[🇧🇩] Humanitarian Corridor to Myanmar: Implications for Bangladesh.

[Saif]

Country’s sovereignty under threat now: Mirza Abbas

BNP standing committee member Mirza Abbas said the country’s independence and sovereignty are at stake today. “Let me be very clear, we were in the jaws of a dog earlier but now we are in the jaws of a tiger. We are talking about elections because we see that our country's independence and...

en.prothomalo.com

Country’s sovereignty under threat now: Mirza Abbas
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 15 May 2025, 22: 51

BNP standing committee member Mirza Abbas File photo

BNP standing committee member Mirza Abbas said the country’s independence and sovereignty are at stake today.

“Let me be very clear, we were in the jaws of a dog earlier but now we are in the jaws of a tiger. We are talking about elections because we see that our country's independence and sovereignty are not secure. The interim government is meant to conduct elections, not to make policy decisions for the country. The decision to provide a corridor in Myanmar’s Rakhine should be made by an elected government—you do not have the authority to make such decisions.”

He made these remarks on Thursday afternoon while speaking as the chief guest at the inaugural ceremony of BNP's Cumilla divisional membership renewal and distribution programme at the District Shilpakala Academy auditorium.

Mentioning that that BNP’s good days have not yet arrived, Mirza Abbas said, “Many people think BNP's good days have returned. But it is not. Our leader Tarique Rahman has not returned to the country, or he is not yet able to. BNP is facing many challenges right now. Earlier, the party only had one opponent—the Awami League—with whom we had to battle.

Now, the BNP has many adversaries in the country. Many parties have become hostile toward BNP, but BNP considers none of them as enemies. Let me make it clear that you might consider the BNP as an enemy but we don’t.”

Calling for unity among BNP leaders and activists, Mirza Abbas said, “BNP members must remain united. Because there is a lot of talk against BNP—accusations of extortion are being spread. I want to say unequivocally that BNP never condones extortion.”

He urged the head of the current interim government to arrest and sent to jail whoever commits extortion.

“But you lack the courage as your party members and affiliates are the ones doing the extortion and looting,” he added.

The BNP leader also alleged that media is not still free as no newspaper or television are seen criticising the government.

Chaired by BNP’s Cumilla divisional organising secretary Md Selim Bhuiyan and conducted by assistant organising secretary Mustaq Mia, BNP Chairperson’s Advisor Amin-ur-Rashid (Yasin), BNP’s employment affairs secretary and Cumilla South district convener Zakaria Taher (Sumon), Cumilla city BNP President Udbatul Bari (Abu), South district secretary Ashiqur Rahman, and city BNP general secretary Yusuf Molla (Tipu), among others spoke at the programme.​

 

[Saif]

Humanitarian corridor, Chattogram port issues: CPB calls countrywide protest progs

Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) urged the government to publish a white paper clarifying its position on the corridor and port issues

en.prothomalo.com

Humanitarian corridor, Chattogram port issues: CPB calls countrywide protest progs
Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 18 May 2025, 19: 01

The Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) has announced two-day nationwide programmes on 23 and 24 May, protesting the interim government’s policy decisions to allow setting up a ‘humanitarian corridor’ to provide assistance in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, as well as to lease the New Mooring Container Terminal at Chattogram Port to a foreign company.

In a statement issued on Sunday, CPB President Mohammad Shah Alam and General Secretary Ruhin Hossain Prince said that the interim government is taking or going to take various state-level decisions without carrying out the necessary reforms to ensure free, fair, and credible elections, and that is by no means acceptable.

Establishing a corridor to facilitate assistance in Rakhine state and leasing a profitable port facility to a foreign company despite the country’s own capacity to run it go against the independence and sovereignty of the nation.

The statement called on the government to publish a white paper clarifying its position on the corridor and port issues, as well as to refrain from any activity that goes against the interests of the country and its people.

Additionally, the CPB urged left-leaning, democratic, and progressive parties, organisations, and all the citizens to unite and resist from their respective positions any activities that delay elections under any pretext, involve the country in imperialist proxy wars, or go against the interests of the nation and its people, the statement read.​

 

[Saif]

Humanitarian channel, its pull effect

THE foreign affairs adviser’s statement of on April 27 to the media on humanitarian channel sparked debates and discussions across political, security and academic domains. The adviser said, ‘According to the United Nations’ proposal, Bangladesh has agreed in principle to allow a humanitarian...

www.newagebd.net

Humanitarian channel, its pull effect
21 May, 2025, 00:00

The Rohingyas have not and are not migrating to Bangladesh for ‘food security.’ They fled and are fleeing even today to Bangladesh because of threats to their lives, writes Mohammad Abdur Razzak

THE foreign affairs adviser’s statement of on April 27 to the media on humanitarian channel sparked debates and discussions across political, security and academic domains. The adviser said, ‘According to the United Nations’ proposal, Bangladesh has agreed in principle to allow a humanitarian corridor to Rakhine. It will be a humanitarian passage. However, we have certain conditions. I will not go into details. If the conditions are met, we will certainly provide assistance.’ The statement, apparently a benign gesture, is at the crossroads which could draw Bangladesh into a geopolitical vortex

Since the eviction of a million of Rohingyas from Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung, the three districts bordering Bangladesh, evolving events are making the situation challenging for Bangladesh. The Myanmar junta’s loss of 14 out of th 17 in the Rakhine State, including a stretch of 270 kilometres of land borders with Bangladesh and Bangladesh’s shaky foreign policy to engage or not with a non-state actor has drifted the leverage away from Bangladesh.

The politically restive Rakhine has turned into a zone of conflict. It has become the epicentre of quadrilateral power plays. China has grand economic and political interests which could invoke military presence for protection. The United States has the Burma Act binding on both the Republicans and the Democrats. The Burma Act is eventually a ‘China neutral policy in Myanmar.’ Russia has a good arms market in Myanmar. Whatever it comes to, Russia will continue its support Myanmar. India’s most immediate and visible interest in Rakhine is the survival of its Kaladan Multimodal Transport Transit which began in 2013. India, which has invested 23 billion Indian rupees in the project, has problems with the presence of both he United States and China there. India would welcome China-neutral project of the United States in Myanmar but will have serious discomfort with US interference there.

Among the three districts remaining in junta’s control are Sittwe township, the administrative capital of the Rakhine state, Kyaukphyu, a district having economic, political and military significance to both China and junta government, and Munaung.

The junta government has a naval base about seven kilometres southeast off the Kyaukphyu airport, an under-construction submarine base on the Ohnkhyun Island, about 13 kilometres east off the Kyukphyu airport and China’s 100,000-ton oil terminal on Madey Island, about 17 kilometres southeast off the airport. The Chinese oil and gas pipeline spanning 752 kilometres run from here to Kunming in the land-locked Yunan province. The Shwe gas field in the Bay of Bengal with a proven reserve of 5.4–9.1 trillion cft is on the west of the Kyukphyu coast where China has 51 per cent stake. The oil pipeline is designed to discharge 12 million tons of oil a year. Besides, China has planned to build a deep-sea port on Ramree Island, south off the Kyukphyu township and a high-speed commercial railway line connecting Ramree Island with Kunming in China. The Kyaukphyu district is also the gateway to China-Myanmar Economic Corridor. China is building a massive 400 by 120 metre dry dock on the bank of the River Yangon with a capacity to dock 40,000-ton vessels not commensurating Myanmar’s naval and commercial inventory now and in the future.

Against the backdrop of the geopolitical and military complexity and sensitivity, China and Myanmar’s junta will suspect the issue of ‘humanitarian channel from Bangladesh into Rakhine State’ to have an element of military incursion as hidden stake. Military incursion does not necessarily imply boots on the ground but may be interpreted as supply of military logistics.

The United Nations has not declareed which part of the of the Rakhine State is famine-stricken. The Rohingyas have not and are not migrating to Bangladesh for ‘food security.’ They fled and are fleeing even today to Bangladesh because of threats to their lives. By any consideration, Rakhine has turned into a zone of conflict.

A channel leading up to a conflict zone will demand security between the point of origin and the point of delivery and the distribution of humanitarian aid. In this case, who will be the receiver of humanitarian deliveries? The whole arrangement of transport, delivery and distribution will need the cooperation of the party having control on the ground. It is, in this case, the Arakan Army.

The Myanmar junta’s suspicion is very strong that any deliveries through the channel would strengthen the Arakan Army’s position in Rakhine State and increase its war-making potential. The junta will, therefore, employ conventional and unconventional means to disrupt the passage of goods through the channel. The junta’s intervention is likely to have a pull effect on Bangladesh.

The junta does not have the capacity to fight back the Arakan Army in the lost territories. The military option that it can employ to disrupt any potential aid convoy is air power. Myanmar started building an air base at Kyaukhtu in Magway Division in 2018–2019, about 220 kilometres off the Bangladesh-Myanmar border. The base has a 3,000+ metre runway and moderate military infrastructure to conduct combat air operation. The air base was developed to operate Su30 and MiG 29. An aerial strike to disrupt ‘humanitarian supplies’ has the risk of pulling Bangladesh into a conflict. Myanmar might deliberately strike the point of origin and expand the conflict into the maritime frontiers. Bangladesh must weigh its response to the United Nations’ call for the humanitarian channel and its potential pull effects.

Mohammad Abdur Razzak, a retired commodore of the Bangladesh navy, is a security analyst.​

 

[Saif]

Govt-army discord over aid channel to Rakhine refuted

No contradiction is there between the interim government and the army on the issue of establishing humanitarian channel from Bangladesh to Myanmar's Rakhine state, says the National Security Adviser. "This is completely a rumour. We have no difference of opinion with the army on this issue.

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Govt-army discord over aid channel to Rakhine refuted
FE REPORT
Published :
May 22, 2025 00:30
Updated :
May 22, 2025 00:30

No contradiction is there between the interim government and the army on the issue of establishing humanitarian channel from Bangladesh to Myanmar's Rakhine state, says the National Security Adviser.

"This is completely a rumour. We have no difference of opinion with the army on this issue. I have detailed discussions with the army chief on Myanmar issue. We are absolutely on the same page," Dr Khalilur Rahman said at a press conference Wednesday -- close on the heels of a government-military conclave on the matter.

He categorically said the government had never discussed the issue of providing humanitarian corridor to the strife-stricken Myanmar state with anybody or any agency and will not do so.

"I am saying it very clearly that we have not discussed the corridor issue with anyone and will not do so. Given the situation in Rakhine, there is no need for corridor."

He told reporters that the corridor issue was propagated by a section of media of a neighbouring country, but to Bangladesh government, it is a non-existent issue.

"Many said why did not discuss this with others but how can we discuss an issue which does not exist?" The NSA asked.

About the allegations that he holds US nationality, the security adviser said he has only single citizenship, and that is of Bangladesh.

"I have stayed with my family in the US before coming here but I have no American passport. I have no other passport except that of Bangladesh. I have no other nationality apart from that of Bangladesh," he said in the rebuttal.

"If only for my long stay in the USA, a quarter labels me as foreign national, then same allegation may be raised tomorrow about Mr Tarique Rahman. If someone throws stone at me, that stone can affect anybody else," he argued.

"So I am appealing to all to be sensible while making any remark," he said, urging all to eschew 'false allegations'.

"Go to court and prove that your allegations are right. As a citizen of the country, I have certain rights and if you do not show respect to that right, it will be very unfortunate," the security adviser said in an emotion-choked voice.

Asked about the current status of Bangladesh's involvement in humanitarian assistance in Rakhine, he said the question of humanitarian support arose when Bangladesh authorities learned about an acute humanitarian crisis it was facing. The UNDP predicted impending famine-like conditions. Bangladesh was concerned that this situation would drive more people from Rakhine into Bangladesh.

"Already, Bangladesh is shouldering the burden of sheltering over 1.2 million forcibly displaced Rohingyas from Myanmar and cannot simply afford another wave of refugees. It's already a big burden on Bangladesh."

He mentioned that given such a deteriorating humanitarian situation in Rakhine, the UN and Bangladesh began consideration of the provision of humanitarian support.

"Since all other aid-delivery avenues are unviable due to conflict, Bangladesh turned out to be the only feasible option. It was thought that the UN would organise distribution of aid through its channels within Rakhine and Bangladesh would provide logistical support to transfer aid across Bangladesh-Myanmar border," he explains the exigency.

Additionally, Bangladesh considered that aid to Rakhine would help stabilise the state and pave the way for creating enabling conditions for the return of the Rohingyas.

The NSA makes it clear that there has been no agreement on the provision of aid to Rakhine yet as it would require consent of all relevant parties and satisfaction of a number of prerequisites for aid provision which are common in other cases of humanitarian support around the world.

These include, among others, unimpeded access of aid providers and recipients, non-discrimination in the provision of aid, non-weaponisation of assistance and suspension of armed activities.

About government's communications with the Arakan Army and the Myanmar government, he said Bangladesh government realised the need for keeping contact with the Arakan Army when they took control over the Myanmar side of Bangladesh's border.

"It is Bangladesh's duty to protect its border and keep it peaceful. For this reason, Bangladesh decided to make informal contacts with the Arakan Army," he told the press.

Bangladesh government has continued to engage them in the context of consideration of provision of humanitarian support, repatriation of the Rohingyas and the inclusion of the Rohingyas at all levels of the emerging governance and security structure in Rakhine, he said.

"Bangladesh's contact with the Arakan Army is due to practical necessity. At the same time, Bangladesh is maintaining contacts with the Myanmar government. It is necessary to keep in touch with all relevant actors with a view to sustainably resolving the Rohingya issue."

He also points out that the aid channeling may start only after meeting certain conditions.

"To begin with, all the relevant parties need to agree on the provision of aid. Moreover, the Arakan Army needs to ensure that access of aid providers and recipients is not impeded, aid is not weaponised and there are no armed activities. Also, the Arakan Army needs to sincerely demonstrate its commitment to an inclusive society in Rakhine by including Rohingyas at all levels of Rakhine's governance and security structure.

"Otherwise, it will appear to the world as a picture of ethnic cleansing, which we will not accept. We are awaiting Arakan Army's response."

Asked about the security risks in the provision of humanitarian aid, he said giving aid in a conflict situation poses safety and security risks to the aid providers and recipients. Prevalence of landmines and IEDs is another threat to safety and security.

These issues need to be addressed ahead of the provision of aid.

Asked about the position of regional countries regarding the UN humanitarian assistance to Rakhine, he said saving lives from an impending humanitarian disaster is a collective responsibility of the global community.

"All of parties need to join efforts to tackle this problem. Stability in Rakhine is Bangladesh's priority. Hardly any progress can be made towards repatriation without achieving it."

He said Bangladesh is coordinating with the relevant actors to prevent another wave of refugees into Bangladesh. In particular, Bangladesh government has signalled to the Arakan Army that they must ensure there is no further violence, discrimination and displacement of Rohingyas inside Rakhine.

"They have the responsibility to observe international law, including international humanitarian law. And the world is watching. Bangladesh's continued contacts with them will depend upon their action in this area, as well as on Rohingya representation."​

 

[Saif]

A corridor or reaching relief to Rakhine, poses the same risks

Whether it's a corridor or relief delivery, it's the same. Just as a corridor is a risks for us, so is sending relief

en.prothomalo.com

Interview: ANM Muniruzzaman
A corridor or reaching relief to Rakhine, poses the same risks

Major General ANM Muniruzzaman (retd) is the president of Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies. In an interview with Prothom Alo's AKM Zakaria and Rafsan Galib, he talks about the situation in Myanmar's Rakhine state, the debate over a corridor to Rakhine, and the impact of the India-Pakistan war.

Prothom Alo: There has been plenty of debate over a humanitarian corridor to the Rakhine state in Myanmar. In the meantime, national security advisor Khalilur Rahman has said that Bangladesh will not be granting any such corridor. However, at the same time he said that the United Nations has made a request about sending relief to the Rakhine state through Bangladesh. What is the difference between the two, or is it the same thing?
ANM Muniruzzaman: Whether we call it a humanitarian corridor or the delivering relief, the issue is essentially the same. In this case, the national security advisor has simply resorted to semantics. Delivering relief means establishing a corridor. Since the word "corridor" has recently taken on negative connotations, he chose to avoid it and instead spoke of sending relief to Rakhine State. The national security advisor may have assumed that the people of Bangladesh wouldn’t understand, but it's not right to take the public as fools. Let me make it clear: whether it's called a corridor or relief delivery, both actions are essentially the same. Only the name is different. Just as a corridor poses risks for us, so does sending relief.

Prothom Alo: It is evident from the national security advisor's words that talks and activities are on regarding a corridor to Rakhine or reaching relief there. Who are these talks being held with, and at what level, and how long have they been going on?
ANM Muniruzzaman: There is no transparency whatsoever in this entire process. We’ve heard conflicting statements from various responsible figures in the government. The national security adviser says one thing, the foreign affairs advisor another, and the chief advisor’s press secretary yet another. It is unclear wither the discussions are with any foreign state or with the United Nations, or at what level these discussions occurred.

What is clear, however, is that the relevant stakeholders were not consulted before making such a decision. If the parliament were in session, this matter would have required discussion before reaching a decision. Since there is no parliament, it would have been appropriate to consult with political parties and take their opinions into account. But that did not happen, and there is no sign of transparency in this matter.

Prothom Alo : The army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman has made his stand against the corridor clear. He said that it is for an elected government to take a decision regarding the corridor. Does that indicate that the armed forced were not consulted or their views were not taken into cognizance about this issue?

ANM Muniruzzaman: I believe that the military was not consulted or their opinion was not sought on this matter. As I mentioned earlier, there has been no transparency, nor any effort to engage stakeholders in discussion. Sending relief aid to a state in Myanmar carries significant security risks. Since security is a concern here, the position, opinion, and consent of the armed forces are extremely important. If we get involved in the process of sending relief, we could find ourselves in serious danger.

We don’t even know whether Myanmar has given its consent to the delivery of relief to the Rakhine State. We have diplomatic relations with Myanmar and recognise it as an independent and sovereign country. If Myanmar has not consented to the relief delivery in Rakhine, it could resist the move in the interest of its national security and territorial integrity. That could lead to loss of lives and property. Who will provide security in such a scenario? And who will take responsibility for this?

Even if aid is sent, there is no guarantee it will actually reach the people it is intended for. Past experiences suggest that in such situations, aid is often seized by separatist or armed groups that control the region, who then use it for their own purposes. The aid, in effect, becomes a tool of war.

The ongoing internal conflict in Rakhine poses a significant threat to our national security. Such conflicts tend to spill over into surrounding regions, and that has already begun to happen. We have seen Myanmar’s soldiers fleeing into Bangladesh.

Prothom Alo: Has any final decision been made regarding the reaching relief aid to Myanmar's Rakhine State, or is the decision still pending? The national security advisor’s statement remains ambiguous.
ANM Muniruzzaman: From the national security advisor’s statement, it appears that the government is, in principle, prepared to send relief to Rakhine. However, it is unclear how this will be implemented on the ground. Since the army chief does not agree with the plan, questions will also arise about how security in that region will be ensured. The area is highly sensitive, and if proper coordination is not maintained among the country's state forces, national security could be put at risk.

Prothom Alo : Myanmar has historic ties with China and is ostensibly controlled by China. The Arakan Army which is engaged in an armed struggle against the Myanmar government, is in control of Rakhine. So isn't it vital to understand China's stance before Bangladesh decides to send relief to the Arakan Army-controlled Rakhine? What do you think China's views will be about this?

ANM Muniruzzaman: China will not view the initiative to send relief to Rakhine favourably. The Chinese ambassador to Bangladesh recently voiced clear opposition to this initiative during a seminar organised by BIISS (Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies). If China considers Bangladesh’s initiative to be strategically against its interests, it will oppose it in various ways and attempt to block it.

Prothom Alo : What risks is the Myanmar situation creating for Bangladesh? What can Bangladesh do?

ANM Muniruzzaman: The ongoing internal conflict in Rakhine poses a significant threat to our national security. Such conflicts tend to spill over into surrounding regions, and that has already begun to happen. We have seen Myanmar’s soldiers fleeing into Bangladesh. At various times, the presence of the Arakan Army within Bangladesh’s territory has also been a topic of discussion. Bangladesh shares a 270 km border with Myanmar, and there is now a growing concern over the stability of that border.

Questions have been raised about how border security will be maintained, especially since the border with Myanmar is now under the control of the Arakan Army, which is not a state force. This has complicated efforts to ensure security along the border. Altogether, there is now a pressing need for increased surveillance and oversight in the border areas. When instability arises in these regions, incidents such as drugs and arms smuggling and human trafficking tend to increase. For this reason, border patrol must be further strengthened.

Prothom Alo: Coming to the India-Pakistan war, what was the consequence of this?

ANM Muniruzzaman: It is not possible to determine any military outcome from the India-Pakistan conflict. A ceasefire between the two countries was reached through US mediation before any military conclusion could be drawn. However, we must understand the threat this conflict poses to regional stability. The confrontation between these two countries highlights just how fragile the region’s stability has become. And such instability directly affects the economy and trade.

Both countries possess nuclear capabilities and have two of the world’s largest armed forces. As a result, if war breaks out between them, it will not remain confined to the regional level. It could have far-reaching international consequences.

Prothom Alo : What lessons can we learn from this war?

ANM Muniruzzaman: Since both countries are our neighbors, we now need to reconsider all strategic aspects to help maintain regional stability. The areas of mutual cooperation that once existed within South Asia are barely functioning anymore. Everyone must now think about how a revival of SAARC.

For the first time, water has been used as a weapon of war in this region. The Indus Waters Treaty signed between the two countries in 1960 has effectively collapsed for the first time. From Pakistan, we heard that if India does not supply water as per the treaty, it would be considered a red line for them. Similarly, India has stated that if anyone is hostile toward them, they cannot guarantee water access.

This conflict, therefore, sends a strong signal to all downstream countries, and we must remain vigilant about this issue.

Prothom Alo : India has been continuously escalating its disputes with Bangladesh. What will be the outcome of this? What does India hope to gain from it?

ANM Muniruzzaman: It is clear that they want to exert pressure on Bangladesh in various ways. That is why we are seeing multiple restrictions on trade. They have also started pushing Indian citizens across different border points. India still cannot accept the 2024 mass uprising in Bangladesh and the subsequent events. In fact, they have yet to properly assess the changed situation in Bangladesh. For this reason, they are opposing us in various ways. These kinds of steps from India are a result of that opposition.

However, I want to say that, as a neighbouring country, we need to prioritise good relations with India. India should also focus on building effective and positive relations with us. Imports, exports, trade and commerce, visa procedures, and people-to-people contacts are breaking down. This will not bode well for either country. Instead of hostility, both countries must build neighbourly relations based on mutual respect.

Prothom Alo : Thank you.

ANM Muniruzzaman: Thank you too.​

 

[Saif]

Why secrecy over humanitarian corridor into Rakhine, Khosru asks government

Underscoring that the interim government’s stance on the Rakhine corridor is “unclear”, BNP Standing Committee member Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury has asked authorities why they are maintaining obscurity about the humanitarian aid passage. Speaking at a discussion at the CIRDAP c

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Why secrecy over humanitarian corridor into Rakhine, Khosru asks government

Published :
Jun 01, 2025 00:36
Updated :
Jun 01, 2025 00:36

Underscoring that the interim government’s stance on the Rakhine corridor is “unclear”, BNP Standing Committee member Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury has asked authorities why they are maintaining obscurity about the humanitarian aid passage.

Speaking at a discussion at the CIRDAP conference centre on Saturday, he said the government is not in a position to decide on the corridor, bdnews24.com reports.

He added that it would require an agreement between Bangladesh and Myanmar or approval from the United Nations Security Council for the global aid organisation to play a role in this.

“Although they initially denied it, the government is holding talks on the corridor. They are also holding discussions in Qatar. What is the secret behind all this?” he asked.

Criticising the interim government’s position in establishing the aid passage, the BNP leader said: “After the corridor became controversial, the government is now talking about a channel. There is a technical difference between the two. Even if the government wants to do that, it should make it clear.

“The question is whether this government is going in the same direction as Sheikh Hasina, who sacrificed the good of the state to protect the interests of other states.”

Commenting on the war situation in Myanmar, Khosru said: “Why should the Rohingya people be sent back through the corridor through the Arakan Army? Why should the Rohingya people be sent back subject to conditions? They have the right to return home with dignity.

“The Arakan Army is engaged in armed struggle with the help of a group of Chinese. Who will guarantee this agreement with the Arakan Army? Stability is most important in Bangladesh. It cannot be exposed to a power struggle.”

Saiful Haque, general secretary of the Revolutionary Workers Party, said: “The decision to provide a corridor is outside the agenda of the interim government. Stop such activities. This is a question of independence and sovereignty. In many places, the humanitarian corridor has been dubbed as a military corridor.”

Amar Bangladesh Party (AB Party) Chairman Mohammed Mojibur Rahman Bhuiyan (Monju), said: “We do not want even one more Rohingya individual. If we work on the corridor, we have to work on a contractual basis. Such a decision should have been discussed with all political parties, not in secret.”

“Even after the announcement of sending back the Rohingya people, they have entered again. The experience of other countries with the corridor is not good. This government did not need to take such a decision," said Gono Odhikar Parishad President Nurul Haque Nur.​

 

[Saif]

Corridor issue seen as security risk

Politicians and experts have raised concerns that the proposed humanitarian corridor from Bangladesh to Myanmar’s Rakhine State may be a strategic distraction by the interim government from urgent domestic issues, including electoral reforms and..

www.newagebd.net

Corridor issue seen as security risk
Interim govt has no such mandate: politicians, experts
Staff Correspondent 31 May, 2025, 23:58

Politicians and experts have raised concerns that the proposed humanitarian corridor from Bangladesh to Myanmar’s Rakhine State may be a strategic distraction by the interim government from urgent domestic issues, including electoral reforms and the restoration of democratic governance.

Speaking at a seminar in the capital on Saturday, several speakers questioned the legitimacy of the caretaker administration in dealing with such a sensitive cross-border issue.

The Centre for Governance and Security Analysis organised the seminar styled as ‘Bangladesh’s Geopolitical Security: Humanitarian Corridor Perspective’ at the CIRDAP auditorium in the capital.

They warned that the corridor could expose Bangladesh to foreign military and political influence, adding that it could also increase the risk of conflict along the border.

This government, said politicians, has no electoral mandate to engage in such major geopolitical decisions and people deserve clarity on what this corridor truly entails and how it may affect our national interest.

Participants slated the interim government’s handling of the matter, noting that the public remained in the dark as three separate statements from three government advisers had only added to the confusion.

Calling for transparency, political leaders demanded that the interim government must clarify its position and intentions in this regard.

They emphasised the need for a broader national dialogue and a focus on returning to democratic processes, rather than taking unilateral decisions on complex international matters.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party standing committee member Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury said that the timing and motive behind the corridor proposal might be a diversion from urgent domestic issues like electoral reform, governance accountability and democratic restoration.

‘The people want elections, not geopolitical experiments. We are noticing that everything is discussed — except the road map to restore democracy,’ he said.

Khasru said that the people of Bangladesh would not accept this erosion of sovereignty in the name of humanitarian corridor.

The BNP leader said that introducing a humanitarian corridor in a volatile, war-torn region could draw Bangladesh into a proxy conflict.

‘Are we to become a springboard for superpower agendas?’ he questioned.

Khasru said that they were shocked that such a major policy decision was taken without public consultation, parliamentary oversight or clarification about the legal or diplomatic basis of the initiative.

Security analyst Jaglul Ahsan presented the keynote paper at the event, warning that such a move, if aligned with the strategic agenda of any global power, could entangle Bangladesh in a dangerous geopolitical rivalry and thus destabilise its national security.

‘The decision to allow a humanitarian corridor is not only difficult but extremely sensitive. Alongside its management, ensuring national security will be critical,’ the paper read.

According to the paper, a unilateral decision by the interim government would be inappropriate, especially in the absence of an active parliament.

The paper urged the government to initiate open, inclusive discussions with the political parties and national stakeholders before committing to any such bid.

Nagorik Oikya president Mahmudur Rahman Manna raised serious concerns over the government’s lack of transparency surrounding the humanitarian corridor, warning that secrecy about the matter at the highest level poses a direct threat to national security.

The government’s denial and vague responses on any important issue signal deeper, unchecked activities that could endanger the country, observed Manna.

He also criticised a recent claim by the chief adviser that only one political party wanted election in December, calling the comment exclusionary and undemocratic.

Manna claimed that the absence of open discussions on the proposed corridor was eroding both national security and democratic integrity.

Revolutionary Workers Party of Bangladesh secretary general Saiful Haque cautioned the interim government against exceeding its limited mandate, saying that it was only entrusted with day-to-day operations.

On the proposed humanitarian corridor, he warned, ‘We urge the government —you have done enough. Stop now before going any further.’

AB Party president Mujibur Rahman Manju stressed the need for transparency about the proposed humanitarian corridor, urging authorities to clearly outline its purpose and implications.

National Citizen Party joint convener Humaira Noor raised concerns about Bangladesh’s capacity to manage the proposed humanitarian corridor, questioning whether the country is prepared for (managing )the potential security and political risks.​

 

[Saif]

UN not involved in Rakhine humanitarian corridor: Gwyn Lewis

The United Nations is not involved in any initiative to establish a humanitarian corridor to Myanmar’s Rakhine State through Bangladesh, UN Resident Coordinator in Bangladesh Gwyn Lewis said on Wednesday. Speaking at a DCAB Talk event in Dhaka, she said the Bangladesh government was working

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

UN not involved in Rakhine humanitarian corridor: Gwyn Lewis

FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Jun 04, 2025 19:37
Updated :
Jun 04, 2025 19:37

UN Resident Coordinator in Bangladesh Gwyn Lewis -- File Photo

The United Nations is not involved in any initiative to establish a humanitarian corridor to Myanmar’s Rakhine State through Bangladesh, UN Resident Coordinator in Bangladesh Gwyn Lewis said on Wednesday.

Speaking at a DCAB Talk event in Dhaka, she said the Bangladesh government was working on the idea, but the UN is not part of the process or any related discussions.​

 

[Saif]

Prof Yunus dismisses ‘Corridor to Rakhine', reaffirms Rohingya repatriation

Trashing the propaganda on so-called corridor to Rakhine, Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Friday said this is completely a lie and they will continue their efforts to resolve the Rohingya crisis as their repatriation is the only solution. “We have noticed that a propaganda is being

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Prof Yunus dismisses ‘Corridor to Rakhine', reaffirms Rohingya repatriation

FE Online Desk
Published :
Jun 06, 2025 21:05
Updated :
Jun 06, 2025 21:05

Trashing the propaganda on so-called corridor to Rakhine, Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Friday said this is completely a lie and they will continue their efforts to resolve the Rohingya crisis as their repatriation is the only solution.

“We have noticed that a propaganda is being spread that Bangladesh has provided a corridor for Rakhine. I am saying clearly, this is a complete lie,” he said in a televised speech to the nation in the evening.

Talking about the propaganda on corridor, Prof Yunus said this is a story to be told with a grain of saltband this is the work of those who are constantly misleading the people of Bangladesh by making false stories and creating unrest, according to UNB report.

“You should be careful about this. Do not be misled in any way. Despite this propaganda, we will not deviate from our goal. We will continue our work to solve this complex problem,” said the Chief Adviser. ‌

UN Secretary-General António Guterres, during his visit to Dhaka in March last year, proposed a relief channel to deal with the humanitarian disaster in Rakhine State.

Guterres said this proposal would be helpful in the repatriation of the Rohingyas.

“The matter still remains at the proposal stage,” Prof Yunus said.

He said when they took office, they found the Rohingya issue almost dead. “The issue had fallen off the international agenda.”

From that situation, Prof Yunus said they were able to bring the issue to the forefront of the world’s attention.

Prof Yunus had called for an international conference on the Rohingya issue at the UN General Assembly in September last year.

“You will be happy to know that all UN member states have agreed on this and have decided to organise a high-level international conference. This conference will be held in New York, USA in September this year,” he said.

At the same time, Prof Yunus said they have been able to shape international public opinion for the repatriation of the Rohingya.

During his visit to Bangladesh last March, UN Secretary-General Guterres clearly declared that repatriation of the Rohingyas to Myanmar is the only solution to the Rohingya problem.

Another major development on the repatriation issue is the announcement by the Myanmar government of the first list of Rohingyas eligible for repatriation, Prof Yunus said.

During discussions on the sidelines of the Bimestec Summit in Bangkok last April, the Myanmar government announced for the first time that 180,000 Rohingyas are eligible for repatriation, he said.

Formal and informal contacts are being maintained with the Myanmar government and the rebel groups there to ensure the repatriation of the Rohingyas and the security of the borders, Prof Yunus said.

He said they they have discussed with state leaders and government representatives in all the countries he has have visited to deal with the Rohingya crisis and sought their cooperation. “They have also responded positively to our call.”

Prof Yunus said over 1.2 million Rohingyas are now living in the country.

About 100,000 Rohingya came between September 2023 and 2024, when there was a widespread war in Rakhine State.

“Many are still trying to come due to the ongoing conflict and humanitarian situation there,” Prof Yunus said.

He said they have taken initiatives to stop the Rohingya from coming to Bangladesh and to repatriate those who are already in Bangladesh.​