National Citizen Party should not deviate from politics
Zahed Ur Rahman
Teacher at IUB
Updated: 13 Mar 2025, 22: 22
After Nahid Islam's resignation from the post of adviser, an unbelievable scene was witnessed on social media: people from all political affiliations wished him success in his political journey. We had known for some time and saw that he had taken on the responsibility of being the leader of the 'Students' Party,' the National Citizen Party (NCP). Along with him, many young leaders, who were at the forefront of the July-August mass uprising, have also joined the leadership.
When the National Citizen Party was officially announced, all political parties, except the Awami League and its allies, wished them well. It goes without saying that wishing someone success in politics is not enough to achieve it. They are stepping into a fierce battle, where no competitor will give them an inch, as they all are driven by their own interests.
How successful will this party, formed in a very challenging environment, be? The leaders and activists of this newly formed party need to understand that to succeed in politics, they must actually practice politics. I'll explain why 'practicing politics' is important in the last part of this article.
At a time when a party like India's Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) formed and won elections in places like Delhi in a short span, some in Bangladesh have questioned why a similar, public welfare-focused party isn't forming here.
I believe that during the Awami League’s time in power, the situation was not conducive to the formation of a new political party. When a state lacks politics, when a mafia regime uses state institutions to exercise brutal force and hold on to power, there is no real reason for a political party to form or grow. In such a context, even if extraordinary people come together with fantastic programmes, the public could not trust them because they lacked the power to elect a party through the vote.
Under these circumstances, a party that could generate intense mass movements through huge public support to force the government to resign was necessary. Now, after two decades, a political party can form and grow democratically in Bangladesh.
When discussing the success of the National Citizen Party as a political force, many are highlighting its leadership, which had been at the forefront of the mass uprising that brought down a tyrannical ruler like Sheikh Hasina. The argument being made is that since they managed to do such a large task, creating and succeeding with a political party will be comparatively easier for them.
However, the skill of overthrowing a dictatorial government is different from the ability to create a political party and connect with people at the grassroots level to succeed in electoral politics. Just because someone has the skill to overthrow a dictatorship doesn’t guarantee they will have the skill to succeed in electoral politics.
Three student representatives worked as advisers in the post-uprising government, and there is talk of coordinators outside the government exerting influence over it, so one of the significant challenges for the National Citizen Party will be proving that they are not a party created with the support of the government ('king's party').
The National Citizen Party surely knows that while political realities are important, so are perceptions. As long as Nahid Islam was part of the government before his resignation for joining the party, it cannot be that he had not in his mind about the launching of new political party. The same applies to the other two student advisers, who are likely to join the National Citizen Party in the future after resigning from the government.
After Sheikh Hasina's fall and flight, a path to democratic recovery has begun to take shape. Despite repeated efforts by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus to outline this path, various conspiracies continue to develop. Some influential forces are trying to obstruct the country's democratic progress through flashy talk. Many people do not consider the alignment of the NCP’s views with those of these forces as a coincidence.
In this case, the argument for resigning from the government to join a political party is not enough. Imagine if three advisers from the government declared they were thinking of joining the BNP but insisted they would not do so while remaining in the government. They must resign from the government before joining the BNP. Would such a situation be acceptable?
A recent example of forming a 'king’s party' in Bangladesh was during the period of the 1/11 government. The Progressive Democratic Party (PDP), led by Ferdous Ahmed Qureshi, was established under the supervision of civilian-masked military rulers. Despite Qureshi’s illustrious political career, his party failed because he was almost unknown to the public at the time.
In contrast, the leadership of the NCP, who had bravely fought against Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian regime, has already earned the public's sympathy. Whether they can translate this emotional connection into organisational strength and electoral success remains to be seen.
The biggest challenge for the NCP will likely be ideological differences within the party. Since people from all political spectrums, from right-wing to left-wing, participated in the movement for the downfall of Sheikh Hasina, the party aims to unite them all and move forward together. To achieve this, they have chosen a pragmatic political path—centrism.
Through prioritising public welfare over ideological positions, their politics is supposed to help avoid these internal conflicts. However, even before the formation of the party, we saw internal ideological differences surface. The NCP has already faced intense disputes over whether "ex-Shibir" leaders like Ali Ahsan Junaid and Rafe Salman Rifat, both former leaders of Dhaka University’s Chhatra Shibir, would join the party. These two influential figures, after much debate, decided not to join the party.
In Bangladesh’s current context, where ideological disputes are rampant and sometimes deliberately stirred up, the big question is whether the NCP will be able to avoid these internal conflicts.
The NCP is, in essence, a party of young people. Many young activists, who were at the forefront of the mass uprising, have now joined the party. Many of them, who had excellent careers abroad, have returned to Bangladesh. Many overseas Bangladeshis are also supporting the party through activism and fundraising. The party has a strong chance of success, driven by the energy of the youth.
However, the 'students' party' label could also be a weakness for the NCP. People may perceive it as a party of inexperienced, immature individuals, which could create negative circumstances for the party. In a country like Bangladesh, with its extremely complex political and social environment, knowledge, intelligence, and talent alone are not enough; long-term experience is also a significant prerequisite for political success.
In the face of intense mass uprisings, the fall of Sheikh Hasina and her subsequent flight, the BNP is now the dominant political force in the field, effectively unchallenged in the electoral arena. In the current scenario, it is almost certain that the BNP will return to power in the future. Politics doesn’t leave a vacuum, and a political force will inevitably rise to challenge the BNP in the electoral arena. In terms of organisational strength, the alternatives at the moment are the Awami League, Jamaat-e-Islami, and Islamist identity-based politics. None of these, I believe, will be suitable for the welfare of the nation.
It would be a great thing for the people if a strong centrist party emerged, focusing on the welfare of the marginalised communities while ensuring the well-being of all citizens. In this regard, the National Citizen Party must quickly present its goals, ideals, and agenda in a clear, accessible language to the public.
After Sheikh Hasina's fall and flight, a path to democratic recovery has begun to take shape. Despite repeated efforts by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus to outline this path, various conspiracies continue to develop. Some influential forces are trying to obstruct the country's democratic progress through flashy talk. Many people do not consider the alignment of the NCP’s views with those of these forces as a coincidence.
Given the history of political parties being part of conspiracies in this country, I hope the NCP will avoid being involved, knowingly or unknowingly, in any such conspiracy. The party should focus solely on politics. This will be beneficial for both the party in the long term and the state as a whole.
*Zahed Ur Rahman, political analyst and university teacher
* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Rabiul Islam
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