[🇧🇩] Bangladesh-Pakistan Relation---Can we look beyond 1971?

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[🇧🇩] Bangladesh-Pakistan Relation---Can we look beyond 1971?
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Resetting BD-Pak relations: Wishes and realities
MIR MOSTAFIZUR RAHAMAN
Published :
Apr 21, 2025 23:00
Updated :
Apr 21, 2025 23:00

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Over the past year, there has been a cautious but notable thaw in the once-frozen diplomatic ties between Bangladesh and Pakistan. The change came in the wake of political transition in Bangladesh following the fall of the Awami League government on August 5 last year and installation of an interim government. Keen to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy, the new administration initiated moves to re-engage with Islamabad. This shift marked a significant departure from more than 15 years of virtual diplomatic stagnation between the two nations.

In that context, Bangladesh took some important steps -- restoring a direct shipping link and granting permission for a Pakistani airline to operate direct flights to Dhaka. Diplomatic overtures were reinforced when Bangladesh's Chief Adviser met Pakistan's Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in September. The leaders agreed to revitalise the bilateral relationship and explore new avenues of cooperation.

The latest in this string of initiatives was the 6th round of Foreign Office Consultations (FoC), held in Dhaka last week. It drew considerable attention from diplomatic circles in South Asia, as it signalled a potential new chapter in the Bangladesh-Pakistan relationship. The discussions covered a wide range of issues -- economic, educational, agricultural, and cultural -- tapping into shared history and the aspirations of both peoples. At face value, the talks were cordial and comprehensive, with expressions of satisfaction on both sides regarding recent high-level engagements in global forums such as New York, Cairo, Samoa, and Jeddah.

Yet beneath this seemingly smooth surface lies a stubborn historical fracture -- one that remains unhealed, unresolved, and overlooked: the unresolved legacy of the 1971 Liberation War.

Despite the optimistic tone, the talks revealed a familiar impasse. Bangladesh reiterated three long-standing demands, all of which remain unmet since its emergence as an independent nation over five decades ago. These are; a formal apology from Pakistan for the genocide committed during the 1971 Liberation War; Bangladesh's rightful share of pre-independence financial assets held in Pakistan's central treasury; and repatriation of stranded Pakistanis still living in refugee camps across Bangladesh.

Sadly, Pakistan remained non-committal on all three counts. Although both sides publicly claimed the meeting was "fruitful" and that they would "remain engaged" on the outstanding issues, Islamabad's own statement tellingly omitted any mention of the three core demands. This silence has not gone unnoticed in Dhaka, sparking widespread scepticism about Pakistan's sincerity. Can these long-standing wounds simply be glossed over in the name of moving forward?

The short answer is no.

There can be no genuine reset in relations between Bangladesh and Pakistan without a full and formal acknowledgement of the atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army during the 1971 Liberation War. That war was not merely a political separation -- it was a brutal, bloody genocide. Over three million Bangladeshis were killed. Tens of thousands of women were subjected to rape and systematic sexual violence. Homes, schools, and places of worship were destroyed. Entire villages were burnt to the ground. These crimes are not mere footnotes in history -- they are etched into the collective consciousness of Bangladesh, shaping its national identity and moral memory.

A meaningful reconciliation cannot be built on denial, silence, or diplomatic evasion. It requires truth, justice, and accountability. The most fundamental starting point for that is an unambiguous, unconditional apology from Pakistan to the people of Bangladesh. Without such a gesture, talk of cooperation in trade, education, and connectivity will remain hollow-lacking the moral foundation necessary for any long-term partnership.

Many observers in Bangladesh and beyond have pointed to examples around the world where nations have sought to right historical wrongs through apology and reparation. From Germany's post-Holocaust stance to South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the international precedent is clear: true healing begins with acknowledgement.

Pakistan has, over the years, expressed "regret" or "sorrow" in vague diplomatic language -- but that is not enough. Regret is not accountability. Sorrow is not justice. Bangladesh is not seeking vengeance; it is seeking closure. That closure must be delivered with the courage to say, in no uncertain terms: "We are sorry for the crimes committed in 1971."

In addition to the apology, the other two demands -- fair distribution of financial assets and the humane resolution of the status of stranded Pakistanis -- are also essential for repairing trust. These are not new or unreasonable demands; they are rooted in international principles of equity and responsibility. It is worth remembering that Bangladesh has, for decades, housed tens of thousands of "Bihari" Pakistanis in makeshift camps, offering humanitarian support while awaiting a lasting solution from Islamabad. This burden cannot be borne indefinitely, especially without Pakistan's direct participation in the repatriation process.

The economic and academic cooperation discussed during the FoC -- including scholarships, agricultural training, and maritime studies -- are certainly welcome. But they are not a substitute for justice. Similarly, shared concerns on multilateral platforms, such as the condemnation of Israeli aggression in Gaza or the call to revitalise SAARC, reflect some alignment in international views. However, these areas of consensus should not be used to deflect attention from the historic wrongs that still demand redress.

In this context, the path forward for Pakistan is clear.

If it genuinely wants to restore normalcy and rebuild trust with Bangladesh, it must exhibit the moral courage to confront its past. That includes offering a public, official apology-one that does not hide behind euphemisms or deflect responsibility. This should not be seen as an act of weakness, but rather a bold step toward moral leadership and reconciliation. Only then can the two nations, linked by history and geography, begin to forge a future free from the shadows of 1971.

Furthermore, Bangladesh must also remain firm in its principles during this diplomatic outreach. Resetting ties should not come at the cost of forgetting history. Economic cooperation, people-to-people contacts, and regional integration are all valuable, but not at the expense of justice. The wounds of 1971 are too deep to be buried under trade deals and cultural exchanges alone.

The recent meetings between Bangladesh and Pakistan have opened a diplomatic window, but it is one that must be used wisely. Symbolic gestures must now give way to substantive action. Until Pakistan formally acknowledges and apologises for its war crimes, any effort to "revamp" bilateral ties will remain, at best, superficial.

Healing begins with truth. Reconciliation begins with justice. And in this case, justice begins with a clear, loud, and unequivocal apology from Pakistan. Nothing less will suffice.​
 

Pakistan FM Ishak Dar’s Bangladesh tour postponed
Diplomatic Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 24 Apr 2025, 21: 27

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Pakistan foreign minister Ishak Dar Courtesy: Pakistan foreign ministry

Pakistan’s deputy prime minister and foreign minister Ishak Dar’s 2-day visit to Bangladesh has been postponed.

The foreign ministry of Pakistan disclosed this on Thursday. He was supposed to reach Dhaka on 27 April.

The Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a message that in the wake of the unwarranted situation the deputy prime minister and foreign minister of Pakistan will not be able to visit Bangladesh on 27 and 28 April. The new date for the visit will be fixed on the basis of discussions between the two sides.

The announcement came, following the deadly terrorist attack that killed at least 26 tourists, the deadliest terrorist attack since 2019.

Following the incident, India took five steps against Pakistan in the wake of the attack on tourists in Pahalgam, Kashmir. The decisions were taken at a meeting of the union cabinet committee on security of India on Wednesday.

Pakistan's National Security Committee (NSC) meeting today, Thursday took several countermeasures in response to India's actions. The meeting was chaired by Pakistani prime minister Shahbaz Sharif. The decisions were announced in a statement sent by the Prime Minister's Office after the meeting.

Earlier, Pakistan foreign secretary Amna Baloch paid a visit to Dhaka. During that tour, the date for Ishak Dar’s visit to Bangladesh was announced.​
 

Bangladesh agrees in principle to aid corridor for Rakhine: Touhid
United News of Bangladesh. Dhaka 28 April, 2025, 06:11

Foreign Affairs Adviser Md Touhid Hossain on Sunday said Bangladesh agreed in principle to provide a humanitarian corridor to Rakhine in line with a UN proposal.

The United Nations wants to create a humanitarian channel through Bangladesh to send humanitarian aid to Rakhine, and the interim government has agreed in principle to this subject to meeting some conditions.

‘Bangladesh has agreed in principle to provide a humanitarian channel to Rakhine as per the UN proposal. It will be a humanitarian passage. But we have some conditions. I will not go into details. If the conditions are met, we will definitely help,’ said Hossain.

Asked about the government’s position regarding contact with the Arakan Army, he said establishing contact with the Arakan Army becomes inevitable.

Though they are non-state actor, they have to contact them due to reality, and as they cannot contact them formally, informal contact was made, Hossain explained.​
 

Water wars are no answer
28 April, 2025, 00:00

The Indus does not belong to politicians or generals. It belongs to the farmers in Punjab, the families in Sindh, the fishermen near Karachi, and the communities in Kashmir who have lived along its banks for centuries, writes MA Hossain

HISTORY is a tireless teacher. It reminds us that wars between India and Pakistan have only hardened enmities, deepened poverty, and imperilled the broader region’s stability. Today, as tensions mount once again over the Indus Waters Treaty, a sobering truth confronts both New Delhi and Islamabad: peace is not an idealistic luxury — it is a survival imperative.

The immediate spark was a brutal and condemnable act: the killing of 26 Indian tourists in Kashmir on April 22, a grim reminder of the unresolved tensions in the region. India, furious and under intense domestic pressure, suspended its participation in the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty — a pact once hailed as a rare diplomatic triumph between two nuclear-armed rivals. Pakistan, equally predictably, warned that any attempt to obstruct the flow of water would constitute an ‘act of war’ meriting a full-force response.

The temptation to escalate is understandable, particularly in democracies where leaders are acutely sensitive to public anger. Yet history, geography, and basic prudence all demand a different course. In the cold calculus of realpolitik, neither side can afford to weaponise water. If anything, the perilous road they are now tempted to tread will lead not to victory, but to mutual impoverishment.

Fragile lifeline of Indus

THE Indus Waters Treaty has survived wars, political upheavals, and decades of bitter recriminations. Brokered by the World Bank in 1960 after years of arduous negotiations, the treaty divided the six rivers of the Indus Basin between the two countries. India was given control of the eastern tributaries — the Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej — while Pakistan retained rights to the western rivers — the Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab. Importantly, while India could use the western rivers for limited purposes like hydroelectric projects, it was prohibited from any consumptive use that would significantly diminish Pakistan’s flows.

That the treaty has endured for 65 years is not an accident. It is a testament to the fact that neither India nor Pakistan can afford the catastrophic consequences of disrupting the river system that sustains hundreds of millions of lives. Pakistan, in particular, relies on these waters for 80 per cent of its irrigated agriculture. To tamper with that supply would be to invite famine, mass displacement, and potentially, the collapse of a fragile state. For India, the risks are scarcely smaller: regional instability, international condemnation, and the not-so-distant prospect of full-scale war with a nuclear adversary.

Sabre-rattling and its limits

TECHNICALLY, as experts on both sides acknowledge, India does not currently possess the infrastructure necessary to significantly choke off the flow of the western rivers. Diverting or storing the massive volumes of the Indus and its tributaries would require the construction of enormous dams and canals across some of the most difficult terrain on Earth — a process that would take years, not weeks. Even if undertaken, such efforts would be politically costly and economically ruinous.

Yet the dangers lie less in immediate engineering feats than in the corrosive effects of escalation. India’s decision to suspend the treaty, although largely symbolic in the short term, undermines the spirit of a rules-based order that has kept the worst impulses of nationalism in check. It also sets a dangerous precedent that could rebound on India itself. After all, China holds the headwaters of the Brahmaputra River, vital to India’s northeast. If India chooses to treat international river agreements as disposable under pressure, why should it expect better from others?

Pakistan’s reaction, too, demands scrutiny. Its leaders have declared that any obstruction of the Indus waters would amount to an act of war, vowing to respond with ‘full force.’ This is a dangerous and reckless posture. By framing water flows as an existential trigger, Islamabad risks locking itself into a position where diplomacy becomes impossible and escalation inevitable. More measured voices should prevail, recognising that mutual interdependence on shared rivers is not a vulnerability — it is a lifeline.

Strengthening the treaty

THERE are, of course, longer-term challenges to the treaty that cannot be ignored. Climate change is rapidly altering weather patterns across the Himalayan region. Glaciers are melting at alarming rates, monsoon seasons are becoming more erratic, and the demands of swelling populations are placing unprecedented strains on water resources. Both India and Pakistan must adapt to a future where the current water-sharing arrangements will be under increasing pressure. But adaptation requires cooperation, not confrontation.

The immediate crisis offers both countries an opportunity to reframe their relationship around pragmatic coexistence rather than perpetual hostility. Instead of tearing down a 65-year-old framework, India and Pakistan should work to strengthen it—modernizing the dispute resolution mechanisms, enhancing information sharing, and establishing joint protocols for dealing with emergencies like floods or droughts. Such initiatives would not only reduce the risk of miscalculation but also demonstrate to their own populations and the world that both nations are capable of responsible leadership.

Narendra Modi, India’s prime minister, has famously declared, ‘Blood and water cannot flow together.’ It is a potent line, but one that must be applied with wisdom. Blood has already been spilled; adding the weaponisation of water would not redeem those deaths but compound the tragedy. The true tribute to the victims would be an unyielding commitment to peace, however difficult or imperfect it may be.

For Pakistan, too, there is a choice. Instead of viewing every Indian infrastructure project as an existential threat, it should invest in better water management, technological upgrades in agriculture, and diplomatic engagement that addresses legitimate concerns without turning every dispute into a casus belli.

True ownership of Indus

ULTIMATELY, the Indus does not belong to politicians or generals. It belongs to the farmers in Punjab, the families in Sindh, the fishermen near Karachi, and the communities in Kashmir who have lived along its banks for centuries. Their future should not be held hostage to the dangerous fantasies of those who mistake conflict for courage.

In a world increasingly defined by scarcity and competition, sharing water must be seen not as a concession but as an act of collective survival. There is no glory in turning rivers into weapons. There is only ruin.

MA Hossain, political and defence analyst based in Bangladesh.​
 

Bangladesh-Pakistan Business Forum launched
UNB
Published :
Apr 28, 2025 22:07
Updated :
Apr 28, 2025 22:07

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Commerce Adviser Sheikh Bashir Uddin on Monday urged business leaders from Bangladesh and Pakistan to come forward to achieve the desired trade goals relating to trade and investment between the two countries.

"The Bangladesh-Pakistan Business Forum will play a crucial role in strengthening bilateral trade relations and enhancing economic cooperation. This forum will serve as a platform for connecting business institutions and trade organisations from both countries, promoting trade, and exploring investment opportunities," he said.

The commerce adviser made the call while speaking at the inauguration of the Bangladesh-Pakistan Business Forum, held at the Intercontinental Hotel in Dhaka, as chief guest.

He also stressed the importance of increasing connectivity between the peoples of both countries.

The tariff and non-tariff barriers between Bangladesh and Pakistan should be discussed, and how to rationalise it must be found out," said the adviser.

Meanwhile, a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed between the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA) and the Pakistan Ready-Made Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (PRGMEA) in a bid to strengthen bilateral trade between the two countries.

Administrator and Vice Chairman of the Bangladesh Export Promotion Bureau (EPB), Md. Anwar Hossain and Vice Chairman of PRGMEA, Amir Reyaz Chottani, signed the MoU on behalf of their respective sides.​
 

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