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[🇧🇩] The U.S.A.---A Strategic Partner of Bangladesh
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G Bangladesh Defense

US trade deal overshadows Bangladesh’s economic freedom

BUSINESS

Refayet Ullah Mirdha and Sohel Parvez

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The reciprocal trade deal signed by the interim government with the United States has raised questions regarding the economic sovereignty of Bangladesh, especially in decisions on trade, energy and security.

Critics point to several binding and conditional clauses that allow Washington to terminate the agreement and restore steep tariffs if its concerns are not addressed.

For example, take the digital trade facilitation provision in the deal.

The agreement says that if Bangladesh signs a new digital trade deal with any country that jeopardises essential US interests, Washington may terminate the pact and reimpose the 37 percent reciprocal tariff on Bangladeshi exports.

That was the tariff rate the US had proposed in April 2025.

The same condition applies if Bangladesh enters into a new bilateral free trade or preferential agreement with what the US terms “a non-market country” -- nations it does not recognise as market economies.

The agreement says that if consultations with Bangladesh fail to resolve American concerns, the United States may withdraw from the deal and reinstate the 37 percent tariff.

The rate is high enough to sharply reduce Bangladesh’s exports to the US, a costly prospect given that the country earns roughly one-fifth of its export revenue from garments and other goods sold to American buyers.

The deal, signed on February 9 between the interim government and the Trump administration, also restricts Bangladesh from purchasing “any nuclear reactors, fuel rods, or enriched uranium from a country that jeopardises essential US interests”.

An exception applies to “the procurement of proprietary materials for which there are no alternative suppliers or technologies, or materials contracted prior to the entry into force of this agreement required for existing reactors”.

This suggests that supplies for the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant, built with Russian technical and financial support through Russian state corporation Rosatom, may continue.

But any future nuclear project could fall under tighter scrutiny.

Citing the section on economic and national security, BRAC Executive Director Asif Saleh, in a Facebook post, said, “This is the most important and controversial part of the agreement, as it raises questions about ‘sovereignty’.”

The section adds, “The United States shall work with Bangladesh to streamline and enhance defence trade.”

On the nuclear restriction, Saleh said, “This could create risks for Bangladesh’s energy security.”

The deal also opens the door for US direct investment to “explore, mine, extract, refine, process, transport, distribute and export critical mineral resources”.

In addition, Bangladesh is required to purchase $3.5 billion worth of American agricultural products. This includes at least 700,000 tonnes of wheat annually for five years, at least $1.25 billion or 2.6 million tonnes of soy and soy products, and cotton.

Bangladesh shall also need to buy 14 Boeing aircraft initially and $15 billion worth of liquefied natural gas (LNG) over 15 years, apart from increased purchases of US military equipment and limits on defence equipment purchases from certain countries.

“It appears more like an imposed purchasing obligation than free trade,” said Saleh. “Regardless of Bangladesh’s actual needs or capacity, it effectively ensures profits for US companies.”

Mustafizur Rahman, distinguished fellow at local think tank Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), said bulk commodities in Bangladesh are usually imported by private sector businesses, not the government.

If traders can source goods more cheaply elsewhere, he asked, why would they buy from the United States?

In that case, Rahman said the government may have to offer incentives to persuade private importers to purchase American products, adding to fiscal pressure.

In an interview with The Daily Star last week, Professor Selim Raihan, executive director of the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (Sanem), said that Bangladesh could be compelled to buy more expensive goods even when cheaper alternatives are available.

“If we find a cheaper source elsewhere, we may not be able to choose it,” he said. “This will put additional pressure on our foreign exchange.”

“How are we going to finance aircraft purchases and energy imports? There is a risk of increased reliance on foreign loans,” Raihan said.

Anwar-ul Alam Chowdhury (Parvez), president of the Bangladesh Chamber of Industries, said the agreement indicates that Bangladesh should reduce its dependence on China for raw materials.

The deal also contains a provision on Rules of Origin. It says that if the benefits of the agreement accrue substantially to third countries or their nationals, either party may establish Rules of Origin to reflect the intention of the agreement.

Parvez said the third country clause should have been defined more clearly.

The agreement has not been made public, with officials citing a non-disclosure provision. Amid growing concern, the Chief Adviser’s Office said in a statement that it had inserted “an exit clause” into the deal.

“There was no scope for any country to terminate the agreement,” it added. The statement did not clarify whether Bangladesh exports would again face a 37 percent tariff, up from 19 percent, if the agreement were terminated.​
 
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Why the trade agreement with the US is problematic
17 February 2026, 12:00 PM
Kallol Mustafa

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FILE VISUAL: STAR BUSINESS

On February 9, the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus signed a trade agreement with the United States. Although the interim government has claimed that reducing the reciprocal tariffs imposed by the United States will help preserve Bangladesh’s export market, no other South Asian country that has been subjected to reciprocal tariffs has signed such an agreement with the US so far. As a result, the signing of this agreement just three days before the national election by a temporary interim government, while maintaining strict secrecy, has raised concerns for various reasons. In particular, the inclusion of strategic conditions related to national security and geopolitics in addition to tariff concessions, has raised questions about how far Bangladesh’s interests have been protected in the agreement.

Through this agreement, the US-imposed reciprocal tariff on Bangladeshi exports has been reduced from 20 to 19 percent. The existing average general tariff rate for entry into the US market is 15.5 percent. On top of this, an additional reciprocal tariff of 19 percent will be imposed. That means the total tariff burden on Bangladeshi products in the US market will stand at 34.5 percent. The interim government has not disclosed the concessions Bangladesh must provide, but a contract released by the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) shows that the country has been entangled in a wide range of conditions in exchange for a small tariff concession. This article will analyse those conditions to examine whether they serve Bangladesh’s national interest.

Extensive tariff concessions for the United States

Under this agreement, Bangladesh will provide tariff concessions on 6,710 US products, while receiving reciprocal tariff concessions on 1,638 products. Among these, 4,500 products from the United States will enjoy duty-free access to Bangladesh from the very day the agreement comes into force. These products fall under the EIF (Enter Into Force) category. They include livestock, meat, fish, chemicals, textiles, machinery, and various industrial goods.

In addition, tariffs on 1,539 products listed under Category B-5 will be reduced by half immediately after the agreement comes into effect. The remaining half will be reduced gradually over the next four years. From January 1 of the fifth year, these products will become completely duty-free. Similarly, for the 672 products listed under Category B-10, tariffs will initially be reduced by half, and the remaining half will be reduced gradually over the following nine years, reaching zero on January 1 of the tenth year. (Schedule 1, Annex I) These massive tariff concessions may expose local agricultural and industrial products to competition from US goods and may also reduce government revenue from tariffs.

Removal of non-tariff barriers to US industrial exports

The agreement places strong emphasis on reducing non-tariff barriers to US exports. It states that Bangladesh cannot implement import licensing policies such that they hinder the import of US goods (Article 2.2, Section 2).

Previously, even if US industrial and medical products were approved in the United States, they had to undergo additional testing and marketing approval before being exported to Bangladesh. The US identified this as a non-tariff barrier and obtained Bangladesh’s commitment to remove it (Annex III, Section 1).

As a result, Bangladesh will have to make several concessions, including recognising US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) certification and prior marketing approval for medical equipment and pharmaceuticals (Article 1.1, Annex III); accepting vehicles manufactured according to US federal motor vehicle safety and emission standards (Article 1.2, Annex III); and removing any import bans or licensing requirements on US remanufactured products or components (Article 1.3, Annex III).

Removal of non-tariff barriers to US agricultural and biotechnology products

In the name of removing non-tariff barriers, Bangladesh has also promised to reduce testing requirements for US agricultural and biotechnology products (Annex III, Section 1).

These commitments include recognising US sanitary and phytosanitary measures and other standards as alternatives to Bangladesh’s own standards for US food and agricultural products (Article 1.4, Annex III); recognising the standards of the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) Food Safety and Inspection Service for meat, poultry, eggs, and similar products (Article 1.5, Annex III); formulating policies within 24 months of signing the agreement to allow biotechnology products recognised as safe in the US to enter Bangladesh without additional testing or labelling (Article 1.6, Annex III); and refraining from imposing import bans on poultry products from regions located more than 10 kilometres away from areas affected by avian influenza virus in the US (Article 1.8, Annex III).

The removal of these so-called non-tariff barriers effectively means losing the ability to ensure biosecurity in food and agricultural imports. Previously, US cotton had to undergo chemical pest treatment upon entering Bangladesh. That will no longer be possible. Controversial genetically modified products cannot be restricted under this deal, and Bangladesh cannot even require mandatory labelling, which may pose a threat to public health.

Mandatory import of costly US goods

Under the agreement, Bangladesh must purchase 14 aircraft from Boeing. Over the next 15 years, Bangladesh must purchase US energy products, particularly liquefied natural gas (LNG), worth $15 billion (approximately Tk 1.8 lakh crore). In addition, Bangladesh must purchase US agricultural products worth $3.5 billion (approximately Tk 42,000 crore). This includes purchasing 700,000 tonnes of wheat annually for five years and purchasing soybeans worth $1.25 billion, or amounting to 2.6 million tonnes within one year. Furthermore, Bangladesh will have to increase the purchase of military equipment from the US while reducing purchases from other countries (Section 6, Annex III).

Traditionally, Bangladesh has imported limited quantities of US agricultural and energy products due to higher costs and longer delivery times. The new US deal prevents Bangladesh from importing these products at more competitive prices and faster delivery times from the international market. This will cause financial losses and may require subsidies or special incentives to private sector importers. Meanwhile, increased imports of military equipment from the US will raise both financial costs and geopolitical risks.

Granting US companies the same privileges as domestic firms

According to the agreement, Bangladesh must facilitate US investors in the extraction and export of mineral resources and provide US companies with equal opportunities in the power generation, telecommunications, transportation, and infrastructure sectors (Article 5.1, Section 5).

Additionally, Bangladesh will not be allowed to impose any limit on US capital investment in the oil, gas, insurance, and telecommunications sectors (Article 1.16, Annex III). The existing requirement for domestic and foreign private insurance companies to reinsure 50 percent of their business with the state-owned Sadharan Bima Corporation will not apply to US insurance companies (Article 1.15, Annex III).

US multinational corporations possess far greater financial and technological capabilities than domestic companies. Providing them with equal opportunities will harm local industries. It will also reduce sovereign control over these sectors. For example, despite domestic gas shortages, Bangladesh would still have to permit US companies to export gas.

Restrictions on subsidies and protection for domestic industries

Developing economies often provide subsidies and incentives to domestic public and private institutions to overcome financial and technological limitations. Without such support, employment suffers and foreign dependency in strategic sectors increases. Under the agreement with the US, Bangladesh must refrain from providing non-commercial assistance or other subsidies to state-owned enterprises. Moreover, Bangladesh must disclose all subsidy and incentive information related to manufacturing institutions to the US and eliminate subsidies that distort market competition (Article 5.2, Section 5).

Bangladesh must also comply as quickly as possible with WTO agreements on fisheries subsidies and control so-called harmful subsidies in the fisheries sector while reforming subsidy systems (Article 1.23, Annex III). Within six months of the agreement taking effect, Bangladesh must submit detailed information on all types of subsidies to the World Trade Organization (Section 6, Annex III).

Incorporation into the US national security framework

Although the agreement is presented as one for reciprocal trade, it effectively ties Bangladesh to the US national security framework. Under the agreement, if the United States adopts border or trade measures in the interest of national security, Bangladesh must adopt “complementary restrictive measures” in alignment with US policies (Article 4.1, Section 4).

Bangladesh must comply with US export bans and take effective measures to prevent violations of US export control laws. This will prevent Bangladesh from maintaining neutrality in conflicts between major powers and will effectively force Bangladesh to align with US sanctions or trade wars.

Additionally, Bangladesh must adopt technologies in its ports, terminals, and logistics networks that prevent data leakage to third countries and restrict the use of software considered harmful to US national security (Article 1-5, Section 3, Annex III).

Restrictions on agreements and trade with third countries

To prioritise US interests, the agreement includes provisions that may hinder Bangladesh’s independent sovereign decision-making. It restricts Bangladesh from entering into any agreement or understanding with a third country that contains scientifically unsubstantiated, discriminatory, or biased technical standards that could harm US exports (Article 2.3 (3), Section 2).

Bangladesh will not be able to sign any digital trade agreement with another country that undermines US interests (Article 3.2, Section 3). Furthermore, if Bangladesh enters into any free trade or preferential economic agreement with a non-market-based country (China and Russia, as considered by the US) that undermines this agreement, the US will be able to cancel the agreement and reimpose punitive tariffs (Article 4.3 (4), Section 4).

Bangladesh will also not be able to purchase nuclear reactors, fuel rods, or enriched uranium from countries considered risky to US interests. However, exemptions may apply where no alternative supplier or technology exists, or where agreements had already been signed before this agreement took effect (Article 4.3 (5), Section 4).

Therefore, through this so-called trade agreement, arrangements have effectively been made to establish US dominance over Bangladesh’s economy, trade, and foreign policy. From industry and agriculture to energy and infrastructure, all sectors of Bangladesh have been subordinated to US commercial interests. Bangladesh has been drawn into US geopolitical projects, and its ability to build relationships with third countries has been restricted.

In short, this agreement is against the national interest and violates Bangladesh’s independence and sovereignty. An agreement signed by a temporary interim government while keeping the people of the country in the dark cannot be considered legitimate. According to Article 6.6 of the agreement, it is supposed to come into effect 60 days after the completion of all legal processes. It is hoped that the newly elected government will take the initiative to cancel this agreement through discussion in the national parliament, as it runs contrary to national interests.

Kallol Mustafa is an engineer and writer who focuses on power, energy, environment, and development economics.​
 
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