[🇧🇩] A New Political Party: National Citizen Party

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[🇧🇩] A New Political Party: National Citizen Party
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Date of Event: Mar 1, 2025
Source : https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/politics/news/second-republic-new-constitution-youth-float-national-citizen-party-3836186 Short Summary: Monitoring the journey of national citizen party.
Second republic, new constitution: Youth float National Citizen Party
Nahid reads out National Citizen Party declaration

The National Citizen Party (NCP), a new political platform of the students who spearheaded the mass uprising last year, was officially launched today vowing to pursue the politics of national unity over division and materialise the vision for a second republic.

NCP convener Nahid Islam announced the vision for a second republic as the centrist party inaugurated at a rally on Manik Mia Avenue this evening.

Spearheaded by the Students Against Discrimination and initiated by the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, the party's declaration outlines a transformative political and economic roadmap for Bangladesh, which will begin with writing a new constitution.

In its official declaration, the party announced its mission to dismantle constitutional autocracy and adopt a new democratic constitution.

The cornerstone of this initiative is the formation of an elected constituent assembly, which will draft the new constitution to ensure democratic governance.

NCP's declaration emphasises that the July 2024 mass uprising was not merely about ousting a regime but rather about reshaping the entire political framework.

The party is committed to fostering a political culture where unity prevails over division, justice replaces vengeance, and merit triumphs over dynastic politics.

It also vows to eradicate corruption and nepotism, ensuring a fair and transparent governance system.

A significant aspect of NCP's vision is the inclusion of marginalised and disadvantaged communities.

The party asserts that in the second republic, the common people—and only the common people—will be the supreme source of power.

Protecting fundamental rights, preserving ethnic, social, gender, and cultural diversity, and ensuring strong safeguards against poverty, inequality, and abuse of power are fundamental to their vision.

The party has laid out a detailed framework for achieving its goals.

At the forefront is to rebuild broken political, social, economic, and cultural institutions to preserve their democratic nature.

Additionally, the party envisions a strong national defense system to safeguard the country's sovereignty and national interests.

The NCP prioritises the establishment of a self-sufficient, equitable, and sustainable economy through the integration of agriculture, services, and industrial production sectors.

The party pledges to prevent wealth concentration among the elite and ensure the equitable redistribution of resources.

Measures will be taken to regulate corporate syndicates and vested interests, safeguarding public and consumer rights.

To position Bangladesh as a strong regional power, the NCP plans to foster regional cooperation and international partnerships.

Additionally, the party aims to develop a modern, technology-driven economy that encourages innovation and scientific advancement.

The NCP strongly believes that the second republic is not an unattainable dream but a solemn commitment.

The party calls upon citizens to unite in this movement, saying that the struggle for democracy, justice, and equality must be relentless.

"We must eliminate all possibilities of restoring constitutional autocracy. Now is the time to dream anew, to march forward, and to build a new Bangladesh," reads the declaration.

The party urges people from all walks of life to take an oath to work towards the realisation of the second republic.

It envisions a nation where every citizen's voice is heard, where justice prevails, and where equality and human dignity are the foundation of the state.

The joint conveners of the party are Nusrat Tabassum, Monira Sharmin, Mahbub Alam, Sarwar Tushar, Advocate Mujahidul Islam Shahin, Tajnuva Zabin, Sultan Muhammad Zakaria, Dr. Atiq Mujahid, Ashraf Uddin Mahdi, Arpita Shyama Deba, Tanjil Mahmud, Anik Roy, Khaleda Saifullah, Javed Rasim, Ehtesham Haque, and Hasan Ali.

Meanwhile, the joint member secretaries are Abdullah Al Amin, Arif Sohail, Rashidul Islam Rifat, Mahin Sarkar, Mohammad Nizam Uddin, Akram Hossain, SM Saif Mustafiz, and Saleh Uddin Sifat (attached to the office cell),Alauddin Muhammad, Farid Uddin, Mohammad Farhad Alam Bhuiyan, Mohammad Miraj Mia, Lutfar Rahman, Mohammad Mainul Islam Tuhin, Mushfiqur Salehin, Dr. Zahidul Islam, Zahirul Islam Musa, Humayra Noor, Mushfiqur Rahman Juhan, Molla Mohammad Faruq Ehsan, Shagufta Bushra Bismah, Ahanaf Saeed Khan, Abu Saeed Mohammad Sujauddin, Mir Arshadul Haque, Faisal Mahmud Shant, Tarek Reza, Mashiur Rahman, Zainal Abedin Shishir, Mohammad Muntasir Rahman, Gazi Salauddin Tanvir, Tamim Ahmed, and Tahsin Riaz

Full text of NCP declaration

Against the backdrop of the July 2024 uprising of students and masses, under the leadership of the Students Against Discrimination and the initiative of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, we, the students and masses of Bangladesh, hereby declare—

We stand as the people of the Bengal delta, bearing a rich and distinct culture shaped over a thousand years of historical evolution. After nearly 200 years of British colonial rule, the state of Pakistan was established in 1947 following a long struggle. However, the general people of this land did not attain freedom from exploitation and discrimination. Consequently, after 23 years of struggle, the people of this land waged the great liberation war of 1971, sacrificing the lives of hundreds of thousands of martyrs to achieve an independent Bangladesh. Yet, even after independence, the people of Bangladesh have had to fight repeatedly for democracy. (In 1990, the students and the masses shed their blood to overthrow a military dictatorship.) However, even after more than five decades of independence, we have failed to establish a political settlement that ensures democracy, equality, human dignity, and social justice. Instead, over the past 15 years, the country has been subjected to a brutal fascist regime that recklessly weaponised state institutions to serve the ruling party's interests and destroyed democracy. Dissenting voices were silenced, and enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings became state policy, while widespread corruption and money laundering turned into a systemic culture.

In July 2024, through immense sacrifice, the students and the masses orchestrated an unprecedented uprising, toppling the fascist regime that had gripped the country for nearly a decade and a half. However, we must remember that this new freedom, won through the sacrifices of countless martyrs, was not simply to replace one government with another. Rather, the people rose in response to the aspiration of dismantling the entrenched fascist system and rebuilding the state on the foundation of people's rights. It is with this vision that we announce the formation of the National Citizen Party (NCP)—a democratic, justice-oriented, and truly representative political party.

We believe that the July 2024 Mass uprising has marked the beginning of our struggle to establish a second republic. To achieve this, we must eliminate all possibilities of restoring constitutional autocracy through the adoption of a new democratic constitution. One of our primary goals is to draft a new constitution through an elected constituent assembly. Our second republic will ensure a strong national defense system to protect the nation's interests. Rebuilding broken political, social, economic, and cultural institutions and preserving their democratic nature will be our political priority. Only through these efforts can we emerge as a fully democratic state.

We strive to cultivate a political culture where unity prevails over division, justice replaces vengeance, and merit and competence triumph over dynastic politics at all levels of society and the state. There will be no place for corruption and nepotism in our politics.

In our second republic, the voices of the marginalised and disadvantaged communities will be brought into the mainstream. In our republic, the common people—and only the common people—will be the supreme source of power. The robust protection of all their democratic and fundamental rights will be the core principle of our politics. (We aim to build a pluralistic and prosperous society by preserving the nation's ethnic, social, gender, religious, and cultural values and diversity.) Our republic will ensure strong protections against poverty, inequality, and the abuse of power. No segment of Bangladesh's population will be excluded or criminalised in our second republic. Instead, every citizen will be given equal importance, and their safety and security will be guaranteed.

Economically, we aim to establish a self-sufficient, equitable, and sustainable national economy through the proper integration of agriculture, services, and production sectors. (Our economy will be sensitive to life, nature, and the environment.) Wealth will not be concentrated in the hands of a select few; instead, the equitable redistribution of resources will be the core principle of our economic policies. We will take firm steps to regulate corporate syndicates and vested interests, safeguarding consumer and public welfare. We will position Bangladesh as a strong regional power through economic advancement, fostering regional cooperation and international partnerships. We will build a modern and sustainable economy prioritising science and technology and fostering an innovation-driven culture.

Finally, we reaffirm our unwavering commitment to establishing a just and equal society. We strongly believe that the July 2024 mass uprising was not just a victory against a fascist regime but also a pledge to shape our future. Let us unite, hand in hand, to build a Bangladesh where every citizen's voice is heard—where the struggle for justice and human rights will be at the heart of politics—where equality and human dignity will form the foundation of the state.

Now is the time to dream anew, to march forward, and build a new Bangladesh!

Therefore, let us all take an oath from our respective position. Let us unite and move forward with unwavering determination in our struggle to establish the second republic.

Our country, our rights, our future—the second republic is not an unattainable dream. It is our solemn commitment!​
 

No room for pro-India or pro-Pakistan politics in Bangladesh: Nahid
National Citizen Party chief said Bangladesh and the interests of its people should be the priority

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Photo: AFP

Nahid Islam, the convenor of the newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP), has said Bangladesh will never be divided again and that there will be no place for pro-India or pro-Pakistan politics in the country.

"There will be no room for pro-India or pro-Pakistan politics in Bangladesh. We all will build politics and the state unitedly, keeping Bangladesh and the interests of its people in mind," he said while speaking at the launch event of the new party on Manik Mia Avenue on Friday evening.

The NCP convener said the conspiracy to weaken the people of Bangladesh and the state by divisive politics was foiled through the unity of all during the July mass uprising.

"From this stage today, we vow that Bangladesh will never be divided again," added Nahid.

Nahid said one of the primary goals of the party is to formulate a new constitution through a 'constituent assembly' election to establish the 'second republic' in Bangladesh.

"We must eliminate all possibilities of reestablishing constitutional dictatorship by formulating a new democratic constitution. One of our primary goals is to formulate a new constitution through the election of a constituent assembly to establish our second republic," he said.

He said Jatiya Nagorik Party will be a democratic, egalitarian and people-representing political party.

"We believe that the July 2024 student-people uprising has initiated the struggle to establish our second republic," the NCP chief said.​
 

What does a second republic mean?

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Photo: Rashed Sumon

In its first statement to the people, the National Citizen Party clearly declared a vision for a second republic in Bangladesh. Speaking at the party's inauguration, Nahid Islam, the top leader of the party read out the declaration which outlines the ideals and principles of his centrist party. But what is this second republic?

Second republic signifies transformation of the political system through democratic means, rewriting or reform of constitution and political institutions following a revolution or mass uprising.

The term "second republic" has been used in various countries to refer to a specific period in their political history, usually marking a transition from one form of political system or government to another, said political analysts, in their instant reaction regarding the new political party's call.

The new party led by July uprising leaders also envisions a constituent assembly.

A professor of government and politics at Jahangirnagar University, Al Masud Hasanuzzaman, said the second republic indicates a revolution and the transformation of the political system through democratic means.

"It speaks of correcting the failures of the first republic through reformation and a new constitution, indicating a change in the political system and the entire political settlement," he said.

Dhaka University political science teacher Sabbir Ahmed said the leaders of the new party perceive that although the people had established ownership of the state through the independence of 1971, they had lost it afterwards.

"The people regained their ownership through the mass uprising of 2024, and therefore they now want to declare a second republic," he said attempting to explain the new party's vision.

"The second republic brings about fundamental changes in the state, the political system, and institutions. The constitution can be rewritten or formed anew and political institutions can be reconstituted or reformed as well," he added.

Asked about constituent assembly, Al Masud Hasanuzzaman explained that it is elected for the sole purpose of writing a new constitution.

Two 'second republics'

The first French republic (1848–1852) after the French Revolution had given way to monarchy. The second French republic was established through the revolution of 1848 toppling the monarchy of King Louis-Philippe.

The liberal hopes of establishing an enduring democratic regime were soon frustrated. In 1848 Louis-Napoléon (a nephew of Napoleon Bonaparte) was elected president with a monarchist majority in the legislative assembly. This led to the enactment of conservative measures restricting voting rights and freedom of the press, giving the church increased control over education. Soon realizing that his power and future reelection were limited by the assembly's actions, Louis-Napoléon organized a coup d'état in 1851. Following a new constitution that reduced the assembly's power, and a plebiscite, Louis-Napoléon declared himself emperor Napoléon III in 1852 Louis-Napoléon, and thus the second empire was born.

France has so far had five republics with the last one founded in 1958.

Second Republic of Spain (1931–1939) emerged as King Alfonso XIII was forced to leave Spain after municipal elections showed massive support for republicanism. It led to the introduction of secular reforms, including separation of church and state. The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) led to collapse of Second republic and Francisco Franco established a dictatorship that lasted until 1975.​
 

The 'Super 10' of the National Citizen Party

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The top 10 leadership positions—dubbed the "Super Ten"—of the youth-led National Citizen Party have been finalised.

The official announcement of the party's formation will be made this afternoon, from a rally on Manik Mia Avenue, in front of the National Parliament Building in Dhaka.

'Super Ten'

Several founding members have referred to the party's top 10 positions as the "Super Ten."

Md Nahid Islam has been appointed as the convener of the new political party, while Akhter Hossen will fill the post of member secretary serving as Nahid's number two.

Nahid Islam resigned from the advisory council of the interim government on Tuesday, to take on his new role.

Akhter Hossen has been serving as member secretary of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, which is the civic platform of the July uprising leaders.

The senior joint convener position will be filled by Samanta Shermeen and Ariful Islam Adib, while the senior joint member secretary position will go to Tasnim Zara and Nahida Sarwar (Niva).

Additionally, Nasiruddin Patwari has been appointed as the chief coordinator, while Abdul Hannan Masud will serve as the joint coordinator.

Hasnat Abdullah has been designated as the chief organiser (Southern Region), while Sarjis Alam has been assigned the role of chief organiser (Northern Region).

Nahid Islam, NCP convener

Nahid Islam, convener of the new party, was a key organiser of the student movement that toppled Sheikh Hasina.

A sociology graduate from Dhaka University, Nahid was one of the student representatives within the interim government. He resigned from the advisory council last Tuesday.

He became member secretary of Ganotantrik Chhatra Shakti on October 3, 2023, which was a breakaway faction of Chhatra Odhikar Parishad led by Nurul Haque Nur.

Chhatra Shakti was dissolved on September 14, a week after Nagorik Committee was formed.

At the height of the protests in July, he was picked up by law enforcers and tortured until he lost consciousness. He was returned within a couple of days only to be picked up again when the protests gained even more momentum, this time along with five other fellow protesters, and detained at the detective bureau headquarters.

In 2018, Nahid participated in the quota-reform protests that shook the nation. At the time, he received threats from the university administration and teachers.

In 2019, he ran for the post of cultural secretary at Dhaka University Central Students' Union from Nurul-Rashed-Faruk panel under the banner of Bangladesh Sadharon Chhatra Odhikar Songrokkhon Parishad.

He lost the election and later separated himself from the platform.

He was admitted to DU in 2016.

Akhter Hossen, NCP member secretary

Member secretary of the National Citizen Party, Akhter Hossen is the former social service secretary of the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (Ducsu).

He is also one of the key organizers of the Students Against Discrimination, the movement that toppled the Sheikha Hasina regime.

An alumnus of Dhaka University's law department, Akhter's came under the spotlight when he observed a hunger strike all by himself protesting against question leak of a Dhaka University admission test.

He was admitted to DU in 2015.

Later, in 2019, he contested the Ducsu polls from the panel of Bangladesh Sadharan Chhatra Odhikar Sangrakkhan Parishad, a platform that had led the 2018 quota reform movement. He contested for the social service secretary post and won.

Akhter later joined Chhatra Odhikar Parishad, a student body of Nurul Haq Nur's Gono Odhikar Parishad and became president of the student organisation's DU unit.

In 2023, Akhter floated the Ganotantrik Chhatra Shakti, breaking away from Chhatra Odhikar Parisahd on October 3, 2023 in which he was the convener.

Akhter Hossen was arrested at the base of the Raju Memorial Sculpture around 3:00 PM during on 17 July 2024 just when the quota protest was heating up.​
 

Parties welcome NCP launch
Some congratulate, some apprehensive

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"I hope the NCP will become a genuine political platform for the masses and that people will see it as nothing more than that."


— - Ruhul Kabir Rizvi BNP Senior Joint Secretary General

Several political parties, including BNP, Jatiya Party, the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB), Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, Ganosamhati Andolon, and Islami Andolon Bangladesh, have welcomed the newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP), saying it has the potential to bring a shift in the country's political landscape.

Jatiya Party, however, claimed the new party had the "blessings of the interim government", while CPB warned that if any government affiliation was found within the NCP, the people would not accept it, which would be detrimental to its success.

Speaking to reporters at the capital's Manik Mia Avenue, where the NCP was formally launched, BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi hoped the party would bring change and a new political dynamic to Bangladesh, offering a fresh perspective to the people.

"I hope the NCP will become a genuine political platform for the masses and that people will see it as nothing more than that."

Jatiya Party Chairman GM Quader said the formation of this new party would strengthen the country's multi-party democracy.

However, he alleged the NCP is receiving preferential treatment from the interim government and enjoying various advantages, adding that some members of the government are affiliated with the party. He refrained from naming anyone.

"If any evidence of government affiliations comes up, the people will not accept them [NCP], and it will not be beneficial for the party either."— - Ruhin Hossain Prince CPB General Secretary.

Quader also questioned whether the upcoming parliamentary election, set to be held under the interim government, would be free and fair, given the government's apparent support for the NCP.

Meanwhile, CPB General Secretary Ruhin Hossain Prince told The Daily Star his party welcomes any initiative that involves those who participated in the July uprising, upholds the spirit of the Liberation War, believes in democracy and secularism, and opposes discrimination.

"This party is now the talk of the country, which is natural. There're speculations that it was formed with 'the blessings of the interim government'. If any evidence of such affiliations comes up, the people will not accept them [NCP], and it will not be beneficial for the party either."

Regarding the NCP's declaration of a "second republic" or "new independence", Prince said, "They need to clarify what they mean by second republic because our independence came only through our great Liberation War. If this concept [of a new independence] seeks to undermine the Liberation War, then they don't truly recognise it [the 1971 war], regardless of what they claim publicly."

He further noted that while the NCP envisions equitable wealth distribution, it would not be able to achieve this goal if it continues to uphold a free-market economy. However, he said this was just his initial reaction. "My party will have further discussions [regarding the new party] internally."

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Secretary General Mia Golam Parwar told this newspaper that welcoming new political parties is the beauty of democracy.

"The formation of the NCP will play a positive role in advancing the country," he said, expressing hope that his party would engage with the NCP with mutual understanding.

Regarding the government's alleged support for the NCP, he said there was no clear evidence of such an affiliation so far.

Islami Andolon Bangladesh Secretary General Principal Hafiz Maulana Yunus Ahmad also congratulated the newly formed NCP, emphasising that a multi-party system is essential for democratic politics.

He said Bangladesh had developed a two-party system instead of a multi-party one, which had led to various political challenges in the country.

"The emergence of a new political party could serve as an alternative solution to this problem…. The formation of this youth-led political party brings hope to the nation."

Also congratulating the NCP, Zonayed Saki, chief coordinator of the Ganosamhati Andolon, hoped the party, which was formed by the masses, would remain deeply connected to the people.

"If the party has clear goals and is committed to recognising the struggles of the masses, it will be able to win over the people of the country."​
 

Akhter Hossen
NCP MEMBER SECRETARY

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Akhter Hossen, a law graduate from Dhaka University, was one of the key organisers of the anti-discrimination student movement, which toppled the Sheikha Hasina regime.

He came under the spotlight when he went on a hunger strike all by himself on October 16, 2018, protesting the question leak of a Dhaka University admission test.

In 2019, he contested the Ducsu polls from the panel of Bangladesh Sadharan Chhatra Odhikar Sangrakkhan Parishad, a platform that had led the 2018 quota reform movement. He contested for the social service secretary post and won.

Akhter later joined Chhatra Odhikar Parishad, a student body of Nurul Haq Nur's Gono Odhikar Parishad, and became president of the student organisation's DU unit.

In 2023, Akhter floated the Ganotantrik Chhatra Shakti, breaking away from Chhatra Odhikar Parisahd on October 3, 2023, in which he was the convener.

Akhter was arrested from the base of the Raju Memorial Sculpture on the Dhaka University campus around 3:00pm on July 17, 2024, just when the quota protest was heating up.

He was admitted to Dhaka University in 2015.​
 

From movement to mainstream politics
Uprising activists launch Jatiya Nagorik Party today; 8 confirmed for top posts

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From left- Nahid Islam and Akhter Hossain

Nearly seven months after ousting Sheikh Hasina, the activists of the July uprising are all set to launch a party of their own today, aiming to emerge as a formidable political force against all forms of discriminations.

Styled the Jatiya Nagorik Party in Bangla, it will be unveiled at a rally on the capital's Manik Mia Avenue. The event, slated to begin at 3:00pm, is being organised by the Students Against Discrimination and its platform for citizens, the Jatiya Nagorik Committee.

The Nagorik Committee confirmed the party's name on its Facebook page, stating that it would be translated into English as National Citizen Party with the abbreviation NCP.

The leadership lineup has also been finalised with Nahid Islam as the convener and Akhter Hossen as the member secretary. Four other key positions have been finalised, paving the way for the party's formal entry into the political landscape.

Nahid, who was instrumental in the student-led uprising, resigned from Nobel laureate Prof Muhammad Yunus's council of advisers on Tuesday to join politics.

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Akhter, former social services secretary of Dhaka University Central Students' Union (Ducsu), is the member secretary of the Nagorik Committee.

Akhter and Nahid were convener and member secretary respectively of Gonotantrik Chhatra Shakti, a platform launched on October 4, 2023, and dissolved on September 14 last year, two months after the uprising.

Additionally, Nasiruddin Patwary, convener of the Nagorik Committee, will hold the chief coordinator's post in the new party while Hasnat Abdullah will be designated as the chief organiser (south) and Sarjis Alam as chief organiser (north).

Hasnat is the convener of SAD and Sarjis is the chief organiser of the Nagorik Committee.

At least three Nagorik Committee leaders involved in the formation of the party confirmed the key leadership positions to The Daily Star.

Samanta Shermeen, spokesperson for the Nagorik Committee, is almost certain to become senior joint convener of the new party.

Also, Abdul Hannan Masud, chief organiser of SAD, will be named joint coordinator of NCP.

Saleh Udddin Sifat, a co-spokesperson for the Nagorik Committee, is nearly confirmed as NCP's office secretary.

These decisions were made during a joint meeting of the Nagorik Committee and SAD at the former's central office in the capital's Bangla Motor yesterday afternoon.

According to meeting sources, the position of senior joint member secretary was not finalised as multiple contenders were being considered.

The names of Nagorik Committee members Nahida Sarwer Niva, Monira Sharmin and Dr Tasnim Zara; and SAD executive committee member Nusrat Tabassum are being discussed.

The central convening committee is likely to be a 151-member body divided equally between the Nagorik Committee and SAD.

Former Islami Chhatra Shibir leaders in the Nagorik Committee withdrew from the initiative to form the party amid a discord over leadership positions.

Sources in the Nagorik Committee said the top leadership of the party will be announced at the launch while the full-fledged committee is likely to be announced through a press release later.

Both SAD and the Nagorik Committee will remain active after the launch of the party. The two platforms will continue to operate from their existing offices at Rupayan Trade Center in Bangla Motor.

NCP will have a separate office at a different location.

PREPARATIONS

The uprising activists are planning to hold a mammoth rally to mark the launch. Leaders of the two platforms said they are aiming for a massive turnout of 3 lakh people.

Yesterday, workers were preparing the stage on the road in front of the south gate of the Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban.

Leaders and activists of all the units of SAD and the Nagorik Committee will attend the event.

Those from outside Dhaka have been asked to park their buses at the old Trade Fair ground in Agargaon.

Nagorik Committee insiders said leaders from various political parties, diplomats, families of the martyrs of the mass uprising, injured activists, and representatives of expatriates who played significant roles in the movement have been invited to the event.

Additionally, oppressed individuals from various classes and professions who contributed to the backdrop of the mass uprising, as well as students and the public who actively participated in the July 2024 movement, will also attend the ceremony.

The event will begin with recitations from the Holy Quran and other religious scriptures.

Representatives from the families of the July uprising martyrs and injured individuals will deliver speeches afterwards.

A documentary on the uprising will also be screened at the event.

In December last year, student leaders of the uprising announced their plan to form a new political party and contest the next general election.

Later, the BNP stated that it would not accept any attempt to form a political party while remaining in power. It urged advisers involved in the formation of the new party to resign from the cabinet if they intended to enter politics.​
 

New political party draws mixed reactions
Staff Correspondent 01 March, 2025, 00:00

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New Age photo

Three political parties and a student organisation on Friday gave mixed reactions to the formation of a new political party by leaders of the student-led July-August mass uprising that ousted the authoritarian Awami League regime.

The new party, Jatiya Nagorik Party (National Citizens’ Party in English), was launched through a public ceremony at Manik Miah Avenue in the capital Dhaka on Friday evening.

The Islami Andolan Bangladesh and the Bhashani Onusari Parishad, a partner of the Ganatantra Mancha, hailed the formation of the new party while the Socialist Party of Bangladesh and the Bangladesh Students’ Union, the student wing of the Communist Party of Bangladesh, opposed it saying that it would undermine the neutrality of the interim government headed by Professor Muhammad Yunus.

The Islami Andolan Bangladesh on Friday in a press statement welcomed the launch of the new political party.

IAB secretary general Yunus Ahmad in a press statement said that they believed in multiparty participation in politics of the country.

So they welcomed the political party launched by the youths, Yunus said.

The Bhashani Onusari Parishad also welcomed the formation of the new party.

While speaking at a programme in Bhatara area in Dhaka city on Friday, party convener Sheikh Rafiqul Islam Bablu welcomed the new party, saying that youths had played a prominent role in every mass movement in the country.

He hoped that the new party led by youths would also play a role in introducing democracy and good governance in the country, a press release said.

Leaders of the Socialist Party of Bangladesh at a protest rally at Purana Paltan crossing in Dhaka criticised the formation of a new political party led by former adviser to the interim government Nahid Islam.

They said that the neutrality of the interim government would be hampered by the launch of the party.

They also termed the party as a ‘king’s party.’

Socialist Party of Bangladesh general secretary Bazlur Rashid Firoz, central leaders Nikhil Das and Khalequzzam Lipon, among others, spoke at the rally, a press release said.

The Bangladesh Students’ Union in a statement said that the interim government had lost neutrality after the formation of the party.

BSU president Rageeb Nayeem and general secretary Rakibul Rony in the joint statement said that the student advisers who formed the political party from the government could no longer be part of the government as student representatives.

‘They are the representatives of a particular party,’ they said, demanding the replacement of the two representatives of students in the government as one had already resigned.​
 

May the new party keep my country safe, says July Uprising victim’s father
bdnews24.com
Published :
Feb 28, 2025 22:04
Updated :
Feb 28, 2025 22:04

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Nowsher Ali, whose 6-year old son Zabir Ibrahim was killed in the July Uprising, has expressed his hope to the newly formed National Citizen Party, or NCP, that there would be no more bloodshed when people take to the streets to claim their rights.

Speaking at the launch of the NCP on Friday, Ali said: “We do not want the bloodshed of 1971. We do not want the bloodshed of the 1990s. We do not want the bloodshed of 2024, during the July Revolution.”

“I extend my unwavering respect and support for them to give us a new Bangladesh. I want this new party to keep my country safe.”

“We, especially the martyrs’ families, stand behind this party,” said Ali.

The NCP officially embarked on its journey to establish a “new political paradigm” in Bangladesh at Dhaka’s Manik Mia Avenue around 4:15pm on Friday.

Supporters gathered from the South Plaza to Khamarbari for the party’s unveiling, including relatives of those killed in the unrest.

Ali, in an impassioned speech, blamed former prime minister Sheikh Hasina for his son’s death, likening her to a “serial killer”.

He referenced past episodes of state violence, including the BDR massacre, which saw dozens of military officers slain.

Ali said, “I am the father of 6-year-old Zabir Ibrahim. My Zabir, my child, was not safe in Bangladesh.”

“For 15 years, that fascist Sheikh Hasina—yes, I will call her a serial killer—has been on a killing spree. It began with the massacre of 57 army officers 15 years ago, and ended with my son on Aug 5, 2024.”

“So she is a serial killer,” he declared.

Midway through his speech, an announcer interrupted to welcome a large procession arriving from Gopalganj, the district that is home to the family of Hasina and her father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Welcoming the procession from Gopalganj, Ali said: “This is not Sheikh Hasina’s Gopalganj. This is not Sheikh Mujib’s Gopalganj. This is not Awami League’s Gopalganj. This is the Gopalganj of martyr Abu Sayed.”​
 

BNP delegation joins Jatiya Nagorik Party’s launch event
UNB
Published :
Feb 28, 2025 19:23
Updated :
Feb 28, 2025 19:23​
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BNP delegation attended Jatiya Nagorik Party launch event on Friday Photo : Collected

A two-member delegation from the BNP attended the launching event of the newly formed political party, ‘Jatiya Nagorik Party’, formed by the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee.

The delegation includes BNP’s Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi and Joint Secretary General Shahiduddin Chowdhury Annie.

They arrived at the event venue shortly after 5 pm on Friday.

On behalf of the Jatiya Nagorik Party, invitations were sent on Thursday night to BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia, Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman, Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, and two others to join the event.

Earlier, Jamaat-e-Islami’s Secretary General Mia Golam Parwar, Ganosamhati Andolon’s Chief Coordinator Zonayed Saki, Bangladesh Liberal Democratic Party (BLDP) Chairman Shahadat Hossain Selim, and National People’s Party (NPP) Chairman Sheikh Salahuddin Salu were also present.

Besides, Bangladesh Labour Party Chairman Dr Mostafizur Rahman Iran, Islami Oikya Jot’s Secretary General Mufti Sakhawat Hossain Raji, People’s Rights Party (PRP) Chairman Md Tariqul Islam and Bikalpa Dhara Bangladesh’s General Secretary Shah Ahmed Badal, among others, participated in the event.​
 

NCP leader Hannan pledges unity in nation-building after July Uprising
bdnews24.com
Published :
Mar 01, 2025 00:09
Updated :
Mar 01, 2025 00:09

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Senior Joint Chief Convenor of the National Citizen Party, or NCP, Abdul Hannan Masud has pledged to rebuild Bangladesh by uniting all political parties, inspired by the youth-led July uprising.

Speaking at the party’s launch on Friday afternoon at Dhaka’s Manik Mia Avenue, he said: “The Bangladesh of tomorrow will be a democratic Bangladesh.”

The Anti-discrimination Student Movement led a mass protest against the Awami League government, ending its uninterrupted 15-year rule on Aug 5, 2024.

Following allegations of election rigging, human rights violations, corruption, and money laundering, the Awami League government was ousted.

The Anti-discrimination Student Movement then formed a political party, promising a "new political settlement”.

At the launch of NCP, former coordinator of the movement Hannan Masud vowed to build a new Bangladesh.

“The youth will not allow any more loss of lives due to political clashes before elections. In the future, Bangladesh will be a place for all political parties and ideologies to coexist,” said Masud.

He assured the people, “We promise you that the Bangladesh of tomorrow will be a democracy. Under the leadership of the youth, we will establish a country free from extortionists and land grabbers.”

Referring to historical betrayals since the Liberation War, Masud said: “The hundreds of thousands of students and people standing before me are witnesses to the post-uprising history being written today. It is the youth who led the July Uprising that are making this history.”

Hasnat Abdullah, NCP’s chief organiser (south region), emphasised overcoming divisive politics and ushering in “politics of unity”.

Speaking at the same event, he said: “Family rule has been buried in this country. The son of a blacksmith can be the prime minister; the son of a potter can be the prime minister. Leadership in this country will rise based on merit.”

“We want to build a beautiful Bangladesh where there will be no discrimination,” he said.

Hasnat, also a key figure in the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, said: “After 15 years of Awami ‘barbarism’, we have liberated the parliament from ‘fascism’. Today, we stand at Manik Mia Avenue on our way to that very parliament.”

He criticised past political decisions, saying: “From the Logi-Boitha (boat-hook and oar) violence to the 2009 massacre of the BDR, the ‘defence of the first line,’ under Indian aggression, you have witnessed it all.”

“The clear case of the BDR killings was falsely framed as a BDR Mutiny. You also witnessed the ‘genocide’ carried out under the cover of darkness against our bearded, cap-wearing brothers at Shapla Chattar.”

He also said, “You have seen how the system of rigging elections at night before polling day was introduced and how ‘dummy’ elections were held.”

“We buried the ‘tyranny’ of the Awami League on Aug 5. We declare that the decision of who enters the parliament will be made by Bangladesh, not India. The hardworking people of this country will decide,” he asserted.

Hasnat criticised governance over the past 15 years, saying: “We failed to build a united nation and allowed divisive politics to persist deliberately. We failed to ensure good governance, an independent police force, and an impartial judiciary.”

“We pledge to establish independent and effective institutions. We will rise above divisive politics and establish unity. We will develop the state,” he concluded.​
 

We want to ensure burial of dynastic politics: Hasnat Abdullah
Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Updated: 01 Mar 2025, 01: 07

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Hasnat Abdullah addresses the launching of the youth-led National Citizen Party (Jatiya Nagorik Party) in the capital’s Manik Mia Avenue, Dhaka on 28 February 2025 Photo taken from a video

Hasnat Abdullah on Friday said they want to ensure the burial of dynastic politics in Bangladesh.

He was addressing the launching ceremony of a youth-led National Citizen Party (Jatiya Nagorik Party) in the capital’s Manik Mia Avenue area, in front of the parliament complex in the afternoon.

Hasnat Abdullah, a former coordinator of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement is set to get an important post in the newly floated party.

Several organisers said he will be made chief organiser (southern region) of the party.

Launching the programme of the party started around 4:15 pm today.

The programme started with recitation from the holy Quran by Tarequl Islam, a leader of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, followed by recitation of Gita, Tripitaka, and Bible by Jatiya Nagorik Committee leaders Arpita Shyama Dev, Abir Barua, and Alik Mri, respectively.

Later, the national anthem was played and all participants stood up to show their respect.

They also observed a minute of silence in remembrance of the martyrs of the July mass uprising, and offered prayers as per respective faiths. The formal speeches began at 4:40 pm.

Later, Hasnat Abdullah addressed the programme.

“We want to ensure, dynastic politics is buried in this country. A blacksmith’s son, a potter’s son would be the prime minister of this country. The leaders will spring up based on their qualifications,” he insisted.

Stating that they will work to build a beautiful Bangladesh, Hasnat Abdullah said, “There will be no differences among us in this country. There will be tolerance to political dissents, freedom of expression, and above all freedom to express a different opinion.”

Expressing that the “state could not be developed” even after all these years of independence, he said, “We could not build a functional bureaucracy, independent police department and judiciary.”

He maintained that no institution has been made properly effective.

Speaking about foreign policy, Hasnat Abdullah said there will be friendship but “no prescription will work”.

“Bangladesh, not India, will determine who will enter the Ganabhaban. The industrious people of Bangladesh determine who will go to parliament,” he added.

This Anti-discrimination Student Movement leader ended his speech with the slogan “Inquilab Zindabad”.​
 

National Citizen Party: The new kids on the political block

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The emergence of Jatiya Nagorik Party (National Citizen Party) as a political entity promises change. PHOTO: PRABIR DAS

The new kids on the political block have a name: the National Citizen Party (NCP). After some test runs under the banners of Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee, the NCP represents "July's People" who ousted an authoritarian regime through a people's uprising. Thus, Generation Z's youthful exuberance translates into political power. However, history tells us that uprisings and revolutions are only the easy part; governing is the real challenge. The interim government includes three (minus one) student leaders who, I am sure, will attest to this truism.

NCP's emergence as a political entity promises change. If guided properly, the party can bring in a reformed democracy, ending years of political stagnation. For a country yet to properly earn the guiding principles of the Liberation War—equality, social justice, and human dignity—even after nearly 54 years of its independence, there is an overwhelming disillusionment with traditional political forces. The societal and cultural fault lines are responsible for occasional tremors. The eruption of July 2024 is symptomatic of a deep-rooted molten anxiety. Reconciliation and national unity are crucial, requiring negotiation of the contested narratives of identity, history, and ideology. Whether the NCP will look for national healing is not clear at this point.

Sarjis Alam, one of the chief organisers of NCP, asserts that their party aims to emphasise "citizenship" that transcends the limitations of being a Bangalee or Bangladeshi. This stated centric position, which they call pro-Bangladeshi, is vague and warrants further elaboration. The party grew out of the rejection of the established culture that conceptualises political loyalty as an allegiance to one of the dynasties that has a male heroic figure at its pivot. The "Bangalee" and "Bangladeshi" discourses are credited to two iconic male figures. Despite being ruled by female leaders, the country has never been able to transcend the legacies of its patriarchs. More than three decades of premiership held by female figures as symbolic heirs have not presented women as transformative figures. Even the head of the interim government, known for his efforts in women's empowerment through microfinancing programmes, has struggled to create a substantial space for women in Bangladesh 2.0.

The composition of NCP is no different. The euphoria of July's achievements has started to wane as the harsh realities of politics have surfaced. The unity of the students is fractured by ideological rifts, political rivalries, and allegations of corruption. The new party has strategically detached itself from its rightist members, but not without suspicion. The common perception is that in the forthcoming national election, they might complement one another.

NCP and its allies came together through their opposition to a common adversary: the fallen regime of Awami League. The absence or shadowy presence of the deposed leadership has made ideological rifts within the orbit of the party both visible and pronounced. Different factions with varied political philosophies are now fighting for influence. For some, radical reforms are the logical consequence of an uprising. Others push for a rather moderate and incremental approach. All eyes will be on the NCP to see if our young ones have the ability to maintain solidarity and navigate the country's complex political landscape as well as the international spheres of influence.

Another challenge for the NCP is its perceived association with the interim government. The established political parties, who have been running the oppositional marathon race for decades, find the NCP as the last runner to finish the race with their baton. The glory for NCP thus overshadows their long-anticipated political comeback. The atmosphere is a breeding ground for suspicion and resentment as former allies are turning into political adversaries.

Some have accused student leaders of monopolising the revolutionary narrative, highlighting their role while slighting the contributions of their peers. This perception is both politically damaging and historically contentious. The apparent, initial exclusion of private university students from the central committee of the recently formed student organisation Bangladesh Gonotantrik Chhatra Sangsad (BGCS) strengthened this perception, leading to scuffles between these students and BGCS supporters at the DU campus on Wednesday. Although later developments somewhat cleared the air, with the disclosure of the full 205-member committee including private university representation, the damage was already done. One hopes that, with time, these young leaders will have the maturity to adopt an inclusive narrative that recognises the contributions of all factions.

The new party will also have to respond to the grapevines that whisper conspiracy. The party will have to come clean about its funding source, especially after allegations about the paid agency of overseas actors or covert operatives of rightist political parties. We need a proper distance from the event to understand whether the revolutionary zeal of NCP was organically homegrown or strategically manufactured. The challenge for NCP is to prove that they are not a beneficiary of political crises or even conspiracies, but a transformative force advocating for the people's mandate.

I don't want to discourage our young revolutionaries. They need time to strike roots and sprout shoots before they bloom and yield fruits. But if the maturity of their fruits is rushed chemically and artificially, their party is unlikely to be acceptable and sustainable in the long run. The party's high moral ground has already been tainted by some allegations of corruption and violence. Some of the accusations are likely political smears, while others seem genuine enough to raise concerns. For credibility's sake, the party must come clean, championing transparency and due diligence, and restore public trust.

Let's not forget: the NCP holds huge potential. Like the student-led movements of 1952, 1966, 1969, 1990, and 2018, the NCP's youthful leadership promises to offer an alternative to the entrenched political dynasties that have controlled our politics for decades. Their idea of anti-discrimination resonates with a generation that is logged onto social media and globalised interfaces. Then again, whether the Gen Z will be patient enough to work closely with other generations is a point to ponder. We already see the impatience and arrogance that have alienated some of the leaders. This is a generation that grew up with fast internet, instant food, instant messaging, and instant access to the information galaxy. They demand quick results and are notoriously unforgiving. They need to learn to deal with others with mutual respect.

To stay relevant, the party's manifesto must prioritise the country's expected demographic dividend. This involves the transformation of youthful energy into economic productivity. We need education reform, vocational training, and digital literacy not only to fulfil their promise of equality and opportunity but also to solidify their support base among the youth.

To become a credible political force, the new party must learn from historical precedents and strategically address ideological rifts, corruption allegations, and political hostilities. Ultimately, the legacy of the new party will be determined by the nation it purports or helps to build, not by the regime it has overthrown. The country awaits a leadership that has integrity, vision, and inclusivity to change the course of Bangladeshi politics. Even if they don't succeed, at least they will have some exciting stories to share with their grandchildren about the time they nearly changed Bangladesh.

Dr Shamsad Mortuza is professor of English at Dhaka University.​
 

A new party with new hope
NCP’s emergence can bring positive change in our political culture

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We welcome the launch of the National Citizen Party (NCP), led by individuals from the July uprising that toppled the regime of the Awami League in August 2024. The party has been formed at a time when the people of the country are eagerly looking forward to new political leadership, expecting positive change in our political culture. As the leaders of the newly formed party shared their vision for a new Bangladesh, the public's response was overwhelmingly supportive. Students, activists, young professionals, and ordinary citizens from across the country participated in the inauguration ceremony to show their backing.

Nahid Islam, the convener of the NCP, vowed to reshape Bangladesh's political landscape. He declared that the common people will be the supreme source of power in Bangladesh and that their mission is to dismantle constitutional autocracy and establish a robust democratic framework. Nahid also emphasised that the NCP is committed to rebuilding the country's political and economic institutions, combating corruption and nepotism, and prioritising inclusion, equity, and national sovereignty. While these promises are encouraging, the true challenge for the new party will be in staying true to its word.

Over the past few decades, we have witnessed the failure of major political parties to uphold the democratic spirit of the nation. During the 15 years of AL rule, all major institutions were politicised, rendering them inefficient and incapable of performing their duties. The party's failure to ensure democratic practices within itself, coupled with widespread corruption and a lack of transparency and accountability, severely damaged our political culture. As a result, the people of Bangladesh are eager for change. Therefore, if the NCP genuinely seeks to become a people's party, it must first practice democracy within the party itself. It needs to foster an environment where disagreement and debate are welcomed, and everyone's voice is heard. It is encouraging to see that the party has included people with diverse views and beliefs, with three of the top 10 positions in the committee held by women.

Transparency and accountability will be key factors in determining the future of this party. A lack of transparency has long distanced people from mainstream political parties. The NCP must, therefore, ensure transparency in all its activities, especially regarding its finances. Understandably, launching and running a new political party requires substantial funding, and the NCP must make its sources of funding public—both now and in the future—to ensure transparency. As Nahid has affirmed that the NCP will be a truly democratic, egalitarian, and people-centred political force, it must remain accountable to the people.

We hope that the NCP will set a positive example for other political parties to follow. It has emerged directly from the heart of a mass uprising—led by the very youth who spearheaded it. We wish them success in building the inclusive society they have pledged to create.​
 

BNP sees conspiracy in NCP push for second republic
Staff Correspondent 02 March, 2025, 00:13

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The Bangladesh Nationalist Party on Saturday raised questions over the demand for a second republic and constituent assembly elections by the National Citizens Party, a new political party formed by the leaders of the July uprising, and termed the demands a conspiracy to push the state system into a prolonged undemocratic process.

The party standing committee member Salahuddin Ahmed made the allegation at a discussion organised by the Nationalist Research Foundation at the Diploma Engineers Institute in Dhaka.

Student and youth leaders of the July-August mass uprising launched the NCP on Friday and announced that the election of a Constituent Assembly and the establishment of a second republic were their goals.

Salahuddin said that there was another intention behind the NCP demands.

Those who are raising the issues either do not understand or are unaware that there is a conspiracy to push our state system into a prolonged undemocratic process, the BNP leader alleged.

‘Has our current republic become sick? What does the term ‘republic’ actually mean? A republic is a state where elected representatives govern and there is either a nominal or an elected head of state. Don’t we already have that?’ Salahuddin wanted to know.

The BNP leader, however, welcomed the beginning of the NCP.

He issued an ultimatum to the chief advisor to announce the roadmap for the national elections within one month.

‘If, for any reason, you fail to present the roadmap within this month, we, the democratic forces, will have no choice but to convene and reassess the course of action within the democratic process,’ Salahuddin said.

BNP senior joint secretary general Ruhul Kabir Rizvi, addressing the event, said that, despite making many positive statements, he did not find any political philosophy from the National Citizens Party.

Rizvi attended the launching ceremony of the NCP on Manik Mia Avenue in the capital.​
 

National Citizen Party: Transparency, accountability a must
Editorial Desk
Published: 02 Mar 2025, 12: 02

Despite the presence of a record number of political parties in Bangladesh, the democratic framework has not been effectively consolidated. One of the primary reasons for this is that political parties have consistently prioritised personal and group interests over national interests. As a result, they have failed to fulfill the hopes and aspirations of the people.

In this context, it is essential to evaluate the newly formed National Citizens Party, which was established on Friday. The majority of the individuals leading this party played a prominent role in last year’s July-August mass uprising. The leaders of this new party are all young, with youthful enthusiasm and vitality serving as their principle strengths.

At the inaugural event, the party’s leader pledged to replace divisive politics with a politics of unity. They committed to establishing a Second Republic by drafting a new constitution through a constituent assembly election, as well as rebuilding the collapsed political, social, economic and cultural institutions. The declaration expresses a firm commitment to ensuring democracy, equality, human dignity and social justice through a new ‘political settlement’.

Their statement emphasised that this newfound independence achieved through sacrifice of thousands of martyrs was not merely for replacing one government with another. Rather it is essential to dismantle the fascist system and reconstruct a rights-based state for the people. The declaration also highlights the necessity of replacing dynastic politics with a leadership selection process based on merit and competence, while ensuring the inclusion of marginalised communities in the mainstream of society.

If we look back at history, we will see that in every mass movement and uprising in this country, the youth have played a leading role. In this regard, the Language Movement of 1952 is particularly noteworthy. When the senior leadership took a stance against breaking section 144, it was the students who defied the order, sacrificing their lives to secure the rights to their mother tongue. The youth were also at the forefront of the mass uprising of 1969 and 1990.

However, despite these two uprisings, political power did not remain in the hands of the youth. The leaders of the anti-authoritarian movement in 1990 did not adhere to the framework of the three alliances they had announced. Those who assumed power prioritised personal and group interests rather than serving the nation. The establishment of a fascist system was facilitated by the suppression of people’s voting rights in three elections.

In this political reality, the youth’s call for a new political settlement will undoubtedly inspire hope among the public. While not everyone may fully agree with all the programmes and commitments outlined by the new party, there can be no disagreement with their aspiration to replace division with unity, retribution with justice, uplift marginalised communities and establish leadership based on merit and competence across all levels of society and the state.

We welcome the new party. However, we would also like to remind them that their proposed political settlement will only succeed if they can free themselves from the weakness and flaws of traditional politics. Every aspect of the party’s activities, including its financing, must uphold the highest standards of transparency and accountability.

Likewise, the selection of leadership must follow a democratic process. One of the major weaknesses of our political culture is the tendency to attempt to establish democracy in the country while operating undemocratic parties. We would like to believe that the new party will not follow this path.​
 

Can the NCP succeed in building an inclusive Bangladesh?

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Nahid Islam, convener of the newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP), delivers a speech with top leaders present on stage during the launch of the party on February 28, 2025. PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

For a nation whose political landscape has been dominated by two major parties for decades, the announcement of the National Citizen Party (NCP)—led by student heroes of the July uprising—marks a watershed moment in Bangladesh's history. The media attention, public turnout, and palpable energy surrounding this launch suggest that this is not just another political outfit destined for obscurity; it could potentially be a third major political force in the country that could fundamentally alter our political trajectory for decades to come.

Indeed, as I watched the celebrations from thousands of kilometres away, the energy was unmistakable. The heroes of what is now being called the "Monsoon Revolution" have captured the imagination of an entire generation—particularly Gen Z and Millennial voters, some of whom will likely cast their ballots for the first time in the upcoming national election.

What struck me most about the launch was its festive, almost celebratory atmosphere—a stark contrast to the typically combative tone of Bangladeshi political gatherings. The welcoming of leaders from diverse political backgrounds (with the deliberate exclusion of Awami League-aligned parties) sent a clear message: this is a new brand of politics that will be more civil and collegial.

Even more significant was the conscious display of religious inclusivity. Recitations from both the Quran and Bhagavad Gita on the same stage represented a powerful symbolic rejection of the identity politics that the Awami League had weaponised during its reign of more than 15 years, and a nostalgic throwback to our childhood years, when every school morning started with the anthem and recitations from multiple religious texts. I would like to believe this was not mere tokenism but a declaration of intent—that Bangladesh's future must be built on unity rather than division, on shared citizenship rather than religious or ethnic fragmentation.

In the weeks leading up to this announcement, the rumour mill had been working overtime. Would this be a fundamentalist wolf in the progressive sheep's clothing? Would the movement fragment along ideological lines? Would women be marginalised in the leadership structure?

The launch effectively dispelled many of these concerns. The inclusion of three prominent women in the top leadership, including Dr Tasnim Jara—a well-respected Oxford-trained health professional and social media influencer—demonstrated a commitment to gender representation that goes beyond mere lip service. The coexistence of leaders from various ideological backgrounds, including Nasiruddin Patwary and Akhter Hossain (who were rumoured to be at loggerheads), suggested an ability to bridge differences in service of a greater cause.

Perhaps most heartening was the philosophical vision articulated by NCP Convener Nahid Islam in his inaugural address. His declaration that "July 2024 marks the beginning of our struggle for a Second Republic" framed the movement not merely as opposition to the previous regime but as a positive project to reimagine the very foundations of our nation.

The concept of a Second Republic carries profound historical weight. In the US, the civil war transformed the nation into what historians often call a "Second American Republic"—one where slavery was abolished, citizenship was redefined, and federal power was expanded. Similarly, France has traversed through five distinct republics, each marking a fundamental reimagining of the state following moments of crisis. Bangladesh now stands at such a crossroads. Fifty-four years after our independence, this call for a Second Republic represents the culmination of decades of unfulfilled promises and institutional degradation. The wheels of history turn slowly; the original republic, born in the blood of 1971, perhaps needed these five decades to completely exhaust its possibilities. The Monsoon Revolution has given us this rare opening—a constitutional moment where the fundamental rules governing our society can be rewritten.

Nahid's emphasis on drafting a new democratic constitution through an elected constituent assembly is, therefore, particularly significant. His rejection of familial dynasties in favour of merit-based leadership represents a direct challenge to the political culture that has dominated Bangladesh since independence. The promise that "corruption and nepotism will have no place in our politics" will resonate deeply with a population that has watched helplessly as the fruits of our economic growth have been concentrated in the hands of political elites and their cronies.

Most heartening was the NCP's commitment to protecting Bangladesh's ethnic, social, gender, religious, and cultural diversity. This stands in stark contrast to movements in other countries, where popular revolutions or uprisings have often been followed by takeovers by fundamentalists.

But let us harbour no illusions. The path ahead for the NCP will be fraught with challenges. They said they wanted to build a country free from discrimination and committed to inclusivity. However, there have been many instances of discrimination against members of minority communities, women, and people from vulnerable groups. In quite a few instances, no one from the students' party or the anti-discrimination students' movement platform spoke out in their support.

The decision by several student leaders to join Prof Muhammad Yunus's interim government has proven to be a strategic miscalculation that now weighs heavily on the NCP. In the seven tumultuous months since July, these student "advisers" have become convenient scapegoats for the interim administration's failures. They now carry the stain of association with an increasingly ineffective interim government that has struggled to deliver on its promises. For the NCP to succeed, it must consciously shed this baggage and establish a distinct identity separate from the interim government's shortcomings. They must candidly acknowledge these missteps—not as failures of character, but as lessons in political strategy.

Any such attempts will inevitably be combated by established political forces. The Awami League—along with its allies—clearly views these student leaders as sworn enemies and will likely deploy every tool in its vast war chest to undermine them. The BNP, which stands to lose the most if this new party gains momentum, may fight tooth and nail for every inch of political space. Local mobilisation in every constituency, requiring networks and on-the-ground foot soldiers so far enjoyed only by the largest parties, will be a huge challenge to overcome. Fundraising to sustain the electoral effort without resorting to the usual cronyism and extortion tactics of old is yet another challenge.

However, internal cohesion may perhaps end up being the greatest single challenge. Politics in Bangladesh has a long history of fragmentation in parties lacking a singular, cult-like leadership figure, such as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman or Ziaur Rahman. The diverse backgrounds and ideologies represented within the NCP could become fault lines under pressure, especially when facing ruling party oppression or attempts to buy loyalty.

Only time will tell whether the NCP can withstand these tests. However, if they can remain faithful to their founding philosophy—fighting for equity and justice, championing the cause of ordinary citizens, practising internal democracy, and maintaining a zero tolerance policy towards corruption—they may well attain political power sooner than many expect. Their stated vision of a Second Republic—one where power truly flows from the people, where institutions serve citizens rather than ruling parties, where economic growth benefits all, and where Bangladesh's rich diversity is celebrated rather than weaponised—should resonate powerfully with a population that has grown weary of false promises from the political establishment.

We stand at a critical juncture in our nation's history. The sacrifices made during the July uprising have created an opening for fundamental change. The NCP's ability to translate this moment into a lasting movement will depend on their moral superiority and political acumen first and foremost, but also on whether the majority of ordinary citizens embrace and sustain their vision of a more just, inclusive, and democratic Bangladesh.

Rubayat Khan is volunteer op-ed editor at Muktipotro.​
 

Scuffle erupts between 2 groups in Bashundhara Residential Area

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A scuffle broke out tonight in Bashundhara residential area between associates of Sarjis Alam, a leader of the newly-formed National Citizens Party (NCP), and students from several private universities, who claimed that they were deprived and underappreciated.

A student of North South University told The Daily Star that Sarjis visited the area to talk to students from various private universities, including North South University, who felt deprived.

During the discussion, tensions flared, leading to an altercation. Sarjis left the scene, but the confrontation escalated into a physical scuffle between the two groups.

Officer-in-Charge of Vatara Police Station Mazharul Islam confirmed the incident, saying that both groups later went to the police station, each claiming several of their members had been injured.​
 

Nahid aims to finish what July uprising began

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Nahid Islam, head of Bangladesh's National Citizens Party (NCP), speaks to AFP at his residence in Dhaka. Photo: AFP/Munir Uz Zaman

Bangladeshi students who overthrew autocratic ex-premier Sheikh Hasina last year have formed a new political party to finish the work that began with her ouster, the group's leader told AFP.

Nahid Islam, 27, was one of the most visible faces of the youth-led protest campaign Students Against Discrimination, which brought down the curtain on Hasina's iron-fisted rule after 15 years.

The sociology graduate resigned last week from the interim administration that replaced her to lead the new National Citizens Party (NCP), arguing that Bangladesh's political establishment lacked the will for far-reaching reforms.

"They were not even interested in the reforms for which young people sacrificed their lives," Nahid told AFP.

"Because we have an obligation to implement what we pledged during the mass uprising and its aftermath, we decided to form a political party," he said.

More than 800 people were killed in last year's uprising, and Nahid was briefly detained alongside other student leaders in an unsuccessful effort to force them to call off the protests.

After Hasina's toppling, he accepted an invitation to join an interim government led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.

Nahid's decision to helm the NCP necessitated his departure from an administration expected to act as a politically neutral umpire while preparing Bangladesh for fresh elections.

Polls are due by March next year and are widely expected to be won by the BNP, one of the major political forces.

Nahid said that even if he and his followers could not form the next government, they had inaugurated a political force set to be influential for decades to come.

"Nobody knew that there would be an uprising, but it happened," he said.

"I sincerely hope and I believe that we are going to win this time. But this election is not the end of the world... Our target is to sustain this energy for another 50 or 100 or more years."

'BELIEVE IN INCLUSIVITY'

The NCP is at loggerheads with its main rival over when the next national election should be staged, with the BNP arguing that fresh polls should be staged as soon as possible to empower a government with a public mandate.

"We are often accused of conspiring to delay the election, but that is not true," Nahid said.

But he added that it was "not possible" to stage an election while the country still faced issues maintaining law and order after Hasina's ouster.

His party are also campaigning for a simultaneous vote to establish a citizens' assembly, to be tasked with root and branch reform of Bangladesh's constitution aimed at ensuring a lasting democracy.

The NCP has sought to position itself as a big tent party, open to all people seeking to bring forward the spirit of last year's political tumult.

But ructions within the party have already spilt over into public view since its founding last month.

A gay rights activist was removed from the party's leadership committee days after it was formed following demands from right-wing groups in the Muslim-majority country.

"We believe in inclusivity, but there are certain boundaries set by religious and cultural norms," Nahid said, adding that the party still had an admirable record on diversity. "We have brought women to the forefront and included representatives from all castes and creeds," he said. "We will strive to ensure that all citizens can enjoy their rights."​
 

NCP demands trial of July killings before elections
UNB
Published :
Mar 07, 2025 19:09
Updated :
Mar 07, 2025 19:09

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Jatiya Nagorik Party (NCP) on Friday demanded the visible trial proceedings of the July killings and implementation of the July reform charter before holding the national election.

“But before going to any election, we have been saying over and over again – we want to see the visible trial proceedings of killings and implementation of the July Charter of reforms. Then we will have to move towards the election,” said NCP Convener Nahid Islam at a press conference in the city.

Replying to a question, he said it doesn’t seem to him that it is impossible to hold the national election in December. It will depend mainly on political will and political consensus to hold the constituent assembly election and the national election together, he added.

“If we can reach that consensus, then it is actually possible to hold the constituent assembly and national parliament elections together within the desired timeframe,” said Nahid.

The press conference was arranged following the first general meeting of the NCP central committee at Rupayan Tower in the city’s Bangla Motor area.

NCP central leaders including its member secretary Akhter Hossen, chief organiser for the southern region Hasnat Abdullah, chief organiser for the northern region Sarjis Alam and chief coordinator Nasiruddin Patwary were present.

On Friday last, NCP was officially launched as a new political platform floated by student activists of the July Movement.​
 
OK - now it is clear that Tareque Zia is not getting back into Bangladesh politics.

Even BNP Fakhrul Alam er "jamai" debater Dr. Faham Abdus Salam is singing against BNP nowadays as I've seen in some Bangladeshi VLOGs.
 
OK - now it is clear that Tareque Zia is not getting back into Bangladesh politics.

Even BNP Fakhrul Alam er "jamai" debater Dr. Faham Abdus Salam is singing against BNP nowadays as I've seen in some Bangladeshi VLOGs.
Rough days are ahead of BNP and its leaders. BNP's top brass are to be blamed for its sorry state in Bangladesh politics.
 

Bangladesh: turbulent political history and the idea of "Second Republic"
Muhammad Mahmood
Published :
Mar 08, 2025 22:48
Updated :
Mar 08, 2025 22:48

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An iconic scene of students' protest in Dhaka during July upspring last year that forced Hasina to step down and flee to India. Photo : FE/Files

Bangladeshi students who led last year's mass protest against the despotic government of Sheikh Hasina announced the formation of a new political party, the National Citizens Party (NCP), on Friday, February 28. Addressing the rally, leaders of the newly formed party emphasised that they would pursue the politics of national unity over division, transparency and good governance over corruption, and an independent foreign policy over servility in foreign relations. They aim to build a second republic in Bangladesh based on a new constitution.

Nahid Islam, a 26-year-old prominent student leader until recently an Adviser in the interim government, has been named as the head of the party. Nine others -- all of them student leaders who rose to prominence during the mass uprising in July and August -- have been named to hold several top positions.

People responded enthusiastically with overwhelming support to the NCP. Many Bangladeshis hope that young people who were instrumental in deposing the despotic Hasina regime will be reshaping the turbulent political landscape of the country. People are also hoping that the rebuilding exercise of the NCP will also involve doing away with the dynastic politics of decidedly undemocratic political leaders of the two major political parties - the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Both parties lack any democratic practices and processes within their parties enabling dynastic leaders and their family members perpetuating full control over the parties.

The leaders of NCP will face formidable challenges in achieving their objectives given the country's tumultuous history since independence in 1971. The country's political landscape since then has been marked by one-party rule, military coups, and a gradual erosion of democracy under dynastic civilian governments and has badly corrupted the political system as well as norms and values of the civil society in the country.

The rot reaching the point was prompted by 15 and a half years of rule, until early August last year, by a highly corrupt and repressive authoritarian regime led by Hasina. She perpetuated her rule using a sham parliamentary democracy with all the tenets of autocracy. Her rule was a celebration of dynastic authoritarianism where her family members were instrumental in running and looting the country.

The euphoria that accompanied Hasina's departure still lingers, but the harsh reality of the road ahead is becoming increasingly clear. Already in bad shape, Bangladesh's economy is limping along, having taken a further hit from more than a month of protests and the uncertainty of the transition. While challenges abound, the situation presents Bangladesh with an unprecedented opportunity to clean up the mess.

The Bangladesh economy is currently slowing down. Early in November the World Bank slashed its growth forecast for Bangladesh by 1.7 percentage points to 4 per cent for the fiscal 2024-25. Recently Moody's downgraded country's outlook from stable to negative and downgraded the credit rating from B1 to B2 citing the reason that "the negative outlook reflects downside risks to Bangladesh's growth outlook". Overall, currently there is a pessimistic outlook for growth in the country.

A recently published draft report on the State of Bangladesh Economy revealed the extent of corruption involved in the public sector development expenditures under the Annual Development Program (ADP) alone over the last 15 years. The report indicated that about 40 per cent of the allocated funds were embezzled by the politicians and public servants. What is more disturbing is that this plundered money -- US$16 billion on average -- has been transferred overseas annually during the past 15 years of Hasina's rule.

Since the birth of Bangladesh, the country also has a problematic relationship with democracy. In fact, Bangladesh's regression towards authoritarianism has started soon after independence. Starting with the rigged election of 1973, the country's founding President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 put in place the framework for a one-party state using the constitution that is now still in place, but he and his family were brutally murdered in a coup, save his two daughters who were abroad at that time.

Furthermore, since gaining independence from Pakistan in 1971, Bangladesh's political landscape has been dominated by two family dynasties - Sheikh Hasia is the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding President of Bangladesh and also one of the founding leaders of the Awami League (AL); and former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, the wife of former military ruler Ziaur Rahman who founded Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), while smaller leftist and Islamic parties have struggled to gain significant voter support. The AL and the BNP have governed the country for most of the past five decades.

Since 1990, Sheikh Hasina of the AL and her fierce rival, Begum Khaleda Zia have taken turns in government. They have been accused of widespread corruption and authoritarianism as well as failing to act on issues such as systemic inequality, discrimination and social injustice. Both have manipulated state organs, twisted election rules, mobilised party thugs and built patronage networks to cling to power. But Hasina took these tactics to extremes and pushed the Bangladeshi people too far. On August 5, Hasina fled the country amid a mass popular uprising against her increasingly brutal authoritarian rule. She along with her sister Rehana had fled to India. In fact, all her immediate family members are staying out of Bangladesh and all of them hold foreign passport. The hasty departure of Hasina has sealed the collapse of a family that has been linked to power since Bangladesh's independence in 1971. She systematically undermined the independence of Bangladesh's institutions, particularly the police, judiciary and bureaucracy to hold on to power. Her rule was also marked by widespread human rights violations and regular crackdowns on her opponents, coupled with economic mismanagement, stark social inequality and worsening corruption.

Political violence in Bangladesh is not unusual, having been present since the birth of the nation in 1971. The country has continued to be rocked by sporadic periods of political violence including military coups and counter-coups until a semblance of democratic process was restored slowly in 1991. But with Sheikh Hasina coming to power in 2009, things began to take a repressive turn for the next 15 years.

Hasina's departure from the political scene is also an opportunity for renewal. Fifty-three years after gaining independence through a bloody independence war, the overthrow of Hasina on August 5 is dubbed as the "Second Independence Day". This is also an opening to put in place stronger checks and balances on future governments. The overarching goal of forthcoming reforms is to make sure the authoritarianism and cronyism of the past fifteen years must not come back.

Therefore, Bangladesh faces a profound need for political renewal. It is now the time to make a break with an unhappy past. The NCP's declaration to build a second republic to ensure democratic and economic rights for all citizens in Bangladesh based on a new constitution can be the way forward for that political renewal. Adoption of a new constitution and establishment of a new republic happened many times before, like in France and Portugal. Spain also adopted a new constitution but with a constitutional monarchy.

The Fifth Republic is the current Republican system of government in France. It was established on October 4, 1958 by Charles De Gaulle under a new constitution. The Fifth Republic emerged from the collapse of the Fourth Republic replacing the former parliamentary republic. Executive power was increased at the expense of the National Assembly in the new constitution.

Portugal adopted a new Constitution in 1976, following the Carnation Revolution which overthrew the dictatorial regime led by Salazar, marking the beginning of the Third Portuguese Republic and establishing a democratic system. This new constitution replaced the 1933 constitution implemented under Salazar's rule.

The current constitution of Bangladesh which has undergone 17 amendments. In fact, the current constitution has been used as the vehicle for justifying various degrees of authoritarian rules over the last 53 years including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's one-party rule introduced in 1975.

Therefore, there is an urgent need to frame a new constitution. The adoption of a new constitution also means a new republic. That will require the interim government to take sufficient time to organise an election to constitute a constituent assembly to draft the new constitution which has to be ratified by referendum once written.

Constitutions are foundations of democracy, the rule of law, human rights and good governance. Therefore, the new constitution must provide for institutions that draw their authority from the people directly and are accountable to the people, not only through elections, but through processes that involve transparency and interaction.

Furthermore, government decisions should, where appropriate, be made by the level of government that is closest to the people. Politics must be free from corruption in all its forms including dynastic control as well as political influence of profit-seeking entities.​
 

Promise and peril of the new party
by Kazi ASM Nurul Huda 09 March, 2025, 00:00

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Nahid Islam, convener of the newly formed National Citizens’ Party, speaks as students shout slogans during the launch of the new political party, in Dhaka on February 28. | Agence France-Presse/Munir uz Zaman

IN THE shadows of the July-August uprising, the streets of Dhaka that once echoed with chants for freedom are now witnessing a new phase of political engagement. The students who risked their academic futures to challenge an authoritarian regime have established a political party, named the National Citizens’ Party, to formalise their aspirations. What began as a protest movement fuelled by frustration over the quota system in government job recruitment has evolved into an organised effort to reshape the political landscape through electoral means.

This transition from activism to governance is not just a shift in approach but the forging of a new political frontier in Bangladesh. The momentum that once drove mass mobilisation must now be directed toward institution-building, policymaking, and strategic planning. While this endeavour is both ambitious and necessary, it carries challenges that will determine whether the party emerges as a force for meaningful change or fades into the cycle of political disillusionment.

The emergence of this party reflects a deeper demand for political renewal. For years, young people in Bangladesh have grown disillusioned with mainstream parties, perceiving them as corrupt, ineffective, or disconnected from their aspirations. The student-led movement harnessed this frustration and transformed it into action by demonstrating its ability to mobilise en masse and demand accountability. However, building a political party requires more than mass protests; it demands sustained leadership, coalition-building, and a concrete vision. The opposition alone can energise a movement, but governance depends on the ability to craft and implement solutions.

Already, early tensions within the party highlight the difficulties of maintaining ideological consistency while navigating political realities. Allegations of discrimination in leadership selection within the newly formed political party and its de facto student wing — orchestrated by the uprising’s organisers — particularly highlight the under-representation of both non-Dhaka University public and private university students. This situation reflects a longstanding pattern of exclusion and factionalism in Bangladeshi politics. The irony is unavoidable: a party founded on principles of fairness and inclusion is now struggling to practise those very ideals. If left unaddressed, such internal conflicts could undermine the party’s credibility before it even gains a foothold in the electoral arena. True reform must begin within, and the party’s ability to resolve these early disputes will serve as a litmus test for its commitment to justice and transparency.

The challenges facing the new party are not unique. Similar movements around the world have grappled with the difficulty of translating popular support into effective governance. Pakistan’s Tehreek-e-Insaf, for instance, rose to power on a platform of anti-corruption and political reform but struggled with economic management and internal divisions once in office. India’s Aam Aadmi Party initially gained traction through its focus on transparency and grassroots governance but has faced accusations of power consolidation and a drift away from its founding ideals. These cases serve as a reminder that movements built on public discontent must develop governance strategies that balance ideals with the practical demands of statecraft.

For the National Citizens’ Party to sustain itself, ethical leadership must be its foundation. It cannot afford to mimic the same patterns of opacity and exclusion that have long defined Bangladeshi politics. Ensuring internal democracy, where decision-making is transparent and leadership roles are fairly distributed, will not only strengthen its credibility but also attract a broader base of support. The party must also recognise that governance is not a battle waged solely against the old establishment but a process that requires negotiation, adaptability, and the ability to build alliances without compromising core values. If it remains confined to student circles and urban activism without engaging rural populations, labour groups, business communities, and experienced political figures, its reach will be limited, and its influence in policy-making will remain marginal. Broadening its base to include professionals, grassroots organisers, and senior citizens who have long been disillusioned with mainstream politics could strengthen its credibility and expand its appeal beyond university campuses.

As the National Citizens’ Party prepares for its first electoral test, it faces a crucial strategic choice. Unlike traditional opposition parties, it has to avoid alliances, at least for now, in an effort to maintain ideological purity. This approach is both pragmatic and risky — pragmatic in the sense that it allows the party to test its manifesto without external influences, but risky in that it limits its immediate electoral prospects. It may secure only a handful of seats, but if its message resonates, it could establish itself as a credible alternative in future elections. However, ideological rigidity alone will not be enough to sustain long-term success. Political movements that fail to adapt often find themselves sidelined, unable to exert meaningful influence where it matters most.

However, there is an unexpected concern that the emergence of a student-led party could further fragment the opposition and inadvertently strengthen the prevailing establishment. While this concern is valid, it overlooks the potential for new political forces to drive necessary change. Even if the party does not immediately gain power, its presence could compel mainstream parties to reassess their policies, implement reforms, and respond more effectively to public demands. The risk of fragmentation exists, but so does the opportunity to revitalise a political landscape long dominated by entrenched interests.

To mitigate these risks, the National Citizens’ Party must actively find ways to compensate for its lack of political experience. Forming a robust advisory body consisting of experienced policymakers, professionals, academicians, intellectuals, economists, grassroots organisers, and legal experts could offer valuable guidance without compromising its youthful origins. Drawing lessons from successful political movements worldwide, it should also prioritise long-term institutional development over short-term electoral gains. Internal cohesion, strategic expansion beyond student networks, and a commitment to ethical governance will determine whether it remains a fleeting experiment or a lasting force for change.

The emergence of the National Citizens’ Party is more than just another attempt at political reformation — it is a test of whether youthful idealism can be institutionalised into meaningful governance. By embracing both the passion of its movement and the wisdom required for long-term political engagement, it has the opportunity to reshape Bangladesh’s future. Yet the road ahead is uncertain. Will this initiative redefine political ethics in Bangladesh, or will it fall victim to the same patterns it seeks to break? The coming months will determine whether this is a passing moment of defiance or the beginning of a new chapter in the nation’s democracy.

Kazi ASM Nurul Huda is an associate professor of philosophy in the University of Dhaka.​
 
@Saif bhai, we should consider ourselves lucky in Bangladesh that we are at least ten years ahead of the rest of South Asia in having escaped the normal corrupt leaderships for a different new generation revolutionary political leadership more intensely connected with popular political mandate.

Don't know about Pakistan, but India's time will come as well (and not soon enough).

Modi and cohorts are shaking in their chappals.

They know what awaits them in the very near future.

If not for the lack of political awareness, verve and mojo of the middle class in India, it'd have happened there already.
 
@Saif bhai, we should consider ourselves lucky in Bangladesh that we are at least ten years ahead of the rest of South Asia in having escaped the normal corrupt leaderships for a different new generation revolutionary political leadership more intensely connected with popular political mandate.

Don't know about Pakistan, but India's time will come as well (and not soon enough).

Modi and cohorts are shaking in their chappals.

They know what awaits them in the very near future.

If not for the lack of political awareness, verve and mojo of the middle class in India, it'd have happened there already.
Bilal bhai, these students are our only hope. If they fail then the whole nation will be doomed and cannot recover for a long long time. Let's pray for their success.
 

Nahid wants consensus on justice and reforms before polls
UNB
Published :
Mar 10, 2025 21:05
Updated :
Mar 10, 2025 21:05

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National Citizen Party (NCP) convener Nahid Islam on Monday urged the political parties to form a consensus on justice and reforms before election.

“I want to tell political parties, do not do politics of delaying justice and reforms. Form a consensus on justice and reforms, we will make arrangements for your elections,” Nahid said.

He said this at an iftar and prayer meeting with the injured and family members of the July movement martyrs organised by the NCP at Suhrawardy Udyan.

Nahid said, "I will tell the government that a roadmap for quick justice and reforms must be prepared. A clear roadmap must be announced immediately as to how long and through what process we will be able to see visible justice and reforms."

The NCP convener also said, "We will want a clear answer from the advisers we have placed in power, including the chief adviser, as to how much our reforms have been implemented."​
 

National Citizen Party should not deviate from politics
Zahed Ur Rahman
Teacher at IUB
Updated: 13 Mar 2025, 22: 22

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After Nahid Islam's resignation from the post of adviser, an unbelievable scene was witnessed on social media: people from all political affiliations wished him success in his political journey. We had known for some time and saw that he had taken on the responsibility of being the leader of the 'Students' Party,' the National Citizen Party (NCP). Along with him, many young leaders, who were at the forefront of the July-August mass uprising, have also joined the leadership.

When the National Citizen Party was officially announced, all political parties, except the Awami League and its allies, wished them well. It goes without saying that wishing someone success in politics is not enough to achieve it. They are stepping into a fierce battle, where no competitor will give them an inch, as they all are driven by their own interests.

How successful will this party, formed in a very challenging environment, be? The leaders and activists of this newly formed party need to understand that to succeed in politics, they must actually practice politics. I'll explain why 'practicing politics' is important in the last part of this article.

At a time when a party like India's Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) formed and won elections in places like Delhi in a short span, some in Bangladesh have questioned why a similar, public welfare-focused party isn't forming here.

I believe that during the Awami League’s time in power, the situation was not conducive to the formation of a new political party. When a state lacks politics, when a mafia regime uses state institutions to exercise brutal force and hold on to power, there is no real reason for a political party to form or grow. In such a context, even if extraordinary people come together with fantastic programmes, the public could not trust them because they lacked the power to elect a party through the vote.

Under these circumstances, a party that could generate intense mass movements through huge public support to force the government to resign was necessary. Now, after two decades, a political party can form and grow democratically in Bangladesh.

When discussing the success of the National Citizen Party as a political force, many are highlighting its leadership, which had been at the forefront of the mass uprising that brought down a tyrannical ruler like Sheikh Hasina. The argument being made is that since they managed to do such a large task, creating and succeeding with a political party will be comparatively easier for them.

However, the skill of overthrowing a dictatorial government is different from the ability to create a political party and connect with people at the grassroots level to succeed in electoral politics. Just because someone has the skill to overthrow a dictatorship doesn’t guarantee they will have the skill to succeed in electoral politics.

Three student representatives worked as advisers in the post-uprising government, and there is talk of coordinators outside the government exerting influence over it, so one of the significant challenges for the National Citizen Party will be proving that they are not a party created with the support of the government ('king's party').

The National Citizen Party surely knows that while political realities are important, so are perceptions. As long as Nahid Islam was part of the government before his resignation for joining the party, it cannot be that he had not in his mind about the launching of new political party. The same applies to the other two student advisers, who are likely to join the National Citizen Party in the future after resigning from the government.

After Sheikh Hasina's fall and flight, a path to democratic recovery has begun to take shape. Despite repeated efforts by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus to outline this path, various conspiracies continue to develop. Some influential forces are trying to obstruct the country's democratic progress through flashy talk. Many people do not consider the alignment of the NCP’s views with those of these forces as a coincidence.

In this case, the argument for resigning from the government to join a political party is not enough. Imagine if three advisers from the government declared they were thinking of joining the BNP but insisted they would not do so while remaining in the government. They must resign from the government before joining the BNP. Would such a situation be acceptable?

A recent example of forming a 'king’s party' in Bangladesh was during the period of the 1/11 government. The Progressive Democratic Party (PDP), led by Ferdous Ahmed Qureshi, was established under the supervision of civilian-masked military rulers. Despite Qureshi’s illustrious political career, his party failed because he was almost unknown to the public at the time.

In contrast, the leadership of the NCP, who had bravely fought against Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian regime, has already earned the public's sympathy. Whether they can translate this emotional connection into organisational strength and electoral success remains to be seen.

The biggest challenge for the NCP will likely be ideological differences within the party. Since people from all political spectrums, from right-wing to left-wing, participated in the movement for the downfall of Sheikh Hasina, the party aims to unite them all and move forward together. To achieve this, they have chosen a pragmatic political path—centrism.

Through prioritising public welfare over ideological positions, their politics is supposed to help avoid these internal conflicts. However, even before the formation of the party, we saw internal ideological differences surface. The NCP has already faced intense disputes over whether "ex-Shibir" leaders like Ali Ahsan Junaid and Rafe Salman Rifat, both former leaders of Dhaka University’s Chhatra Shibir, would join the party. These two influential figures, after much debate, decided not to join the party.

In Bangladesh’s current context, where ideological disputes are rampant and sometimes deliberately stirred up, the big question is whether the NCP will be able to avoid these internal conflicts.

The NCP is, in essence, a party of young people. Many young activists, who were at the forefront of the mass uprising, have now joined the party. Many of them, who had excellent careers abroad, have returned to Bangladesh. Many overseas Bangladeshis are also supporting the party through activism and fundraising. The party has a strong chance of success, driven by the energy of the youth.

However, the 'students' party' label could also be a weakness for the NCP. People may perceive it as a party of inexperienced, immature individuals, which could create negative circumstances for the party. In a country like Bangladesh, with its extremely complex political and social environment, knowledge, intelligence, and talent alone are not enough; long-term experience is also a significant prerequisite for political success.

In the face of intense mass uprisings, the fall of Sheikh Hasina and her subsequent flight, the BNP is now the dominant political force in the field, effectively unchallenged in the electoral arena. In the current scenario, it is almost certain that the BNP will return to power in the future. Politics doesn’t leave a vacuum, and a political force will inevitably rise to challenge the BNP in the electoral arena. In terms of organisational strength, the alternatives at the moment are the Awami League, Jamaat-e-Islami, and Islamist identity-based politics. None of these, I believe, will be suitable for the welfare of the nation.

It would be a great thing for the people if a strong centrist party emerged, focusing on the welfare of the marginalised communities while ensuring the well-being of all citizens. In this regard, the National Citizen Party must quickly present its goals, ideals, and agenda in a clear, accessible language to the public.

After Sheikh Hasina's fall and flight, a path to democratic recovery has begun to take shape. Despite repeated efforts by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus to outline this path, various conspiracies continue to develop. Some influential forces are trying to obstruct the country's democratic progress through flashy talk. Many people do not consider the alignment of the NCP’s views with those of these forces as a coincidence.

Given the history of political parties being part of conspiracies in this country, I hope the NCP will avoid being involved, knowingly or unknowingly, in any such conspiracy. The party should focus solely on politics. This will be beneficial for both the party in the long term and the state as a whole.

*Zahed Ur Rahman, political analyst and university teacher

* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Rabiul Islam​
 

NCP focuses on organising party, meeting registration terms
Md. Asif Howladar
Dhaka
Published: 15 Mar 2025, 16: 49

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Leaders of youth-led National Citizen Party launched in Dhaka on 28 February 2025 File photo

As the National Citizen Party (NCP) is planning to field candidates in all seats in the upcoming elections, keeping this in mind, its policymakers have now focused on strengthening the party’s organisational capacity and fulfilling the election commission conditions for registration.

They have initiated a process to form a special team in this regard.

The NCP, formed by student leaders who led the July uprising, made its debut on 28 February. In the meantime, the election commission has issued a public notice inviting applications from new parties for registration.

In conversations with NCP leaders at different levels, it was learned that the party aims to form committees at union, upazila, thana, and district levels within the next two months.

The EC notice mentioned that interested pirates must submit applications for registration by 20 April.

According to sources, the NCP is trying to fulfill the conditions within the stipulated period. Preparations are underway to establish the required number of party offices and complete other necessary works. It is less likely that the process will advance in the holy month of fasting. Hence, the NCP may apply to the EC for extending the timeframe.

NCP leaders have already started communicating at the grassroots level, while the work of organising the party will begin in full swing after the Eid-ul-Fitr.

According to sources at the high level, a decision will be taken after registration whether the NCP will join an electoral alliance or contest the elections alone.

NCP senior joint convener Ariful Islam Adib said the process of forming a special team is underway to prepare for the registration.

If a party wants to participate in the national elections with a party symbol, it has to first apply to the election commission for registration. According to the representation of the people order, 1972, if a party wants to get registration, it must fulfill any one of three conditions – win at least one seat under the party symbol in any parliamentary election held after independence; secure 5 per cent of the total votes in the constituencies where the party's candidates have contested; and have an active central office with a central committee and offices in at least one-third of the districts. Besides, there must be party offices in at least 100 upazilas or police stations in metropolitan areas, each of which must have at least 200 voters as members.

In addition, some provisions must be clearly mentioned in the party charter. At least 33 per cent of the posts at all levels of the party committees, including the central committee, must be reserved for women members. There must be no affiliate organisations for students, teachers, finance, business, or industrial workers.

However, the election system reform commission proposed relaxing some conditions for the registration of new political parties. They proposed that a party must have offices in 10 per cent of districts and 5 per cent of upazilas or police stations, in addition to at least 5,000 members. As these proposals have not yet been finalised, the previous conditions will be applicable for registration of new parties.

Two NCP leaders told Prothom Alo on Wednesday that they are receiving various suggestions over meeting the registration conditions, through the party’s Facebook group. However, no decision has been made yet regarding the office. They are now looking for a central office.

Besides, they are yet to finalise a constitution for the party. The second general meeting, scheduled before the Eid, is likely to finalise all these issues, according to them.

Joynal Abedin Shishir, the senior member secretary of the NCP, said their party is against imposing any conditions for registration. “Even if the NCP follows the current process, there are more than 450 citizen committees across the country. Just by converting them (to party committees), the conditions for registration will be fulfilled. It will not be difficult for us to fulfill the conditions of the district office and upazila office, Insha Allah."

Another NCP leader said on condition of anonymity that a delegation from the NCP will go to the election commission next week and apply to extend the registration time. “Time may be sought until May-June. Besides, the reform commission recommendations will be presented.”​
 

Sarjis clarifies ICU absence, helicopter controversy
UNB
Published :
Mar 15, 2025 19:53
Updated :
Mar 15, 2025 19:53

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NCP leader Sarjis Alam addressed concerns over his use of a helicopter to attend Achiya’s Janaza in Magura, as well as questions about why he did not visit her in the ICU before her passing.

In a Facebook post on Saturday, he clarified, “When I heard that Achiya was no more, I rushed to the CMH. Upon learning that there were vacant seats on the helicopter allocated for family by the army and RAB, I expressed my wish to attend her funeral in Magura. After the funeral, I returned to Dhaka.”

He also explained why he had not visited Achiya in the ICU, writing, “I went to Dhaka Medical College Hospital. When I learned that she was in the ICU, I did not enter because there is a risk of infection from visitors. Instead, I gathered information from outside and left without posting any pictures.”

Sarjis also said when Achiya was later transferred to CMH in a critical condition, he visited the hospital in the evening with members of his party. But since ICU visits were strictly prohibited, he stayed outside, spoke with the on-duty doctor, and received updates before returning home.

He refrained from posting about this on social media but continued to check on Achiya’s condition through student representatives from his party.

Responding to criticisms regarding his public presence during the case, Sarjis said, “Let’s talk straight about this ‘footage’ issue. A brutal crime was committed against my sister Achiya. From my position, I immediately informed the police administration and urged swift action to arrest the culprit.”

He added, “The High Court later announced that rape trials must be completed within 180 days. I personally shared my opinion with an important official, suggesting that even 180 days is too long. The trial should be concluded within one to two months—otherwise, public attention fades, and the punishment loses its deterrent effect. However, I did not post about this on Facebook.”

He criticises the media and the public for selectively judging incidents based on social media activity. “People assume that whatever is posted online is the full picture. If nothing is shared, they think nothing has been done. It’s as if the focus is only on ‘footage.’ If something is posted, people call it ‘attention-seeking,’ but if nothing is shared, they claim nothing happened. When will this double standard be replaced with a single, consistent standard?”

He also accused certain media outlets of misrepresenting his activities. “The funeral was at 7pm. We arrived at 5:30pm and waited in a room for an hour and a half. At one point, I briefly checked my phone notifications. At that exact moment, someone took a picture and Kaler Kantho, like many other times, published it on their online poster, showing their unprofessionalism. They also made it look like we were just sitting there staring at our phones the whole time. They could have used a normal picture of us sitting there at any other time if they wanted to. But they didn’t do that in the hope of getting more reactions.”

He questioned the ethics of such reporting, saying, “If you sit somewhere for 90 minutes, wouldn’t you check your phone at least once? Yet, the media portrayed it as if we did nothing else.”

Sarjis concluded by urging critics to focus on real actions rather than online narratives.

It’s easy to analyse from behind a screen. But those whom you criticise—despite constraints and limitations—are the ones actually on the ground, taking action. Before making another online judgment, I request that you also set an example for us to follow. We are eager to learn from your good work. Take care, he wrote.​
 

Nahid calls for consensus to end ‘Mujibist’ politics in Bangladesh
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Mar 19, 2025 19:38
Updated :
Mar 19, 2025 23:02

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National Citizen Party (NCP) Convener Nahid Islam on Wednesday urged political parties to reach a political consensus so that there would be no room for “Mujibist” politics in the election and politics of future Bangladesh.

“On August 5, 2024, the people of Bangladesh defeated the force and actually ousted Mujibism and the fascist Awami League. So, there should be no place for Mujibist politics in the future politics and Bangladesh elections,” he said.

Since a trial process is underway in this regard, even this question (return of Awami League to Bangladesh politics) should not come before the trial, he said.

Nahid made the call while addressing an Iftar Party at Dhaka Ladies Club here, which was hosted by BNP in honour of the leaders of different political parties, says a UNB report.

BNP Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman and leaders of different parties spoke at the event.

Talking about an inclusive election, the NCP chief said he thinks there are political parties to make it inclusive by representing the people of Bangladesh. “We believe that we bear the spirit of the struggle and the mass uprising that took place against Mujibism,” he said.

Nahid hoped that a political unity would be there in the current political situation.

Nayeb-e-Ameer of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Dr Syed Abdullah Muhammad Taher said he on behalf of his party requested all to forge a national unity on four points—the independence and sovereignty of Bangladesh, a sustainable democracy, a fair election and a corruption-free Bangladesh.

“I think national unity will still be the most powerful tool in building the future of Bangladesh to create a beautiful and prosperous Bangladesh,” he said.​
 

Won’t let another 1/11 happen: Nahid
Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 22 Mar 2025, 22: 53

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National Citizen Party (NCP) Convener Nahid Islam joined an Iftar party in city's Lalbagh on 22 March Pradip Sarker

National Citizen Party (NCP) Convener Nahid Islam has said any plan to rehabilitate Awami League will be dealt with iron hand.

Not only Awami League, but all allies and beneficiaries of fascism should be brought to book, Nahid said while speaking at a dua and Iftar party in memory of those martyred during July revolution. NCP organised the programme in the city's Lalbagh.

He said Awami League’s 15 years' fascist rule started through the settlement of 1/11.

“On 3 August in Shaheed Minar, we said that Awami League and its 15 years of fascist journey were started through the settlement of 1/11. Awami League and Sheikh Hasina got the chance to govern Bangladesh due to that settlement of 1/11. We won’t allow another 1/11 in Bangladesh. After the July mass uprising, we said that the government supported by the student and mass people will have to be declared as an interim government,” he added.

Nahid said no effort of depoliticization and militarization would be allowed.

“We saw at different times in the past that the political void paved the way for army intervention in Bangladesh. This did not bode well for democracy. We think a mass uprising has awakened the people. People want to make their own decision and claim ownership. That ownership has to be returned to the people,” said Nahid.

The NCP leader said there are rumours about a conspiracy and plan to rehabilitate Awami League but any such effort will be prevented vehemently.

Moderated by NCP Lalbagh zone’s member Hossain Mohammad Anowar, central and local leaders of the party spoke at the programme.​
 

NCP Workers' Wing launched

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Photo: Star

The National Citizen Party today launched its workers' wing and announced a 155-member coordinator committee.

Mazharul Islam Fakir has been made the chief coordinator of the wing which includes ten joint coordinators, 51 organisers, and 54 members.

They made the announcement at a press conference at the NCP's temporary central office at Rupayan Tower, Banglamotor.

At the press conference, Aleya Khatun, one of the joint coordinators, said "Even after 54 years of independence, the country's working-class people are still deprived of fair wages, a safe work environment, and social security. Against such reality, we are committed to working together to reclaim workers' rights and dignity."

Chief Coordinator Mazharul announced the coordinator committee of the NCP Workers' Wing, which includes the following joint coordinators -- Mosharraf Hossain Swapan, Shah Alam, Al Amin, Md Abu Abdullah, Touhidul Islam, Aleya Khatun (office), Sajib Wafi, Syed Mohammad Sohorab, Abdul Barek, and Mamun Chaklader.

Additionally, Sajib Islam, Lamia Islam, Md Kamruzzaman, Md Sarwar Kamal, and Md Faruk Hossain, among others, have been named organisers.

NCP Chief Coordinator Nasiruddin Patwari, among others, attended the event.​
 

MEETING WITH ARMY CHIEF: NCP faces unease
Staff Correspondent 23 March, 2025, 23:48

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A note of internal disquiet has apparently struck the National Citizen Party over a Facebook post by its chief organiser Hasnat Abdullah in which he accused the army of making attempts to rehabilitate Awami League.

The discord became visible when NCP chief organiser, Sarjis Alam, on Sunday in a detailed post on his Facebook wall publicly disagreed with some of Hasnat’s account of their meeting with the army chief.

Meanwhile, at an event in Sylhet, NCP chief coordinator Nasiruddin Patwari on Saturday criticised Hasnat’s statement, calling it devoid of etiquette.

Hasnat Abdullah on Friday in a Facebook post alleged that a conspiracy was being hatched to launch a ‘refined Awami League’ behind which India was playing the main role.

The post mentioned that former Jatiya Sangsad speaker Shirin Sharmin Chaudhury, former environment minister Saber Hossain Chowdhury and former Dhaka South city mayor Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh would be the face of Awami League in its repatriation.

He said that the proposal was given to him and two others from the cantonment on March 11.

When contacted, the Inter Services Public Relation Directorate declined to comment.

A report by Sweden-based Netra News, however, claimed that the army headquarters responded to Hasnat’s post.

The Netra News report, published on Saturday, quoted the army headquarters as saying that Hasnat Abdullah’s post was ‘nothing but a pure political stunt’.

In his post, Hasnat claimed that when they were presented with the proposal, they immediately opposed it, urging the authorities to abandon any plans to rehabilitate Awami League and instead focus on bringing the party to justice.

‘In response, we were told that if any obstacle was created to prevent Awami League’s return, we would have to take responsibility for the resulting crisis and that “Awami League must come back,”’ he said in the post.

In response to Hasnat, another NCP chief organiser, Sarjis, also turned to the social media and on Facebook wrote that he disagreed on several points with Hasnat’s account.

Sarjis said that he found inappropriate the manner in which Hasnat conveyed the discussion with the army chief on Facebook.

‘As a result, our important discussions with any stakeholders in the future could face a crisis of trust,’ he said.

‘That day, Hasnat and I went to speak with the army chief. I have some disagreement with the way Hasnat from his own perspective interpreted and then conveyed on his Facebook post what the army chief said,’ Sarjis wrote.

Sarjis continued to write that from his perspective, he viewed the army chief’s words not as a direct ‘proposal’ but rather as a ‘clear expression of opinion’.

He said that there was a difference between expressing an ‘opinion’ and making a ‘proposal’, though the army chief had spoken in a much more straightforward manner that day compared with previous conversations.

In his post, Sarjis also stated that regarding the issue of ‘pressure’ for a ‘refined Awami League,’ he did not perceive it as pressure.

Instead, he believed that the army chief was speaking with great confidence about the situation the country might face in the longer term and potential problems that might arise between political parties if a refined Awami League did not emerge.

Hasnat stated in his Facebook post, ‘At one point in the discussion, I said, “how can you forgive a party that has neither apologised nor admitted its crime?” The other party angrily replied, “You people know nothing. You lack wisdom and experience. We have been in this service for at least 40 years. We are older than you.”

‘It’s true that this conversation occurred. I didn’t think that the army chief said this in an angry tone, but rather in the tone and expression of someone relatively senior in age who was conveying the burden of experience to his juniors,’ Sarjis said in his post.

In the comment section underneath Sarjis’ post, NCP senior joint chief coordinator Abdul Hannan Masud commented, ‘I am saying this publicly—one of the two (Sarjis and Hasnat) is lying. This cannot continue.’

He said that despite holding important positions in the party, the way they were having meetings with people at different levels without informing the party and then and making it public without the party’s knowledge was triggering controversy around the NCP.

‘While people are dreaming about the NCP, whose agenda is it to make the NCP controversial?’ Masud questioned.

NCP chief coordinator Nasiruddin said that Hasnat’s statement regarding a meeting at the cantonment should not have been shared on social media.

‘We believe it lacks etiquette,’ he said.

Nasiruddin also said that they had observed various individuals from the cantonment interfering in the political space and emphasised that they did not want such interference.

He said that political decisions should be made by political figures and called on government institutions not to get involved in them.

Sweden-based Netra News, in its report, claimed that the army headquarters admitted that a meeting took place on March 11 with army chief General Waqar-uz-Zaman at the cantonment.

However, the allegations of ‘taking Hasnat Abdullah and proposing or pressuring him on the issue of the rehabilitation of Awami League’ were denied, the report said.

Netra News reported that when they contacted the army headquarters it responded through a spokesperson.

It said that the army headquarters’ statement described Hasnat Abdullah’s post as ‘nothing but a pure political stunt’.

According to Netra News, the army referred to the 27-year-old student leader’s statement as ‘an outright ridiculous and immature collection of stories’.

Asked about the Netra News report claiming army headquarters’ statement, the Inter Services Public Relation Directorate said that it did not give any official statement to Netra News.​
 

Compromisers don’t view uprising as independence
Says Nahid

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Those who engaged in opposition politics through compromises over the past 15 to 16 years may not view the July uprising as a form of independence, said National Citizen Party Convener Nahid Islam yesterday.

"Yesterday, I saw the debate about first and second independence. But for those of us who have suffered various forms of oppression for the past 16 years, this is undoubtedly independence. On August 5, we were truly liberated once again," Nahid said at a discussion and prayer gathering held at the Nagorik Committee's office in Banglamotor, Dhaka.

The NCP organised the event to demand state recognition and a list of those killed during the 2021 anti-aggression movement against Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Bangladesh.

The party leaders argued that those who maintained financial stability and engaged in opposition politics through compromise might not feel the impact of the uprising.

"For them, neither the first nor the second independence holds significance. What matters to them is the freedom to loot," Nahid stated.

He alleged that the former Awami League government primarily served India's interests, accusing it of rigging three consecutive elections and suppressing opposition parties with India's backing.

"With India's support, Sheikh Hasina prolonged her fascist rule. Awami fascism was merely an extension of Indian expansionism," he said.

Nahid claimed that Sheikh Hasina's administration prioritised appeasing India, resulting in the erosion of Bangladesh's national dignity, sovereignty, and justice. He expressed hope that the July uprising would pave the way for an independent foreign policy prioritising national and public interests.

He reiterated that Bangladesh seeks a relationship with India based on equality, fairness, and dignity.

He also criticised India for allegedly sheltering Awami League leaders accused of committing massacre, urging diplomatic efforts for their repatriation.

"If India genuinely wishes to maintain friendly relations, it must cooperate in this matter," he said.​
 
MEETING WITH ARMY CHIEF: NCP faces unease
Staff Correspondent 23 March, 2025, 23:48

View attachment 15881

A note of internal disquiet has apparently struck the National Citizen Party over a Facebook post by its chief organiser Hasnat Abdullah in which he accused the army of making attempts to rehabilitate Awami League.

The discord became visible when NCP chief organiser, Sarjis Alam, on Sunday in a detailed post on his Facebook wall publicly disagreed with some of Hasnat’s account of their meeting with the army chief.

Meanwhile, at an event in Sylhet, NCP chief coordinator Nasiruddin Patwari on Saturday criticised Hasnat’s statement, calling it devoid of etiquette.

Hasnat Abdullah on Friday in a Facebook post alleged that a conspiracy was being hatched to launch a ‘refined Awami League’ behind which India was playing the main role.

The post mentioned that former Jatiya Sangsad speaker Shirin Sharmin Chaudhury, former environment minister Saber Hossain Chowdhury and former Dhaka South city mayor Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh would be the face of Awami League in its repatriation.

He said that the proposal was given to him and two others from the cantonment on March 11.

When contacted, the Inter Services Public Relation Directorate declined to comment.

A report by Sweden-based Netra News, however, claimed that the army headquarters responded to Hasnat’s post.

The Netra News report, published on Saturday, quoted the army headquarters as saying that Hasnat Abdullah’s post was ‘nothing but a pure political stunt’.

In his post, Hasnat claimed that when they were presented with the proposal, they immediately opposed it, urging the authorities to abandon any plans to rehabilitate Awami League and instead focus on bringing the party to justice.

‘In response, we were told that if any obstacle was created to prevent Awami League’s return, we would have to take responsibility for the resulting crisis and that “Awami League must come back,”’ he said in the post.

In response to Hasnat, another NCP chief organiser, Sarjis, also turned to the social media and on Facebook wrote that he disagreed on several points with Hasnat’s account.

Sarjis said that he found inappropriate the manner in which Hasnat conveyed the discussion with the army chief on Facebook.

‘As a result, our important discussions with any stakeholders in the future could face a crisis of trust,’ he said.

‘That day, Hasnat and I went to speak with the army chief. I have some disagreement with the way Hasnat from his own perspective interpreted and then conveyed on his Facebook post what the army chief said,’ Sarjis wrote.

Sarjis continued to write that from his perspective, he viewed the army chief’s words not as a direct ‘proposal’ but rather as a ‘clear expression of opinion’.

He said that there was a difference between expressing an ‘opinion’ and making a ‘proposal’, though the army chief had spoken in a much more straightforward manner that day compared with previous conversations.

In his post, Sarjis also stated that regarding the issue of ‘pressure’ for a ‘refined Awami League,’ he did not perceive it as pressure.

Instead, he believed that the army chief was speaking with great confidence about the situation the country might face in the longer term and potential problems that might arise between political parties if a refined Awami League did not emerge.

Hasnat stated in his Facebook post, ‘At one point in the discussion, I said, “how can you forgive a party that has neither apologised nor admitted its crime?” The other party angrily replied, “You people know nothing. You lack wisdom and experience. We have been in this service for at least 40 years. We are older than you.”

‘It’s true that this conversation occurred. I didn’t think that the army chief said this in an angry tone, but rather in the tone and expression of someone relatively senior in age who was conveying the burden of experience to his juniors,’ Sarjis said in his post.

In the comment section underneath Sarjis’ post, NCP senior joint chief coordinator Abdul Hannan Masud commented, ‘I am saying this publicly—one of the two (Sarjis and Hasnat) is lying. This cannot continue.’

He said that despite holding important positions in the party, the way they were having meetings with people at different levels without informing the party and then and making it public without the party’s knowledge was triggering controversy around the NCP.

‘While people are dreaming about the NCP, whose agenda is it to make the NCP controversial?’ Masud questioned.

NCP chief coordinator Nasiruddin said that Hasnat’s statement regarding a meeting at the cantonment should not have been shared on social media.

‘We believe it lacks etiquette,’ he said.

Nasiruddin also said that they had observed various individuals from the cantonment interfering in the political space and emphasised that they did not want such interference.

He said that political decisions should be made by political figures and called on government institutions not to get involved in them.

Sweden-based Netra News, in its report, claimed that the army headquarters admitted that a meeting took place on March 11 with army chief General Waqar-uz-Zaman at the cantonment.

However, the allegations of ‘taking Hasnat Abdullah and proposing or pressuring him on the issue of the rehabilitation of Awami League’ were denied, the report said.

Netra News reported that when they contacted the army headquarters it responded through a spokesperson.

It said that the army headquarters’ statement described Hasnat Abdullah’s post as ‘nothing but a pure political stunt’.

According to Netra News, the army referred to the 27-year-old student leader’s statement as ‘an outright ridiculous and immature collection of stories’.

Asked about the Netra News report claiming army headquarters’ statement, the Inter Services Public Relation Directorate said that it did not give any official statement to Netra News.​
NCP people should speak with one voice instead of posting everything on Facebook.

This is the folly and inexperience of youth. Not everything needs to be on Facebook.
 

NCP people should speak with one voice instead of posting everything on Facebook.

This is the folly and inexperience of youth. Not everything needs to be on Facebook.
I beg to differ. If Hasnat Abdullah chose not to post his conversation with the army chief on the face book, the people of Bangladesh would not have known the dirty political plan of the top brass of Bangladesh army to bring back Hasina and rehabilitate Awami league in domestic politics.
 
I beg to differ. If Hasnat Abdullah chose not to post his conversation with the army chief on the face book, the people of Bangladesh would not have known the dirty political plan of the top brass of Bangladesh army to bring back Hasina and rehabilitate Awami league in domestic politics.
The army is swearing up and down that army chief never said anything of the sort.

If they can represent falsehood like this then who can we turn to?

Indians are trying their level best to "handle" BNP and the army and keep corruption and Indian "dalali" status quo at previous levels.
 
The army is lying through their un-brushed teeth. Please remember that the army chief is related to Hasina and a die hard pro-India.


The God Almighty.
Good points.

So not sure what is next, after the army leadership's collective pants have been pulled down for all to see.

Will they step back into the barracks and let NCP do what it wants, I still firmly believe AL should be abolished altogether completely from politics, though Wakeruzzaman had convinced Yunus Saab otherwise. This is also the public demand by far, contrary to BNP and JP India Dalal wishes.
 
I still firmly believe AL should be abolished altogether completely from politics, though Wakeruzzaman had convinced Yunus Saab otherwise. This is also the public demand by far, contrary to BNP and JP India Dalal wishes.
Asif Nazrul was the guy who first opposed the idea of banning Awami league from Bangladesh politics. Then BNP supported Asif Nazrul and remained firm to let Awami League participate in the upcoming election. Some observers in Bangladesh firmly believe that Asif Nazrul is an Indian stooge who is protecting Indian interest in Bangladesh.
 

No guarantee that reforms will continue after election: Nahid
Correspondent
Sirajganj
Published: 28 Mar 2025, 23: 08

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Nahid Islam addresses an iftar programme virtually in Sirajganj on 28 March, 2025. Prothom Alo

The convener of the National Citizen Party (NCP), Nahid Islam, has demanded quick reforms and necessary trials with the interim government in place, alleging that certain quarters are trying to bypass the reform initiatives.

“If we go for an election without ensuring trials for the July mass uprising, we have no guarantee that the post-election government will continue the reform process. Hence, we demand that reforms and trials be held at earliest within the existing legal framework,” he said.

The NCP leader was virtually addressing an iftar programme of his party in the station market area of Sirajganj municipality on Friday.

Describing the NCP as a youth-based political party, he said they are working to create a new chapter in the country’s political history.

Over the reform initiatives, Nahid Islam said, “We have said there must be some fundamental changes in the state, what the mass-uprising was intended for. If no reforms and changes take place, why so many people sacrificed their lives? Shed their blood?”

He demanded completion of trials, reforms, and introduction of a new constitution through a constituent assembly election within the tenure of the current interim government.

Nahid Islam also expressed gratitude to the people of Sirajganj for their contribution in the anti-discrimination movement and urged them to remain united in future.​
 

No guarantee that reforms will continue after election: Nahid
Correspondent
Sirajganj
Published: 28 Mar 2025, 23: 08

View attachment 16041
Nahid Islam addresses an iftar programme virtually in Sirajganj on 28 March, 2025. Prothom Alo

The convener of the National Citizen Party (NCP), Nahid Islam, has demanded quick reforms and necessary trials with the interim government in place, alleging that certain quarters are trying to bypass the reform initiatives.

“If we go for an election without ensuring trials for the July mass uprising, we have no guarantee that the post-election government will continue the reform process. Hence, we demand that reforms and trials be held at earliest within the existing legal framework,” he said.

The NCP leader was virtually addressing an iftar programme of his party in the station market area of Sirajganj municipality on Friday.

Describing the NCP as a youth-based political party, he said they are working to create a new chapter in the country’s political history.

Over the reform initiatives, Nahid Islam said, “We have said there must be some fundamental changes in the state, what the mass-uprising was intended for. If no reforms and changes take place, why so many people sacrificed their lives? Shed their blood?”

He demanded completion of trials, reforms, and introduction of a new constitution through a constituent assembly election within the tenure of the current interim government.

Nahid Islam also expressed gratitude to the people of Sirajganj for their contribution in the anti-discrimination movement and urged them to remain united in future.​

Nahid Islam needs to align himself to other secular entities instead of aligning himself too closely with Islamists like Jamaat and Hefazat.

Indians and their dalals in Bangladesh will label him and his party members as Islamists and will gain political mileage and faida. Label NCP as Taliban etc. which NCP is really not.

It is a slippery tightrope NCP has to walk....
 

AL symbol ‘shouldn't be on the ballot’ next election, says NCP leader Nahid
bdnews24.com
Published :
Mar 31, 2025 19:58
Updated :
Mar 31, 2025 20:33

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National Citizen Party (NCP) convenor Nahid Islam has called for the cancellation of the Awami League’s registration, saying the party’s electoral symbol should not appear in the upcoming national election.

He said the ousted Awami League no longer has the right to participate in the country’s political process.

Nahid made the call after paying respects to those killed during the July Uprising, at their graves at Dhaka’s Jurain on Monday.

According to a bdnews24.com report, members of the martyrs’ families were also present at the time.

In response to a journalist’s question, Nahid, the most prominent face of the 2024 uprising that toppled the Sheikh Hasina regime, said: “Awami League will no longer be able to do politics in Bangladesh.

“On Aug 5, the people of Bangladesh gave a verdict against the Awami League and Mujibism. The process by which that verdict will be implemented can be a matter of discussion.”

The Awami League government was overthrown by a student-led mass uprising on Aug 5. The NCP was formed on Feb 28, 2025, initiated by the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, which spearheaded the anti-government protests.

The trial of former prime minister Hasina, her ministers, MPs, and party leaders has begun over the Awami League government’s repression to quell the movement.

Nahid said, “The trial is ongoing, and we have faith in the judicial process. We believe the issue of banning the Awami League can be resolved through trial and political consensus.

“For now, the registration of the Awami League should be cancelled. Their symbol will not appear in the next election.

He continued, “The masses, including the families of the martyrs and the injured, demand the banning of the Awami League”

‘SADNESS IN EID JOY’

The joy of Eid has been tinged by sorrow for many families who lost their loves ones during the mass uprising, said Nahid.

“I came to the Jurain Cemetery to share that pain and sorrow.”

Regarding the support provided to the families of those injured and killed in the uprising, Nahid said: “The amount of support and cooperation from the government should be increased.”

He said the announcement of monthly allowances to the families of those killed and injured was made before Eid, but the government has been able to reach very few families.

“We hope the government will implement the promises or announcements it has made in these matters quickly.”

Regarding the trial for the crimes of “murder, genocide and crimes against humanity” committed in an attempt to squash the movement, Nahid said: “We have always been calling for justice as we won’t otherwise be able to face these families.”​
 

Hasnat slams calling NCP’s position on AL as 'indecorous'
UNB
Published :
Apr 15, 2025 23:22
Updated :
Apr 15, 2025 23:22

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National Citizens Party (NCP)’s Southern Region Chief Organiser Hasnat Abdullah on Tuesday warned against branding his party’s firm anti-Awami League stance as a “breach of decorum.”

In a post from his verified Facebook account, Hasnat wrote: “The day our anti-Awami League position and rejection of compromise politics began to be called ‘indecorous’ was the day Awami League processions started growing bigger.”

Targeting those he accused of indulging in compromise politics, he said, “I’m warning those who are compromising—make up your mind about the Awami League very soon. Otherwise, you will continue with your compromise politics, and I will respond with indecorous behaviour.”

He added: “You won’t be able to handle it if I start breaching decorum. Be careful.”

His statement came just hours after a video of an Awami League protest march went viral on Facebook.

According to several posts by AL supporters, the march took place in Dhaka’s Badda area, reportedly led by a former Chhatra League leader.

Hasnat, however, did not clarify whom he was directly referring to in his comments or who he considers to be engaged in compromise politics.
 

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