[🇧🇩] Corruption Watch

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ACC urged to investigate graft allegation against Yunus, ex-health adviser

A Supreme Court lawyer on Monday submitted an application to the Anti-Corruption Commission, seeking a probe into alleged corruption by former interim government chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus and health adviser Nurjahan Begum...

www.newagebd.net

ACC urged to investigate graft allegation against Yunus, ex-health adviser
Staff Correspondent 14 April, 2026, 01:35

A Supreme Court lawyer on Monday submitted an application to the Anti-Corruption Commission, seeking a probe into alleged corruption by former interim government chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus and health adviser Nurjahan Begum in the procurement of vaccines and syringes.

Supreme Court lawyer Biplob Kumar Das lodged the complaint, citing reported irregularities in the procurement of vaccines and syringes for measles and other diseases, alongside recent child deaths across the country amid a measles outbreak.

In his complaint, Biplob said that nearly a hundred children had died amid the measles outbreak, describing the situation as alarming and a matter of grave public interest.

He said that various media reports indicated that a shortage of government-supplied vaccines for measles and other critical diseases contributed to the spread of infection and the rising number of child deaths.

Yunus Centre officials said that they came to know about the complaint through media reports.

They, however, declined to make any further comment on the issue.

According to the allegation, many citizens and health experts have raised questions in social and electronic media over the role of former chief adviser Muhammad Yunus and former health adviser Nurjahan Begum in this connection.

The current government led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party has attributed the shortage of vaccines and syringes in the health ministry to problems created by the previous interim administration, it added.

The complaint also mentioned that the interim government introduced changes in the vaccine procurement process without making adequate preparations.

Despite having a substantial allocation of about Tk 42,000 crore in the health sector, the interim government reportedly failed to procure sufficient amount of vaccines and syringes in time and ensure proper immunisation coverage, the complaint said.

As a result, the measles outbreak has intensified, taking an epidemic form, with reports suggesting that more than a hundred children have died and thousands of others are undergoing treatment at hospitals across the country, it said.

The complaint also said that a lack of transparency in procurement, failure to disclose relevant information and alleged misuse of allocated funds indicated possible corruption and irregularities in the health sector.

It referred to reports published in newspapers and electronic media that pointed to irregularities in the vaccine and syringe procurement.

The complainant urged the ACC to conduct a thorough investigation into the matter in the public interest to safeguard the health sector and protect children’s lives.

He also urged the anti-graft agency to examine whether any irregularities or corruption were committed by the past interim government’s chief adviser, health adviser and other related officials, and to take necessary action based on the findings.

ACC officials acknowledged that the allegation was submitted to the ACC.

Following the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, 2024, in the wake of a mass uprising, the interim government was formed. Nobel laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus served it as chief adviser and Nurjahan Begum as health adviser from August 8, 2024, to February 17, 2026.​

 

[Saif]

Anti-graft work in limbo as no ACC in place

The operations of the Anti-Corruption Commission have nearly come to a halt as the country’s anti-graft agency has been running without its chairman and commissioners for over one and a half months following their resignation.

www.newagebd.net

Anti-graft work in limbo as no ACC in place
Solamain Salman 18 April, 2026, 00:45

The operations of the Anti-Corruption Commission have nearly come to a halt as the country’s anti-graft agency has been running without its chairman and commissioners for over one and a half months following their resignation.

The government is yet to begin the process of forming a selection committee to appoint a new ACC, raising concerns about prolonged stagnation in anti-corruption efforts.

The commission has remained practically inactive since March 3, when its chairman Mohammad Abdul Momen and commissioners Mia Mohammad Ali Akbar Azizi and Hafiz Ahsan Farid stepped down, two weeks after the Bangladesh Nationalist Party-led government assumed office following the February 12 general election.

Officials said that the absence of the commission has left key anti-corruption functions in limbo, as decisions on launching new inquiries, filing cases, approving charge sheets and freezing assets of suspects require approval from the full commission.

As a result, ACC officials and employees are largely confined to routine work, while major policy and operational decisions remain stalled.

ACC secretary Mohammad Khaled Rahim told New Age on Friday that they were conducting routing works, including ongoing investigations and inquiries, as per laws in the absence of a full commission.

‘The ongoing investigations and routine activities are being carried out with our best efforts, but key decisions remain stalled due to the absence of the top officials,’ he said, adding that only higher authorities could say when a new commission would be appointed.

Senior officials said that neither the Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2004 nor the Anti-Corruption Commission Rules 2007 provide any guidance on how the organisation should function without a commission, effectively leaving it without legal authority to take crucial decisions.

Officials said that the agency was facing multiple operational challenges due to the leadership vacuum, including delays in processing complaints, stalled investigations and inability to take any key decision.

Experts warned that the situation had exposed longstanding structural weaknesses in the commission and raised questions about its functional independence.

Although the ACC was established as an independent institution, critics argue, its leadership has often been influenced by political considerations, resulting in frequent disruptions.

Since its establishment in 2004, seven commissions have been formed, but four failed to complete their full terms, often following political transitions.

Analysts said that such repeated changes had undermined continuity in anti-corruption drives and thus eroded public confidence.

Transparency International Bangladesh executive director Iftekharuzzaman said that the current situation reflected a broader pattern of political control over key institutions.

‘This is disappointing but not surprising, as it reflects the government’s clear agenda of ensuring that key institutions of accountability are led and controlled by individuals of their partisan choice,’ he told New Age.

He said, ‘What has happened to the Bangladesh Bank, NHRC, judicial reform, local government bodies, public universities, civil service and law enforcement agencies, with the ACC reflecting the syndrome of it’s “our turn”, in an instance that winner takes all,’ he said.

‘There is no indication if the government is disturbed that a frozen ACC with no visible attempt to appoint new leadership is fully contradictory to BNP’s election manifesto, 31-point state reform agenda and the July Charter. Nor does the government appear to be bothered about how to convince the people at large that what they have done with the ACC is not against public expectations,’ said Iftekharuzzaman.

ACC officials also noted that Section 10 of the ACC Act requires a 30-day notice before resignation or removal of commissioners — a provision frequently ignored in the past. Four of the seven commissions did not complete their tenure in compliance with this rule.

Discussions are going on regarding the appointment process of a new chairman and commissioners under the Anti-Corruption Commission (Amendment) Ordinance 2025, which introduced significant changes to the structure of the commission.

The law amended during the interim government increased the number of commissioners from three to five, reduced their tenure to four years, and mandates the inclusion of at least one woman and one ICT expert.

It also restructured the selection process through a seven-member committee headed by a senior judge of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh.

Other members would include a High Court judge, the comptroller and auditor general, chairman of the Bangladesh Public Service Commission, two lawmakers from both the treasury and opposition benches, and a citizen experienced in governance or anti-corruption.

The committee is tasked with inviting applications, scrutinising candidates, conducting interviews and recommending two names for each post to the president for appointing the ACC chairman and commissioners.

However, officials of the Cabinet Division said that the selection committee was yet to be formed even after one and half months, as the Cabinet Division was still waiting for ‘green signal’ from the government and formal approval of the amended ordinance before initiating the process.

Officials said that preliminary discussions had begun and the committee could be formed quickly once approval to the amended ordinance was given.

The Anti-Corruption Commission (Amendment) Ordinance 2025, issued by the immediate-past interim government on December 23, 2025, was placed in the 13th Jatiya Sangsad’s first session but had not been tabled as a bill within April 10 or the 30 days of the formation of the House.

A parliamentary special committee on April 2 placed its report before the House, recommending 16 ordinances, including the ACC (Amendment) Ordinance 2025, be subjected to further scrutiny and strengthening before being reintroduced at a later stage in a comprehensive form.

Three opposition members in the special committee, however, submitted notes of dissent regarding the decision.

The opposition members in the committee proposed an unchanged adoption of the ordinance, noting that it strengthened the selection committee for appointing top ACC officials and would make the commission accountable to the people and the Jatiya Sangsad, free from executive influence.

Expressing disappointment, former ACC director general Moyeedul Islam said, ‘We see a stalemate at the ACC for the past more than one month due to the absence of the chairman and commissioners which, has created a favourable situation for corrupt people.’

‘With the backlog of cases, complaints will increase manifold due to the delay in appointment of new commission which will ultimately hamper the anti-graft activities,’ he said.

Question will be raised about the goodwill and the electoral commitment of the new government if the anti-graft activities are hampered, he said.

The previous commission had started inquiry into some high profile corrupt people and groups, which now also stays stalled – a highly undesirable situation, he added.

The quick formation of a credible and independent commission, he also stressed, is essential to restore momentum in anti-graft activities and rebuild public trust in the commission.​

 

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Loan defaulters have become part of political system: Rehman Sobhan

Renowned economist Rehman Sobhan has said that loan defaulters have become part of the political system and are themselves creating obstacles to reform. The problem is not individualistic but structural, he said adding reform is not just about enacting laws; rather it is a continuous process...

en.prothomalo.com

Loan defaulters have become part of political system: Rehman Sobhan

Special Correspondent
Dhaka
Updated: 19 Apr 2026, 21: 54

Renowned economist Rehman Sobhan, chairman of the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), speaks as a special guest at the session titled ‘Illusion about Reforms: The Story of Bangladesh’ on the last day of the annual economist conference of the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM) on Sunday. Prothom Alo

Renowned economist Rehman Sobhan has said that loan defaulters have become part of the political system and are themselves creating obstacles to reform.

The problem is not individualistic but structural, he said adding reform is not just about enacting laws; rather it is a continuous process.

He said that initially laws are made, then the necessary administrative framework is developed for implementation. Next comes effective implementation of the laws and finally, evaluation of the outcomes.

On the last day of the three-day-long 9th annual economist conference of the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM), Rehman Sobhan made these remarks while speaking as a special guest at the session titled ‘Illusion about Reforms: The Story of Bangladesh.’

The theme of this year’s conference is ‘Development Challenges and Policy Responses in a Changed World.’

The session, moderated by SANEM's Executive Director Selim Raihan, featured the keynote presentation by Debapriya Bhattacharya, Distinguished Fellow of the private research organisation Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD).

Former Finance Secretary and Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of Bangladesh, Mohammad Muslim Chowdhury, was a designated discussant.

Renowned economist Rehman Sobhan commented that while political parties make big promises during elections, it’s not clear how much actual leadership or commitment they have towards implementing reforms.

He said, historically, major reforms succeed when they receive strong support from the public. For example, the 6-Point Movement reached the people as a framework for political and economic reform and received widespread support.

Currently, public campaigns like the 6-Points are very weak, said Rehman Sobhan, adding that political parties are failing to effectively communicate their manifestos to the public. Even many party members are not well informed about their own manifestos.

Rehman Sobhan raised questions about how many of the discussants have actually worked in the government or been directly involved in the reform implementation process.

Without such experience, understanding the real picture of reforms is challenging. Knowing who supports or opposes reforms, and why implementation often fails, is sometimes hard to comprehend without working in the government.

Many people view reforms as a theoretical or academic discussion matter, remarked Rehman Sobhan.

He said, "When I worked at the Planning Commission, my experience was different. I witnessed that getting laws enacted was not the biggest issue; rather, the real challenge was effective implementation."

Using police reform as an example, Rehman Sobhan stated that the true evaluation of reform is only possible when it starts delivering results. If it is said that the police will be made accountable and they must accept complaints mandatorily, then what should happen is verifying what happens a few years later. Journalists should visit police stations to file complaints and see how easily they are received – that would be the real test of the reform.

Rehman Sobhan commented that reform proposals from the World Bank or International Monetary Fund (IMF) are nothing new; they have been discussed for years and have been attempted to be implemented under various governments.

His question is, "What happens in reality? Governments initially show some progress because they want to receive financial aid installments. Similarly, development partner organisations have interests – they want to disburse their funding."

Rehman Sobhan reminisced about the significant initiatives taken in the 1990s concerning judicial reform.

He said, "At the same time, various development partners worked on budget reforms as well. But if we look at the current state of the judiciary, it becomes evident that the long-term impact of those efforts is quite limited. Similarly, key reforms in the budget system, such as the integration of the revenue and development budgets, have been discussed for decades but have not been implemented."

Rehman Sobhan mentioned that he has proposed introducing a performance-based budget system multiple times.

He argued that this would allow the government to inform the public about the outcomes of expenditures in different sectors. However, currently, only expenditure accounts are being presented without any analysis of the results.

Rehman Sobhan also gave examples from the health and education sectors.

He said every year, it is observed that allocated funds in these sectors are not spent fully. Yet, at the same time, there are complaints about low allocations in these sectors.

His question is, if the allocation is not utilised correctly, where is the problem then? There is very little deep analysis of why effective expenditure is not occurring in these sectors, even though people are receiving low-quality health services and there is dissatisfaction with the quality of education.

He mentioned that although exam results might be good, students' skills are often questionable in real-life scenarios. That's where the core issue lies – how the state machinery is functioning is the key question.

Referring to India's experience, Rehman Sobhan said, "There, major reforms such as the right to food, the right to education, or the right to work came through powerful citizen movements. But in Bangladesh, civil society is largely isolated and divided. We are unable to create united pressure in favour of major reforms."

Rehman Sobhan also believes that the role of the opposition is highly important for reforms.

He said that the opposition should not only engage in political opposition but should also focus on the implementation of reforms and ensure government accountability. On the other hand, if the government genuinely wants reform, it has to develop a strong internal accountability system. Merely announcing policies is not enough; there needs to be the capacity and willingness for implementation.

He described the democratic process as the ultimate test of reform and emphasised the need for free, fair, and inclusive electoral systems.

He remarked that a government becomes truly accountable only when it is prepared to accept the people's verdict based on its performance.

However, such examples are very rare in Bangladesh's political history.

He cited the power transfer by Sheikh Hasina through an election in 2001 as an important example. He concluded by stating that until such an accountable political culture is robustly established, the path to implementing reforms will remain challenging.​