[🇧🇩] Humanitarian Corridor to Myanmar: Implications for Bangladesh.

[Saif]

Aid channel may aid Rohingya repatriation: NSA

Channeling aid to Rakhine State in Myanmar from Bangladesh may open up an opportunity for Rohingya repatriation, says a government high official while dispelling hearsay about corridor discussion. Dr Khalilur Rahman, National Security Adviser and High Representative of the Chief Adviser of the int

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Bangladesh sets four conditions for Rakhine route
Aid channel may aid Rohingya repatriation: NSA
Channel and corridor not same, no discussion on humanitarian corridor held
FE REPORT
Published :
May 05, 2025 00:39
Updated :
May 05, 2025 00:39

p1-highlight-outlineChanneling aid to Rakhine State in Myanmar from Bangladesh may open up an opportunity for Rohingya repatriation, says a government high official while dispelling hearsay about corridor discussion.

Dr Khalilur Rahman, National Security Adviser and High Representative of the Chief Adviser of the interim government, Sunday outlined four conditions for providing such a humanitarian channel to the famine-stricken sate in Myanmar.

The conditions are end of conflict in Rakhine State during the aid- supply period, unimpeded access of aid, non-discrimination in aid, and non-weaponisation of aid.

Addressing a seminar on the Rohingya crisis, organised by the Armed forces Division, in Dhaka, he made it clear that 'humanitarian corridor' and 'humanitarian channel' are separate issues-and Bangladesh has not discussed humanitarian corridor with anybody, and no agreement on aid corridor was made with anyone either.

"I've heard questions raised about humanitarian corridor, and I say, very clearly, that humanitarian corridor and humanitarian channel are not same as 'corridor' has got specific connotations. We used the term humanitarian channel, which is completely different."

The government has told the United Nations that it should ensure these conditions for providing aid to the famine-hit Rakhine State.

Highlighting the importance of channelling aid, he also notes that if aid is not made available to Rakhine State, another wave of Rohingya influx into Bangladesh may take place which the country cannot simply afford.

Referring to the proposal of a political party which called for creating new territory for the Rohingya population in Myanmar, he categorically said Bangladesh always believes in territorial integrity of Myanmar and this stance was conveyed to Myanmar government time and again.

"We do not support dismemberment of Myanmar, and we respect your territorial integrity. This is our position, not that they're second guessing, but I'm reassuring so much for this."

Foreign Adviser Touhid Hossain also spoke at the seminar organised by the Armed Forces Division of the defence ministry. Principal Staff Officer SM Kamrul Hasan was the special guest.

Explaining how the aid channel may help Rohingya repatriation the NSA said both Myanmar government and the Arakan Army had agreed to stop war during the period when aid would be channeled in.

"So, no fighting, no bombing. That gives you a pause in our country, so we reached up to that. That's what we have done."

"So in our estimate, we thought, okay, that means a period of absence of what I'm not calling peace, absence of what could finally come in and if properly handled, this could be the beginning of conditions of peace, creating an enabling environment for refugees to return."

Regarding reports in a section of Indian media which alleged Bangladesh interim government wants to start proxy war, he said in a certain neighbouring country, a news portal is doing a disinformation campaign that Bangladesh's interim government is about to start a proxy war to take over Iranian states, install American domination there and exploit the resources.

"This whole business of this propaganda, this disinformation, was to somehow make Bangladeshis feel that the government is selling the country, or creating an adverse image of the United States, exactly when we were negotiating our trading with them. This is also meant to create distance between us and the people that we are talking," he told the defence affairs' meet.

"You see, ask yourself a very simple question before you make this conclusion, if we indeed run a proxy war on behalf of America, why isn't China saying anything?"

The national security adviser also posed a question "if we are acting as a proxy, in favour of the US, why China has been helping us in arranging meeting with the Myanmar government and other stakeholders".

He reminds that "China is not stupid" and that they know from where this campaign is being operated.

Bangladesh also wants to see Rohingyas in various positions in evolving administration in the Rakhine State, he said, referring to latest negotiations with the UN.

He notes that without the Rohingya representation, it's essentially a picture of ethnic cleansing. "We don't accept that, we convey this to the United Nations."

Dismissing the idea of integration of the Rohingya here, he says if Rohingyas are accepted as part of Bangladesh, it will soon become a jumping ground of stateless people. "This is not an option. This is our red line."

The national security adviser defends the move to establish contact with the Arakan Army, saying that when the Arakan Army flag was raised on the Myanmar side of the border, it was necessary to establish contact with them to manage the borders.

"It doesn't matter who is on the other side of our border-it's our duty and we are responsible for its protection. To make it secure and safe, we have to deal with whoever is on the other side."

Mr Rahman says despite its unique complexity, the government is hopeful about resolving the Rohingya crisis.

"This is too complex a problem, which cannot be left to second guessing. We want Rohingyas to go back, and we believe that we'll find it out for them to go back. This will not be easy, but we will do it."

The foreign adviser told the seminar that the latest Rohingya exodus in the face of brutality of the Myanmar security forces in 2017 resulted from the ethnic-cleansing operation and that is why he believes it could not be resolved through bilateral negotiations.

Urging the international community to resolve the crisis immediately, he said, "You are going to have in the camps a million or so young people, it would be naive to think that they will just spend their life peacefully in the camps, waiting for the relief to arrive, and having a little food and a little shed."

He is convinced that if this issue is not resolved, these people will become a problem for Bangladesh, and they will also become problem for the religion and the world at large.​

 

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Bangladesh not to engage in any proxy war with Myanmar: National Security Adviser

Interim government’s National Security Adviser Khalilur Rahman has said Bangladesh will not engage in any “proxy war” with Myanmar for the US in the name of providing a “humanitarian corridor” to facilitate entering the Rakhine state. Rather, whatever is being publicised about those are nothing...

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Bangladesh not to engage in any proxy war with Myanmar: National Security Adviser
Diplomatic Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 04 May 2025, 17: 39

Interim government’s National Security Adviser Khalilur Rahman addresses a seminar on Rohingya crisis at BUP on 4 May 2025 Prothom Alo

Interim government’s National Security Adviser Khalilur Rahman has said Bangladesh will not engage in any “proxy war” with Myanmar for the US in the name of providing a “humanitarian corridor” to facilitate entering the Rakhine state.

Disinformation and rumour is being spread in this regard, he stressed.

Khalilur Rahman made these remarks while speaking as the chief guest at a seminar on Rohingya repatriation at the auditorium of the Bangladesh University of Professionals (BUP) on Sunday.

The Armed Forces Division and BUP jointly organised the seminar.

Khalilur Rahman, also the High Representative on the Rohingya issue, said Bangladesh respects the sovereignty of Myanmar.

He informed the seminar that they have conveyed the message to Myanmar that Bangladesh does not want anything that would create further instabilities in the neighbouring country.

Speaking about the “humanitarian corridor” to enter the Rakhine state in Myanmar through Bangladesh, the National Security Adviser said, “We did not discuss the humanitarian corridor issue; neither we made any decision about this nor we had any compromise with any side.”

Addressing the criticisms on the “humanitarian corridor” issue, Khalilur Rahman further said they discussed a “channel” to reach humanitarian assistance to the Rakhine state.

He insisted if something like this (channel) is established, it is supposed to run under the United Nations.

Aid and food assistance will pass through this, Khalilur added.​

 

[Saif]

Consensus a must to channel aid to Rakhine

The concept of a humanitarian or aid corridor is something relatively new to most people in Bangladesh. Yet, it has emerged as a central topic of national discussion following a recent UN-initiated proposal to channel aid to the famine-stricken Rakhine State in Myanmar, using routes that would trav

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Consensus a must to channel aid to Rakhine
MIR MOSTAFIZUR RAHAMAN

Published :
May 06, 2025 00:36
Updated :
May 06, 2025 00:36

The concept of a humanitarian or aid corridor is something relatively new to most people in Bangladesh. Yet, it has emerged as a central topic of national discussion following a recent UN-initiated proposal to channel aid to the famine-stricken Rakhine State in Myanmar, using routes that would traverse Bangladeshi territory. While on the surface, the humanitarian urgency of the matter cannot be understated, the nuances, implications, and possible fallout from such a decision merit careful scrutiny and, more importantly, broad-based national consensus.

There is no universally accepted definition of a humanitarian corridor. However, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) provides a broadly accepted framework: such corridors are usually agreements between warring parties to allow for the safe passage of civilians, humanitarian aid, or the evacuation of the wounded and sick during armed conflict. In this context, corridors can offer temporary relief and help prevent large-scale humanitarian disasters. However, their use must be carefully negotiated and monitored to avoid potential misuse or exacerbation of existing tensions.

Amid the growing debate in Bangladesh, the interim government has issued clarifications, drawing a clear line between a "humanitarian corridor" and a "humanitarian channel." While they maintain that Bangladesh has not entered into any agreement regarding a humanitarian corridor, they admit to being in negotiations with the United Nations regarding the possibility of an aid channel to Rakhine State.

Government officials argue that establishing such a channel could be instrumental in promoting conditions conducive to the repatriation of Rohingya refugees currently residing in Bangladesh. The logic is straightforward: if aid is delivered effectively, and if both the Myanmar government and the Arakan Army uphold their reported agreement to cease hostilities during the aid distribution period, it might foster a fragile but necessary peace. This, in turn, could provide the Rohingya population with the security and basic services necessary to consider returning to their homeland voluntarily and safely.

To that end, Bangladesh has reportedly laid out several non-negotiable conditions for the aid channel: cessation of hostilities in Rakhine during the aid period, unimpeded access to aid, non-discriminatory distribution, and a guarantee that aid will not be weaponised. These stipulations are not only reasonable but essential. In the volatile context of Rakhine, where ethnic and political conflicts remain entrenched, even well-intentioned aid can be diverted or manipulated for political or military advantage.

Nevertheless, this issue is far from straightforward. Critics of the aid channel proposal raise valid concerns that should not be overlooked. Chief among them is the security threat such a channel might pose to Bangladesh. If appropriate monitoring mechanisms are not in place, aid could be weaponised or diverted to fuel further conflict between the Arakan Army and the Myanmar military. Such a scenario would not only defeat the humanitarian purpose but could also embroil Bangladesh in a conflict beyond its borders, damaging bilateral relations and exposing the country to retaliatory actions.

There is also the danger of setting a precedent. Agreeing to such an initiative without robust oversight could be interpreted by internal or external actors as a sign of weakness or naïveté in Bangladesh's foreign policy and national security strategy. Moreover, even with a temporary ceasefire, there is no guarantee that hostilities will not resume once aid has been delivered. Without sustained peace, the long-term objective of Rohingya repatriation will remain as elusive as ever.

An additional layer of concern surrounds the issue of national sovereignty and democratic legitimacy. Many political parties and civil society leaders have questioned the legitimacy of such negotiations taking place under the auspices of a non-elected, interim government. They argue that decisions involving foreign aid operations, especially in a region as sensitive as Rakhine, must be taken by an elected parliament that represents the collective will of the people. This is not an issue to be handled in isolation by bureaucrats or unelected officials, no matter how well-intentioned. At the very least, there must be consultations with political parties across the spectrum to reach a national consensus.

This scribe does not oppose the idea of extending humanitarian assistance to suffering civilians in Rakhine. On the contrary, we affirm that as a responsible regional actor and a compassionate nation, Bangladesh should do everything within reason to alleviate the humanitarian crisis. However, such actions must be taken in a manner that preserves national security, respects domestic political processes, and ensures accountability and transparency.

The government's rationale -- that preventing another influx of Rohingya refugees is a national priority -- is entirely valid. Bangladesh already shoulders a disproportionately large burden of hosting over a million Rohingya refugees. A fresh wave would stretch the country's already limited resources and further complicate an already difficult situation. However, using aid as a strategic tool to prevent refugee inflow is not a guaranteed solution. If mismanaged, it could provoke new tensions with Myanmar or with internal political stakeholders, further destabilising the region.

The proposed aid channel must be subjected to rigorous scrutiny and built on solid guarantees from both the United Nations and all stakeholders involved. The international community must play a proactive role not only in delivering aid but also in ensuring that it is used appropriately and that ceasefire commitments are upheld. Aid without peace, after all, can only be a band-aid on a festering wound.

Most importantly, this initiative must not proceed without a national conversation. The people of Bangladesh have the right to know what is being negotiated in their name, especially when it pertains to national security and international relations. We urge the government to initiate open dialogue with political parties, civil society groups, and experts in foreign policy and humanitarian law. Holding parliamentary debates or at least convening a special consultative committee could ensure greater transparency and foster public trust.

In conclusion, while the idea of channeling aid to Rakhine is rooted in humanitarian urgency and regional stability, it carries serious implications that demand consensus, caution, and comprehensive oversight. Bangladesh must balance its compassion with caution, its pragmatism with principle. Only through national unity and international cooperation can such a sensitive mission succeed.

Let us not forget that humanitarian intentions, however noble, can falter without a framework grounded in transparency, security, and accountability. For the sake of national security, regional peace, and democratic integrity, consensus must come first-before the first truckload of aid crosses the border into Rakhine.​

 

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China aloof from aid channeling to Rakhine: Envoy

China is not involved with the UN initiative to channel aid supplies into Myanmar's Rakhine State from Bangladesh, says the Chinese envoy, also reaffirming their stand on noninterference in internal affairs. Speaking at a function Thursday in Dhaka, the Chinese Ambassador in Bangladesh, Yao Wen, a

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Teesta project ought to start soon
China aloof from aid channeling to Rakhine: Envoy
Chinese commerce minister coming with over 100 investors

FE REPORT
Published :
May 09, 2025 00:45
Updated :
May 09, 2025 00:45

China is not involved with the UN initiative to channel aid supplies into Myanmar's Rakhine State from Bangladesh, says the Chinese envoy, also reaffirming their stand on noninterference in internal affairs.

Speaking at a function Thursday in Dhaka, the Chinese Ambassador in Bangladesh, Yao Wen, also said China is ready to work with Bangladesh to push ahead with major initiatives and projects, including high-quality Belt and Road cooperation, the Mongla Port and Chinese Economic and Industrial Zone in Chittagong as well as the Teesta River project.

He also informs that the Chinese commerce minister is coming to Bangladesh this month at the head of a big team of over 100 investors.

"For the corridor issue, some so-called humanitarian corridor, I should say China is not involved. It is, as far as my understanding is concerned, is something initiated by United Nations agencies to provide humanitarian supply to Rakhine State for people affected by the conflict," he said to a question after a seminar on China-Bangladesh ties.

Elaborating on China's stance on this issue he further said, "I learned also that Myanmar, even the Arakan Army, was involved, but China is not involved in this matter."

The envoy also cited some clarification, either by the foreign adviser or the National Security Advisor, on this issue and said China always respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of any country.

"We do not interfere in the internal affairs of any country," Mr Wen said, hoping that Bangladesh and Myanmar can solve the Rohingya issue through peaceful dialog and promote the process of repatriation.

About a proposal raised by a political party for creating a separate territory in Myanmar for Rohingya Muslims, he said he was not aware of any such idea. Jamaat E Islami also denied the report that said it had raised such proposal in their meeting with the Chinese envoy.

Asked about the latest update on the long-stalled Teesta River management project, he said as Bangladesh welcomed Chinese participation in the project, China is ready to get involved.

"I should say we are ready. We are willing to offer our help. But now it is up to Bangladesh to make a decision whether you want to move forward."

Referring to suggestions for implementing the project either bilateral way, or trilateral way, or by international consortium, he said it is for Bangladesh decide. But he noted that the Teesta project should be started immediately.

The Chinese envoy earlier delivered his speech at the seminar titled 'Five Decades of Bangladesh-China Relations: Towards a New Height'.

Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies (BIISS) organised the seminar where Ambassador AFM Gousal Azam Sarker, Chairman of BIISS, and its DG Major-General Iftekhar Anis also spoke. Professor Imtiaz Ahmed of the International Relations Department of Dhaka University presented the keynote.

The diplomat said since the establishment of the diplomatic ties between the two countries On 4 October 1975, the China-Bangladesh bilateral ties have flourished across all dimensions - from political and economic cooperation to military exchanges and cultural connections.

The mutual understanding and people-to-people exchanges deepened and elevated this relationship to what it is today - a Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership, he said.

He highlighted Chinese President Xi Jinping's foreign-policy principles: "All countries, regardless of their size, strength and wealth, are equal members of the international community. They have the right to equally participate in regional and international affairs."

China champions a multi-polar world where sovereign equality is paramount. "Every nation, regardless of size, strength or wealth, deserves full respect for its sovereignty and dignity. No country shall interfere in others' internal affairs, and all states have the fundamental right to independently choose their social systems and paths of development."

He notes that Chinese Belt and Road programme has injected strong impetus into its economic growth, substantially improved the infrastructure, and has made remarkable contributions to the wellbeing of Bangladeshi people.

Over the years, the Chinese enterprises have created 550,000 job opportunities for Bangladesh, built 8 railways, 12 roads, 21 bridges, and 31 power stations.

Mr Wen said China is the largest investor in Bangladesh since the formation of the interim government. China has granted zero-tariff treatment to Bangladeshi exports, promised to extend this preferential policy to 2028, two years after the graduation from the LDC status.

About the Chinese investment in Bangladesh he informed that since last August, over 15 Chinese companies have signed investment agreements with Bangladesh, with a total intended investment of around USD400 million.

More than 30 companies have signed letters of investment intent with the Chittagong Chinese Economic and Industrial Zone, with a total investment of over $1.0 billion.

China is also accelerating the exportation of Bangladeshi mangoes to China, and by early June this year, the first batch of fresh mangoes will be on the Chinese market, he added.

"On top of that, procedures for importing Bangladeshi jackfruit and guava are also ongoing. We hope that Bangladesh can soon open up Hilsa export to China -- after all, Chinese foodies can't wait to enjoy this delicious fish on their dining tables."

He points out that as more of Bangladesh's quality agri-products make their way to China, and as more Chinese companies bring investment and innovation to this vibrant land, something incredible happen.

He hopes Bangladesh's industries will grow stronger, supply chains will become more robust, and -- most importantly -- people's lives will be better with new opportunities and greater prosperity.

He also mentions that Chinese Minister of Commerce Wang Wentao will lead more than 100 Chinese investors to visit Bangladesh at the end of this month.

"During the visit, the two sides will co-host a trade and investment-exchange event, where hundreds of Chinese and Bangladeshi enterprises will engage and explore more cooperation opportunities."

Meanwhile, the 15th Meeting of the China-Bangladesh Joint Economic and Trade Commission will be held to agree on concrete measures to further economic and trade cooperation.

He said due to the expansion of bilateral trade and investment, the number of Chinese enterprises and people in Bangladesh have continued to rise. Now, there are 68 flights operating weekly, which transport more than 13,000 passengers, linking the two countries more closely together.

"And it's good news to hear that the air route from Kunming to Chittagong is also set to open soon."

He announced that a consignment of advanced automated rehabilitation equipment, valued 1.5 million US dollars, has already arrived in Bangladesh.

He said as the most trustworthy friend and a reliable development partner, China will continue to stand by the interim government, support Bangladesh's independence and sovereignty, and help the Bangladeshi people to build a better and more prosperous new Bangladesh.

"China is encouraging more Chinese enterprises to invest and do business in Bangladesh, expanding cooperation in areas ranging from digital economy to green economy from marine economy to infrastructure and water conservancy."

China has responded favourably to Chief Adviser's proposal on industrial relocation, to create a deeper industrial supply chains integration, and achieve the modernisation of both nations.

To further advance healthcare collaboration, the embassy has introduced special visa-facilitation measures for Bangladeshi citizens seeking medical treatment in China.

He said China stood ready to support Bangladesh on matters that include cooperation in South Asia, regional connectivity, the Rohingya issue, and to coordinate positions in the United Nations and other multilateral forums to release the positive effects of China-Bangladesh friendship to the region and the world, maintain peace and stability in South Asia, and safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries.

About the escalation of tensions between India and Pakistan, the Chinese envoy said, "India launched military strikes on targets in Pakistan on the early morning of May 7. China finds that regrettable and is concerned about the ongoing situation. India and Pakistan are and will always be each other's neighbours. They're both China's neighbours as well. China opposes all forms of terrorism and calls for an impartial investigation at an early date."

China urges both sides to act in the interest of peace and stability, stay calm, exercise restraint and refrain from taking actions that may further complicate the situation.

Mr Wen said as an independent sovereign state, Bangladesh must be free from external interference.

"The Bangladeshi people have the right to determine their own path of development. China has consistently and firmly supported Bangladesh in upholding its independence, sovereignty, and national dignity, as well as in pursuing a modernisation path suited to its national conditions".

In turn, he notes, Bangladesh has steadfastly upheld the one-China principle, rejected the so-called "Taiwan independence," and adhered to the principle of non-interference in others' internal affairs. It has also resolutely defended the authority of UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 and supported China's positions on questions of its core interests, including the Taiwan question, Xinjiang -related question, human rights, and the South China Sea.

He mentions that recently, the US side has, through multiple channels, expressed willingness to engage in dialogue on tariffs and related issues and China has cautiously decided to engage with them, taking into account global expectations, national interests, and appeals from American industries and consumers.

"Vice Premier He Lifeng, as the Chinese lead person for China-U.S. economic and trade affairs, will have a meeting with the U.S. lead person, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, during his visit to Switzerland from May 9 to 12," Mr Wen informs.​

 

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Govt’s position on corridor remains ambiguous: Anu Muhammad

The interim government's first responsibility should have been to disclose the agreements signed during the tenure of ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina.

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Govt’s position on corridor remains ambiguous: Anu Muhammad
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 14 May 2025, 20: 07

Speakers at a views-exchange event hosted by Bangladesh Revolutionary Communist League at the Dhaka Reporters' Unity on 13 May, 2025. Noman Siddique

Professor Anu Muhammad has alleged that there is a type of ambiguity and contradiction in the government’s stance over the proposed corridor to Rakhine. It seems they are trying to hide something.

He made the statement while speaking at a discussion on the country’s sovereignty, national security, regional stability and geopolitical issues, hosted by Bangladesh Revolutionary Communist League at the Dhaka Reporters' Unity on Tuesday.

He noted that any secret agreement goes against the spirit of the July mass uprising. “There is significant ambiguity and contradiction in the government's stance on the corridor, which indicates they are trying to hide something. But the mass uprising did not take place for such a situation… An agreement will be signed secretly, keeping the people in complete ignorance.”

The economist and civic activist further emphasised the need to disclose all agreements Bangladesh has signed with India. “The government has done nothing regarding the Adani agreement, which is a terrible deal. Such deals were cancelled in multiple countries, including Sri Lanka. But in Bangladesh, no initiative has been taken to cancel it.”

Anu Muhammad also argued that the interim government's first responsibility should have been to disclose the agreements signed with the United States, India, and China during the tenure of ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina. “Publishing these agreements and cancelling those contrary to the national interest should have been their first priority in reforms.”

Saiful Haque, general secretary of the Revolutionary Workers Party, highlighted the gravity of the corridor issue, saying, “since the corridor involves national sovereignty, it cannot be taken lightly. Still, the Rohingya crisis is a significant issue on humanitarian ground, and there are many alternative ways. Since the corridor and the proposed new mooring terminal are linked to national interests, there is no way to see them lightly. A public hearing is essential.”

Iqbal Kabir Zahid, general secretary of the Revolutionary Communist League, said people hoped that the government would establish a democratic Bangladesh free from discrimination as per aspiration of the July uprising. “However, we are observing with concern that the Muhammad Yunus-led government is going to make decisions on issues related to the country’s sovereignty, national interests, and security, regional stability, and geopolitics.”

Abdus Sattar, a leader of the Revolutionary Communist League, read out a written statement on the occasion.​

 

[Saif]

Country’s sovereignty under threat now: Mirza Abbas

BNP standing committee member Mirza Abbas said the country’s independence and sovereignty are at stake today. “Let me be very clear, we were in the jaws of a dog earlier but now we are in the jaws of a tiger. We are talking about elections because we see that our country's independence and...

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Country’s sovereignty under threat now: Mirza Abbas
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 15 May 2025, 22: 51

BNP standing committee member Mirza Abbas File photo

BNP standing committee member Mirza Abbas said the country’s independence and sovereignty are at stake today.

“Let me be very clear, we were in the jaws of a dog earlier but now we are in the jaws of a tiger. We are talking about elections because we see that our country's independence and sovereignty are not secure. The interim government is meant to conduct elections, not to make policy decisions for the country. The decision to provide a corridor in Myanmar’s Rakhine should be made by an elected government—you do not have the authority to make such decisions.”

He made these remarks on Thursday afternoon while speaking as the chief guest at the inaugural ceremony of BNP's Cumilla divisional membership renewal and distribution programme at the District Shilpakala Academy auditorium.

Mentioning that that BNP’s good days have not yet arrived, Mirza Abbas said, “Many people think BNP's good days have returned. But it is not. Our leader Tarique Rahman has not returned to the country, or he is not yet able to. BNP is facing many challenges right now. Earlier, the party only had one opponent—the Awami League—with whom we had to battle.

Now, the BNP has many adversaries in the country. Many parties have become hostile toward BNP, but BNP considers none of them as enemies. Let me make it clear that you might consider the BNP as an enemy but we don’t.”

Calling for unity among BNP leaders and activists, Mirza Abbas said, “BNP members must remain united. Because there is a lot of talk against BNP—accusations of extortion are being spread. I want to say unequivocally that BNP never condones extortion.”

He urged the head of the current interim government to arrest and sent to jail whoever commits extortion.

“But you lack the courage as your party members and affiliates are the ones doing the extortion and looting,” he added.

The BNP leader also alleged that media is not still free as no newspaper or television are seen criticising the government.

Chaired by BNP’s Cumilla divisional organising secretary Md Selim Bhuiyan and conducted by assistant organising secretary Mustaq Mia, BNP Chairperson’s Advisor Amin-ur-Rashid (Yasin), BNP’s employment affairs secretary and Cumilla South district convener Zakaria Taher (Sumon), Cumilla city BNP President Udbatul Bari (Abu), South district secretary Ashiqur Rahman, and city BNP general secretary Yusuf Molla (Tipu), among others spoke at the programme.​

 

[Saif]

Humanitarian corridor, Chattogram port issues: CPB calls countrywide protest progs

Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) urged the government to publish a white paper clarifying its position on the corridor and port issues

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Humanitarian corridor, Chattogram port issues: CPB calls countrywide protest progs
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 18 May 2025, 19: 01

The Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) has announced two-day nationwide programmes on 23 and 24 May, protesting the interim government’s policy decisions to allow setting up a ‘humanitarian corridor’ to provide assistance in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, as well as to lease the New Mooring Container Terminal at Chattogram Port to a foreign company.

In a statement issued on Sunday, CPB President Mohammad Shah Alam and General Secretary Ruhin Hossain Prince said that the interim government is taking or going to take various state-level decisions without carrying out the necessary reforms to ensure free, fair, and credible elections, and that is by no means acceptable.

Establishing a corridor to facilitate assistance in Rakhine state and leasing a profitable port facility to a foreign company despite the country’s own capacity to run it go against the independence and sovereignty of the nation.

The statement called on the government to publish a white paper clarifying its position on the corridor and port issues, as well as to refrain from any activity that goes against the interests of the country and its people.

Additionally, the CPB urged left-leaning, democratic, and progressive parties, organisations, and all the citizens to unite and resist from their respective positions any activities that delay elections under any pretext, involve the country in imperialist proxy wars, or go against the interests of the nation and its people, the statement read.​

 

[Saif]

Humanitarian channel, its pull effect

THE foreign affairs adviser’s statement of on April 27 to the media on humanitarian channel sparked debates and discussions across political, security and academic domains. The adviser said, ‘According to the United Nations’ proposal, Bangladesh has agreed in principle to allow a humanitarian...

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Humanitarian channel, its pull effect
21 May, 2025, 00:00

The Rohingyas have not and are not migrating to Bangladesh for ‘food security.’ They fled and are fleeing even today to Bangladesh because of threats to their lives, writes Mohammad Abdur Razzak

THE foreign affairs adviser’s statement of on April 27 to the media on humanitarian channel sparked debates and discussions across political, security and academic domains. The adviser said, ‘According to the United Nations’ proposal, Bangladesh has agreed in principle to allow a humanitarian corridor to Rakhine. It will be a humanitarian passage. However, we have certain conditions. I will not go into details. If the conditions are met, we will certainly provide assistance.’ The statement, apparently a benign gesture, is at the crossroads which could draw Bangladesh into a geopolitical vortex

Since the eviction of a million of Rohingyas from Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung, the three districts bordering Bangladesh, evolving events are making the situation challenging for Bangladesh. The Myanmar junta’s loss of 14 out of th 17 in the Rakhine State, including a stretch of 270 kilometres of land borders with Bangladesh and Bangladesh’s shaky foreign policy to engage or not with a non-state actor has drifted the leverage away from Bangladesh.

The politically restive Rakhine has turned into a zone of conflict. It has become the epicentre of quadrilateral power plays. China has grand economic and political interests which could invoke military presence for protection. The United States has the Burma Act binding on both the Republicans and the Democrats. The Burma Act is eventually a ‘China neutral policy in Myanmar.’ Russia has a good arms market in Myanmar. Whatever it comes to, Russia will continue its support Myanmar. India’s most immediate and visible interest in Rakhine is the survival of its Kaladan Multimodal Transport Transit which began in 2013. India, which has invested 23 billion Indian rupees in the project, has problems with the presence of both he United States and China there. India would welcome China-neutral project of the United States in Myanmar but will have serious discomfort with US interference there.

Among the three districts remaining in junta’s control are Sittwe township, the administrative capital of the Rakhine state, Kyaukphyu, a district having economic, political and military significance to both China and junta government, and Munaung.

The junta government has a naval base about seven kilometres southeast off the Kyaukphyu airport, an under-construction submarine base on the Ohnkhyun Island, about 13 kilometres east off the Kyukphyu airport and China’s 100,000-ton oil terminal on Madey Island, about 17 kilometres southeast off the airport. The Chinese oil and gas pipeline spanning 752 kilometres run from here to Kunming in the land-locked Yunan province. The Shwe gas field in the Bay of Bengal with a proven reserve of 5.4–9.1 trillion cft is on the west of the Kyukphyu coast where China has 51 per cent stake. The oil pipeline is designed to discharge 12 million tons of oil a year. Besides, China has planned to build a deep-sea port on Ramree Island, south off the Kyukphyu township and a high-speed commercial railway line connecting Ramree Island with Kunming in China. The Kyaukphyu district is also the gateway to China-Myanmar Economic Corridor. China is building a massive 400 by 120 metre dry dock on the bank of the River Yangon with a capacity to dock 40,000-ton vessels not commensurating Myanmar’s naval and commercial inventory now and in the future.

Against the backdrop of the geopolitical and military complexity and sensitivity, China and Myanmar’s junta will suspect the issue of ‘humanitarian channel from Bangladesh into Rakhine State’ to have an element of military incursion as hidden stake. Military incursion does not necessarily imply boots on the ground but may be interpreted as supply of military logistics.

The United Nations has not declareed which part of the of the Rakhine State is famine-stricken. The Rohingyas have not and are not migrating to Bangladesh for ‘food security.’ They fled and are fleeing even today to Bangladesh because of threats to their lives. By any consideration, Rakhine has turned into a zone of conflict.

A channel leading up to a conflict zone will demand security between the point of origin and the point of delivery and the distribution of humanitarian aid. In this case, who will be the receiver of humanitarian deliveries? The whole arrangement of transport, delivery and distribution will need the cooperation of the party having control on the ground. It is, in this case, the Arakan Army.

The Myanmar junta’s suspicion is very strong that any deliveries through the channel would strengthen the Arakan Army’s position in Rakhine State and increase its war-making potential. The junta will, therefore, employ conventional and unconventional means to disrupt the passage of goods through the channel. The junta’s intervention is likely to have a pull effect on Bangladesh.

The junta does not have the capacity to fight back the Arakan Army in the lost territories. The military option that it can employ to disrupt any potential aid convoy is air power. Myanmar started building an air base at Kyaukhtu in Magway Division in 2018–2019, about 220 kilometres off the Bangladesh-Myanmar border. The base has a 3,000+ metre runway and moderate military infrastructure to conduct combat air operation. The air base was developed to operate Su30 and MiG 29. An aerial strike to disrupt ‘humanitarian supplies’ has the risk of pulling Bangladesh into a conflict. Myanmar might deliberately strike the point of origin and expand the conflict into the maritime frontiers. Bangladesh must weigh its response to the United Nations’ call for the humanitarian channel and its potential pull effects.

Mohammad Abdur Razzak, a retired commodore of the Bangladesh navy, is a security analyst.​

 

[Saif]

Govt-army discord over aid channel to Rakhine refuted

No contradiction is there between the interim government and the army on the issue of establishing humanitarian channel from Bangladesh to Myanmar's Rakhine state, says the National Security Adviser. "This is completely a rumour. We have no difference of opinion with the army on this issue.

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Govt-army discord over aid channel to Rakhine refuted
FE REPORT
Published :
May 22, 2025 00:30
Updated :
May 22, 2025 00:30

No contradiction is there between the interim government and the army on the issue of establishing humanitarian channel from Bangladesh to Myanmar's Rakhine state, says the National Security Adviser.

"This is completely a rumour. We have no difference of opinion with the army on this issue. I have detailed discussions with the army chief on Myanmar issue. We are absolutely on the same page," Dr Khalilur Rahman said at a press conference Wednesday -- close on the heels of a government-military conclave on the matter.

He categorically said the government had never discussed the issue of providing humanitarian corridor to the strife-stricken Myanmar state with anybody or any agency and will not do so.

"I am saying it very clearly that we have not discussed the corridor issue with anyone and will not do so. Given the situation in Rakhine, there is no need for corridor."

He told reporters that the corridor issue was propagated by a section of media of a neighbouring country, but to Bangladesh government, it is a non-existent issue.

"Many said why did not discuss this with others but how can we discuss an issue which does not exist?" The NSA asked.

About the allegations that he holds US nationality, the security adviser said he has only single citizenship, and that is of Bangladesh.

"I have stayed with my family in the US before coming here but I have no American passport. I have no other passport except that of Bangladesh. I have no other nationality apart from that of Bangladesh," he said in the rebuttal.

"If only for my long stay in the USA, a quarter labels me as foreign national, then same allegation may be raised tomorrow about Mr Tarique Rahman. If someone throws stone at me, that stone can affect anybody else," he argued.

"So I am appealing to all to be sensible while making any remark," he said, urging all to eschew 'false allegations'.

"Go to court and prove that your allegations are right. As a citizen of the country, I have certain rights and if you do not show respect to that right, it will be very unfortunate," the security adviser said in an emotion-choked voice.

Asked about the current status of Bangladesh's involvement in humanitarian assistance in Rakhine, he said the question of humanitarian support arose when Bangladesh authorities learned about an acute humanitarian crisis it was facing. The UNDP predicted impending famine-like conditions. Bangladesh was concerned that this situation would drive more people from Rakhine into Bangladesh.

"Already, Bangladesh is shouldering the burden of sheltering over 1.2 million forcibly displaced Rohingyas from Myanmar and cannot simply afford another wave of refugees. It's already a big burden on Bangladesh."

He mentioned that given such a deteriorating humanitarian situation in Rakhine, the UN and Bangladesh began consideration of the provision of humanitarian support.

"Since all other aid-delivery avenues are unviable due to conflict, Bangladesh turned out to be the only feasible option. It was thought that the UN would organise distribution of aid through its channels within Rakhine and Bangladesh would provide logistical support to transfer aid across Bangladesh-Myanmar border," he explains the exigency.

Additionally, Bangladesh considered that aid to Rakhine would help stabilise the state and pave the way for creating enabling conditions for the return of the Rohingyas.

The NSA makes it clear that there has been no agreement on the provision of aid to Rakhine yet as it would require consent of all relevant parties and satisfaction of a number of prerequisites for aid provision which are common in other cases of humanitarian support around the world.

These include, among others, unimpeded access of aid providers and recipients, non-discrimination in the provision of aid, non-weaponisation of assistance and suspension of armed activities.

About government's communications with the Arakan Army and the Myanmar government, he said Bangladesh government realised the need for keeping contact with the Arakan Army when they took control over the Myanmar side of Bangladesh's border.

"It is Bangladesh's duty to protect its border and keep it peaceful. For this reason, Bangladesh decided to make informal contacts with the Arakan Army," he told the press.

Bangladesh government has continued to engage them in the context of consideration of provision of humanitarian support, repatriation of the Rohingyas and the inclusion of the Rohingyas at all levels of the emerging governance and security structure in Rakhine, he said.

"Bangladesh's contact with the Arakan Army is due to practical necessity. At the same time, Bangladesh is maintaining contacts with the Myanmar government. It is necessary to keep in touch with all relevant actors with a view to sustainably resolving the Rohingya issue."

He also points out that the aid channeling may start only after meeting certain conditions.

"To begin with, all the relevant parties need to agree on the provision of aid. Moreover, the Arakan Army needs to ensure that access of aid providers and recipients is not impeded, aid is not weaponised and there are no armed activities. Also, the Arakan Army needs to sincerely demonstrate its commitment to an inclusive society in Rakhine by including Rohingyas at all levels of Rakhine's governance and security structure.

"Otherwise, it will appear to the world as a picture of ethnic cleansing, which we will not accept. We are awaiting Arakan Army's response."

Asked about the security risks in the provision of humanitarian aid, he said giving aid in a conflict situation poses safety and security risks to the aid providers and recipients. Prevalence of landmines and IEDs is another threat to safety and security.

These issues need to be addressed ahead of the provision of aid.

Asked about the position of regional countries regarding the UN humanitarian assistance to Rakhine, he said saving lives from an impending humanitarian disaster is a collective responsibility of the global community.

"All of parties need to join efforts to tackle this problem. Stability in Rakhine is Bangladesh's priority. Hardly any progress can be made towards repatriation without achieving it."

He said Bangladesh is coordinating with the relevant actors to prevent another wave of refugees into Bangladesh. In particular, Bangladesh government has signalled to the Arakan Army that they must ensure there is no further violence, discrimination and displacement of Rohingyas inside Rakhine.

"They have the responsibility to observe international law, including international humanitarian law. And the world is watching. Bangladesh's continued contacts with them will depend upon their action in this area, as well as on Rohingya representation."​

 

[Saif]

A corridor or reaching relief to Rakhine, poses the same risks

Whether it's a corridor or relief delivery, it's the same. Just as a corridor is a risks for us, so is sending relief

en.prothomalo.com

Interview: ANM Muniruzzaman
A corridor or reaching relief to Rakhine, poses the same risks

Major General ANM Muniruzzaman (retd) is the president of Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies. In an interview with Prothom Alo's AKM Zakaria and Rafsan Galib, he talks about the situation in Myanmar's Rakhine state, the debate over a corridor to Rakhine, and the impact of the India-Pakistan war.

Prothom Alo: There has been plenty of debate over a humanitarian corridor to the Rakhine state in Myanmar. In the meantime, national security advisor Khalilur Rahman has said that Bangladesh will not be granting any such corridor. However, at the same time he said that the United Nations has made a request about sending relief to the Rakhine state through Bangladesh. What is the difference between the two, or is it the same thing?
ANM Muniruzzaman: Whether we call it a humanitarian corridor or the delivering relief, the issue is essentially the same. In this case, the national security advisor has simply resorted to semantics. Delivering relief means establishing a corridor. Since the word "corridor" has recently taken on negative connotations, he chose to avoid it and instead spoke of sending relief to Rakhine State. The national security advisor may have assumed that the people of Bangladesh wouldn’t understand, but it's not right to take the public as fools. Let me make it clear: whether it's called a corridor or relief delivery, both actions are essentially the same. Only the name is different. Just as a corridor poses risks for us, so does sending relief.

Prothom Alo: It is evident from the national security advisor's words that talks and activities are on regarding a corridor to Rakhine or reaching relief there. Who are these talks being held with, and at what level, and how long have they been going on?
ANM Muniruzzaman: There is no transparency whatsoever in this entire process. We’ve heard conflicting statements from various responsible figures in the government. The national security adviser says one thing, the foreign affairs advisor another, and the chief advisor’s press secretary yet another. It is unclear wither the discussions are with any foreign state or with the United Nations, or at what level these discussions occurred.

What is clear, however, is that the relevant stakeholders were not consulted before making such a decision. If the parliament were in session, this matter would have required discussion before reaching a decision. Since there is no parliament, it would have been appropriate to consult with political parties and take their opinions into account. But that did not happen, and there is no sign of transparency in this matter.

Prothom Alo : The army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman has made his stand against the corridor clear. He said that it is for an elected government to take a decision regarding the corridor. Does that indicate that the armed forced were not consulted or their views were not taken into cognizance about this issue?

ANM Muniruzzaman: I believe that the military was not consulted or their opinion was not sought on this matter. As I mentioned earlier, there has been no transparency, nor any effort to engage stakeholders in discussion. Sending relief aid to a state in Myanmar carries significant security risks. Since security is a concern here, the position, opinion, and consent of the armed forces are extremely important. If we get involved in the process of sending relief, we could find ourselves in serious danger.

We don’t even know whether Myanmar has given its consent to the delivery of relief to the Rakhine State. We have diplomatic relations with Myanmar and recognise it as an independent and sovereign country. If Myanmar has not consented to the relief delivery in Rakhine, it could resist the move in the interest of its national security and territorial integrity. That could lead to loss of lives and property. Who will provide security in such a scenario? And who will take responsibility for this?

Even if aid is sent, there is no guarantee it will actually reach the people it is intended for. Past experiences suggest that in such situations, aid is often seized by separatist or armed groups that control the region, who then use it for their own purposes. The aid, in effect, becomes a tool of war.

The ongoing internal conflict in Rakhine poses a significant threat to our national security. Such conflicts tend to spill over into surrounding regions, and that has already begun to happen. We have seen Myanmar’s soldiers fleeing into Bangladesh.

Prothom Alo: Has any final decision been made regarding the reaching relief aid to Myanmar's Rakhine State, or is the decision still pending? The national security advisor’s statement remains ambiguous.
ANM Muniruzzaman: From the national security advisor’s statement, it appears that the government is, in principle, prepared to send relief to Rakhine. However, it is unclear how this will be implemented on the ground. Since the army chief does not agree with the plan, questions will also arise about how security in that region will be ensured. The area is highly sensitive, and if proper coordination is not maintained among the country's state forces, national security could be put at risk.

Prothom Alo : Myanmar has historic ties with China and is ostensibly controlled by China. The Arakan Army which is engaged in an armed struggle against the Myanmar government, is in control of Rakhine. So isn't it vital to understand China's stance before Bangladesh decides to send relief to the Arakan Army-controlled Rakhine? What do you think China's views will be about this?

ANM Muniruzzaman: China will not view the initiative to send relief to Rakhine favourably. The Chinese ambassador to Bangladesh recently voiced clear opposition to this initiative during a seminar organised by BIISS (Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies). If China considers Bangladesh’s initiative to be strategically against its interests, it will oppose it in various ways and attempt to block it.

Prothom Alo : What risks is the Myanmar situation creating for Bangladesh? What can Bangladesh do?

ANM Muniruzzaman: The ongoing internal conflict in Rakhine poses a significant threat to our national security. Such conflicts tend to spill over into surrounding regions, and that has already begun to happen. We have seen Myanmar’s soldiers fleeing into Bangladesh. At various times, the presence of the Arakan Army within Bangladesh’s territory has also been a topic of discussion. Bangladesh shares a 270 km border with Myanmar, and there is now a growing concern over the stability of that border.

Questions have been raised about how border security will be maintained, especially since the border with Myanmar is now under the control of the Arakan Army, which is not a state force. This has complicated efforts to ensure security along the border. Altogether, there is now a pressing need for increased surveillance and oversight in the border areas. When instability arises in these regions, incidents such as drugs and arms smuggling and human trafficking tend to increase. For this reason, border patrol must be further strengthened.

Prothom Alo: Coming to the India-Pakistan war, what was the consequence of this?

ANM Muniruzzaman: It is not possible to determine any military outcome from the India-Pakistan conflict. A ceasefire between the two countries was reached through US mediation before any military conclusion could be drawn. However, we must understand the threat this conflict poses to regional stability. The confrontation between these two countries highlights just how fragile the region’s stability has become. And such instability directly affects the economy and trade.

Both countries possess nuclear capabilities and have two of the world’s largest armed forces. As a result, if war breaks out between them, it will not remain confined to the regional level. It could have far-reaching international consequences.

Prothom Alo : What lessons can we learn from this war?

ANM Muniruzzaman: Since both countries are our neighbors, we now need to reconsider all strategic aspects to help maintain regional stability. The areas of mutual cooperation that once existed within South Asia are barely functioning anymore. Everyone must now think about how a revival of SAARC.

For the first time, water has been used as a weapon of war in this region. The Indus Waters Treaty signed between the two countries in 1960 has effectively collapsed for the first time. From Pakistan, we heard that if India does not supply water as per the treaty, it would be considered a red line for them. Similarly, India has stated that if anyone is hostile toward them, they cannot guarantee water access.

This conflict, therefore, sends a strong signal to all downstream countries, and we must remain vigilant about this issue.

Prothom Alo : India has been continuously escalating its disputes with Bangladesh. What will be the outcome of this? What does India hope to gain from it?

ANM Muniruzzaman: It is clear that they want to exert pressure on Bangladesh in various ways. That is why we are seeing multiple restrictions on trade. They have also started pushing Indian citizens across different border points. India still cannot accept the 2024 mass uprising in Bangladesh and the subsequent events. In fact, they have yet to properly assess the changed situation in Bangladesh. For this reason, they are opposing us in various ways. These kinds of steps from India are a result of that opposition.

However, I want to say that, as a neighbouring country, we need to prioritise good relations with India. India should also focus on building effective and positive relations with us. Imports, exports, trade and commerce, visa procedures, and people-to-people contacts are breaking down. This will not bode well for either country. Instead of hostility, both countries must build neighbourly relations based on mutual respect.

Prothom Alo : Thank you.

ANM Muniruzzaman: Thank you too.​