while visiting the rickshaw at the Gono Bhaban, according to a media release from the Posts, Telecommunications, and Information Technology Ministry.

During the handover of the rickshaw at Gono Bhaban, the adviser expressed gratitude to the rickshaw-puller, Noor Mohammad, for his bravery and assured him of financial support.

The release further said that following a recent media report about the sale of the rickshaw by Noor Mohammad, Nahid Islam immediately instructed his team to locate both the rickshaw and the rickshaw-puller. It was later revealed that Noor had sold the rickshaw for Tk 35,000 to a London-based expatriate. After communication, the expatriate agreed to donate the rickshaw to the museum.

Golam Nafiz, a student of Banani Bidyaniketan School and College, was shot near the Farmgate foot overbridge on August 4. When the police lifted the bullet-riddled Nafiz and placed him on the rickshaw passenger's footrest, he was still gripping the rickshaw's rod with his hand. Although the rickshaw-puller rushed him to a hospital, it was too late to save him.​

 

[Saif]

Students to resist AL event today

The student movement against discrimination will hold a mass gathering at Zero Point in the capital’s Gulistan today, demanding trial of the Awami League.

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Students to resist AL event today

The student movement against discrimination will hold a mass gathering at Zero Point in the capital's Gulistan today, demanding trial of the Awami League.

The students' platform will begin the programme at 12:00pm in which, it said, all pro-mass uprising political parties and cultural organisations will participate.

Hasnat Abdullah, a key coordinator of the movement, made the announcement on his verified Facebook page, calling on people to observe similar programmes in every district.

The student body came up with the announcement a day after the Awami League urged its leaders and activists to gather at Noor Hossain Chattar (Zero Point) at 3:00pm today to observe the Shaheed Noor Hossain Day.

Noor Hossain, then a 26-year-old leader of Jubo League, was killed in police firing on November 10, 1987, while protesting against the then autocratic rule of Ershad at the Zero Point.

The AL said it will stage the programme to demand restoration of democracy, according to a press release posted on its official Facebook page.

Meanwhile, the interim government has sounded a stern warning against the AL taking to the street.

Terming the AL a "fascist" party, Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam yesterday said the government will not allow it to hold any protest. "The Awami League in its current form is a fascist party. There is no way this fascist party will be allowed to hold protests in Bangladesh," he said in a Facebook post.

Alam also warned against any attempts to organise rallies or processions by taking orders from "mass murderer and dictator Sheikh Hasina". If anyone tries to do so, the law enforcers will deal with it strictly, he said, adding that the interim government will not tolerate violence or any attempt to break public order in the country.

Asif Mahmud, youth and sports adviser, in his verified Facebook account, yesterday said if any members of banned organisations or perpetrators of genocide attempt to hold events, law enforcement will take strict action.

Announcing the mass gathering, Hasnat Abdullah, in his Facebook post, urged all to refrain from resorting to violence and not to create any public sufferings.

"Disguised [Awami] League criminals might carry out vandalism and arson and then shift responsibility onto the students and people. So If you find anyone from the [Awami] League, hand them over to the police," he wrote.

In another post, Hasnat urged the students of Dhaka College, Ideal College and City College to join what he called the "Apa Domon" (resist Sheikh Hasina) programme.

In another development, the Mirpur unit of the student movement in a statement last night said it will hold a sit-in at Mirpur 10 intersection from 9:30am onwards, and will start, around noon, installing plaques carrying the names of the July uprising martyrs on the walls of the traffic police box there.

Late last night, several hundred students and people gathered at Zero Point and their number was growing.

Witnesses said most of those present there were leaders and activists of the faction of Gono Odhikar Parishad led by Reza Kibria.

Tarek Rahman, joint member secretary of the organisation, said, "We are worried that Sheikh Hasina and her party leaders and activists have conspired to kill students…. No one can trust them. They don't hesitate to kill people."

Dhaka Metropolitan Police in a statement said it arrested 10 men on charges of trying to ruin Bangladesh's good relations with the US.

AL President Sheikh Hasina recently directed her party leaders and activists to use the US flag and photos of US president-elect Donald Trump while holding "illegal processions", said the statement.

Police recovered a large number of "provocative posters, placards with pictures" and money from the possession of the arrestees.​

 

[Saif]

Anti-discrimination students demand trial of AL leaders, activists

The anti-discrimination student movement on Sunday demanded the trial of Awami League (AL) leaders and activists for their crimes committed during the last 15 years. They made the demand from a protest meeting at the New Market Junction area this afternoon. Earlier, they brought out a procession f

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Anti-discrimination students demand trial of AL leaders, activists
FE Online Desk
Published :
Nov 10, 2024 21:19
Updated :
Nov 10, 2024 21:19

The anti-discrimination student movement on Sunday demanded the trial of Awami League (AL) leaders and activists for their crimes committed during the last 15 years.

They made the demand from a protest meeting at the New Market Junction area this afternoon. Earlier, they brought out a procession from the city’s Parade Corner area which paraded different city streets, reports BSS.

Chattogram Anti-Discrimination Student Movement Coordinator Russel Ahmed and Khan Talat Mahmud Rafi addressed the meeting.

Speaking on this occasion, Russel Ahmed said that students had shed their blood on the streets to overthrow the fascist forces from Bangladesh at various times.

“We became united in 2024 by expelling the fascist Sheikh Hasina from the country...We want to make it clear that the people won’t allow her in the country anymore to do politics”.​

 

[Saif]

Fascism must not return

The Awami League government has been accused of repression, suppression, enforced disappearance, killing, mass murder and a fascist rule

en.prothomalo.com

Interview: Mahbubullah
Fascism must not return
Mahbubullah
Published: 10 Nov 2024, 14: 41

Dr Mahbubullah is a former professor of Dhaka University, a political analyst and an economist. He was a leader of the 1969 mass uprising. In an interview with Prothom Alo’s Sohrab Hassan and Monzurul Islam he talks about the 2024 student-peoples uprising, constitutional reforms, the future of democracy in Bangladesh and other issues.

Prothom Alo: Sheikh Hasina's autocratic government was toppled in the 5 August student-peoples uprising. We have entered a new phase. The last 15 years was a horrifying chapter for democracy. Why do we repeatedly trip up on the path of democracy?

Mahbubullah: I see the matter a bit differently. The people of this region have been fighting for democracy not just from Pakistan times, but from British times. The demand for a constitution was an important part of that struggle. After the 1947 partition, the first election to the provincial assembly was held in 1954. Then in 1956 a constitution came into effect in Pakistan. It took nearly 9 years to draw up this constitution.

However that constitution was cancelled due to Ayub Khan's takeover of power and enforcing martial law. In 1962 he came up with a constitution of his own, the constitution of Basic Democracy. According to that constitution the people wouldn't be able to select their representatives through direct vote.

After the 1971 liberation war, independent Bangladesh’s constitution was drafted and enacted. Many people congratulated the drafters for coming up with such good constitution in such a short span of time. They thought that this would bode well for them in the future. But there were flaws from the very outset in the drafting of that constitution. The question arose as to whether those who drafted the constitution at the time, had the mandate to do so.

The 1972 constitution did not, however, remain unchanged for long. Very soon after the constitution was put into effect, amendments began. By means of the fourth amendment, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman ushered in a one-party rule to ensure they would remain in power permanently.

Sheikh Hasina had the same objectives. The fall of democracy and rise of fascism stems from politics to retain state power without elections or the consent of the people.

Prothom Alo: A debate prevails over whether to amend the constitution, rewrite it or draft it anew. What is your view on the matter?

Mahbubullah: No one has made any announcement that the present constitution of Bangladesh is going to be cancelled nor has it been rendered void. The constitution has been burdened by many undemocratic amendments. As the caretaker government system has been abolished, it is not possible to hold free and fair elections under this constitution.

I personally feel that it is not possible to make adjustments in this constitution to render it people-oriented. In the prevailing debate over amending or rewriting the constitution, I am in favour of rewriting it. I feel that recommendations should be taken from the political parties and the constitution rewritten on the basis of a consensus. But there should be no delays in the task.

Prothom Alo : Given the present circumstances, questions have arisen as to whether Awami League can carry out political activities and take part in the election or not. What do you think?

Mahbubullah: The time has not arrived yet as to whether Awami League can participate in the election or not. Politics is changing in the country. Many new questions are coming to the fore.

There are two opinions over whether Awami League will join the election or not. There are those in favour of allowing Awami League to practice politics, while many are in favour of banning the party or keeping it away from politics. However, if a party or a mindset exists in the society or the state, I do not think it can be kept away from politics or the election by force or by means of the law.

Prothom Alo: So what then?

Mahbubullah: The allegations against the Awami League government are extremely grave. They have been accused of repressing and suppressing the opposition, enforced disappearance, killing, mass murder and a fascist rule. They must be brought to trial. But then again, questions will arise if the leaders and activists of the party who do not face such allegations are prevented from practicing politics. They perhaps will be able to practice politics, after the trials are over.

The problem is that the judicial process in our country is extremely slow. So the process may not be complete before the election. The government should take measures to ensure this judicial process is carried out as speedily a possible. Actually the question of Awami League doing politics or not has created such circumstances where there is no best solution.

Over the past 15 years Awami League carried out all sorts of misdeeds and repression. During this mass uprising many protestors were killed. This has created extreme hatred and anger among the people and so anything related to Awami League is a symbol of wrongdoing and repression. That is why Awami League is being opposed at every step. That is only natural. Once people’s anger subsides, the situation may change in future. Then maybe they (Awami League) too will be able to practice politics.

A political party can be known by its activities when in power. The Awami League of 1971 and the post-1971 Awami League are not one and the same. During the Awami League government from 1972 to 1975, an autocratic rule had prevailed too. And through the misrule or fascist rule over the past 15 years, the party had gradually been heading down a suicidal path. That culminated in the fall of the government on 5 August this year.

Prothom Alo: The student organisations associated with the political parties had been at the leadership of the 1969 and 1990 mass uprisings. But it was the common students that lent leadership to the student-people’s uprising of 2024. Does this signify any change in politics?

Mahbubullah: Those who led the mass movement this time are known as the coordinators. Some of them were associated with the organisation Gonotrantrik Chhatra Shakti, though they do not mention that organisation much now. The effort for the students to organise under some name or the other indicates the need for an organisation. In countries like Bangladesh where the seeds of democracy have not sprouted, there is ample scope for student organisations to play a significant role.
The movement of the students this time was not just a students’ movement, but a movement in which people from all walks of life took part. The people were already prepared to oust Sheikh Hasina and that is why they rapidly joined hands with the students’ movement.

While the conventional student organisations were not at the leadership of the movement this time, large numbers of their leaders and activists played an active role in the movement. The issues of the movement were also the issues of the opposition political parties. So it really can’t be said that there has been any significant change in politics.

Prothom Alo : From past experience, would you say people have lost confidence in the regular political parties of Bangladesh?

Mahbubullah: That is what many people are saying, but I think this is baseless. It will be understood during the election whether people have lost confidence in the conventional political parties. Awami League destroyed the country’s electoral system. That electoral system must be fixed. After that when a fair election is held, the people’s confidence or lack of confidence will be clear.

Prothom Alo: Three months of the interim government have passed. How will you evaluate the activities of the government? There is noticeable dissatisfaction among the people concerning the law and order situation and the spiraling prices.

Mahbubullah: This government has taken up several good initiatives. Several commissions have been formed as part of the reform plans. We look forward to them coming up with the reforms needed for a fair and credible election.

But there are apprehensions regarding law and order as well as security. The people are anxious about the increase in robbery, theft and mugging. The reason behind this is that basically it is the police that are in charge of law and order in our country. The police are not being able to function effectively since 5 August. We hear that many members of the force have not returned to duty. Until the police force is fully effective, law and order will not improve.

Then there is the matter of increased prices. The price of essentials had been spiralling from when the past government was in power, not just over these last three months. This trend has been continuing for the last four or five years.

A large number of exorbitant mega projects had been taken up during the last government. The expenditure on the mega projects had been three to four times higher than that of other countries. Funds had been wasted in many other ways too. At various times extra currency was printed to keep the situation in check. This increased the circulation of money in the market, pushing up prices. It will take time to rectify this situation.

If people can speak out, then I will feel that we are moving towards democracy. If people cannot open up and speak their minds, that fascism may just return in a different name and a different form.

Prothom Alo: BNP has asked the interim government to present a roadmap and hold the elections soon. What is you view on the matter?

Mahbubullah: The basic premise of the interim government is to create an environment conducive to free and fair elections. It is only natural for an election-oriented party like BNP to want a possible date or roadmap regarding the election. There is nothing wrong with BNP’s ask.

From the outward appearance of the government, it does not seem that they will remain in power for long. Dr Yunus himself said that the he will not remain in power if the people do not want it. I do not want to comment right now on whether anything else will occur in the future.

Prothom Alo : BNP and Jamaat at times launched a movement against the last government as an alliance and at times they held simultaneous movements. But in the changed circumstances after the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government, visible differences have emerged between BNP and Jamaat over various issues such as the election and reforms. How do you view this?

Mahbubullah: I feel Jamaat has received a huge boost to its confidence. They have an organised force and a huge cadre force, they managed to play a militant role in this movement. This led to an increase in their confidence. As a result, they imagine that they do not need anyone else’s support or help.

It is unfortunate if disunity emerges among the stakeholders before the country’s crisis has been properly resolved. It is unfortunate because Sheikh Hasina is sitting in India pulling strings to create unrest in the country here. That is why those who want democracy in the country should maintain unity, or at least a working relationship.

Prothom Alo: Is there a possibility of extremist right-wing forces arising in this juncture of power changing hands?

Mahbubullah: As far as I understand the character or nature of the people of this country, I do not foresee any such forces coming to power through the election or any other means in Bangladesh. Various groups and organisations took part in the movement this time and so certain religious icons caught the eye. Sheikh Hasina had unleashed a rule of repression and suppression over the past 15 years. The recent activities can be seen as a fallout of that.

I had mentioned in one of my writings that the psyche of Bangladesh’s people is somewhat like a pendulum, swinging at one time to the left and then to the right. At times we lean towards secular festivity and then again at time we see a rise in religious rituals. This indicates that the belief or world of consciousness of the people in this country is still in a state of flux. That is because our nation building problems have not been resolved. As a result, we fail to reach a consensus on broad issues as a nation.

The task of nation building is not easy and cannot be done speedily. This requires strong leadership. Politics must go deeper. Politics based on mere slogans won’t do.

Prothom Alo: Are you hopeful about the future of Bangladesh’s democracy?

Mahbubullah: It is not enough simply to topple an undemocratic or fascist government. It is vital to ensure that fascism does not arise all over again. The rise of fascism is strongly linked to the economy. When lumpen bourgeoisie take control of the economy in a country instead of patriotic bourgeoisie, then democracy diminishes.

While all sorts of changes and reforms are being declared by various quarters, no one is talking about fundamental changes in the economy and politics. And that is why I am not too hopeful about the future of democracy. Even in such a situation I feel that people must be allowed to speak out. If people can speak out, then I will feel that we are moving towards democracy. If people cannot open up and speak their minds, that fascism may just return in a different name and a different form.

Prothom Alo : Thank you.

Mahbubullah: Thank you too​

 

[Saif]

Migrant workers played key role in July uprising

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday inaugurated a lounge dedicated for the country’s migrant workers at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport to make sure that they get the honour and facilities like guests for their significant contribution to the country’s progress.

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Migrant workers played key role in July uprising
Yunus says at inauguration of HSIA lounge for them, gives pep talk to officials in Baku

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday inaugurated a lounge dedicated for the country's migrant workers at Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport to make sure that they get the honour and facilities like guests for their significant contribution to the country's progress.

"Our migrant workers are nation builders. In the July-August mass uprising, they played a big role. We will always be grateful to them," said Prof Yunus.

The "Probashi Lounge" is the first of its kind at the airport. "We believe this lounge will make their [migrant workers'] travel easy," Prof Yunus said.

Photo: Collected from Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam's Facebook profile

It will offer the workers a place to rest and subsidised food for refreshments.

The chief adviser said many more steps will hopefully be taken so that the workers can think that they are at home, and everyone is taking care of them, serving them well.

He said the nation should give the migrant workers the respect they deserve. "Bangladeshi migrants contribute to the country's progress by sending remittances and they should get the proper respect."

Prof Yunus stressed the need for easing the government services for the expatriates and said e-passports should now be issued for them.

Asif Nazrul, the law and expatriates' welfare adviser, and senior officials of the International Organisation for Migration were also present at the event.

Prof Nazrul paid tributes to the migrant workers and millions of members of the country's diaspora who made sacrifices time and again for their homeland.

Photo: Collected from Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam's Facebook profile

Fathima Nusrath Ghazzali, acting chief of the IOM mission in Bangladesh, said the UN agency has sponsored the lounge to assist the migrant workers.

"This is an initiative of the chief adviser. We are happy to support this initiative," she said, adding that the IOM is also sponsoring nearly 100 volunteers to help the migrants at the airport.

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Prof Yunus yesterday asked the Bangladesh officials and NGO and civil society leaders to put in extra efforts to highlight the country's climate crisis concerns at the COP29 summit from November 11 to 22.

He made the call in Baku after his arrival in the Azerbaijan capital to lead Bangladesh in the annual UN-led climate summit.

"Our main efforts will be to include our concerns and demands in the final declaration of the COP29," he told the Bangladesh delegation during a coordination meeting at a hotel in Baku.

Prof Yunus will join the main COP29 summit today and speak in at least three major events.

At the meeting, Environment Secretary Farhina Ahmed briefed officials about Bangladesh's stand on some key issues of the conference.

She said Bangladesh has set up nine teams to negotiate in all major areas, including climate finance, loss and mitigation, and just transition and adaptation mechanisms in the summit.

At least 29 NGOs and civil society groups from Bangladesh are joining the COP29, Farhina said.

She said despite assurances from the rich countries in the Global North, Bangladesh has so far received $344 million in grants and $250 million in loans as climate finance.

The UN's biggest climate conference, COP29, is seen as a "pivotal opportunity" to accelerate action to tackle the climate crisis.

Bangladesh Ambassador to Turkey Amanul Haq, among others, was present at the airport to receive the chief adviser at 5:15pm (local time).

Prof Yunus, who is leading a small delegation, will return home on November 14, said a senior official at his office.

Global leaders and diplomats from across the world are joining the annual climate summit to discuss how to avoid increasing threats from climate change in a place that was one of the birthplaces of the oil industry.​