[🇧🇩] Energy Security of Bangladesh

[Saif]

Stop predatory gas price hike and reform the sector

CAB rejects gas price hike. Accuses ministry & BERC of harming consumers.

www.thedailystar.net

Stop predatory gas price hike and reform the sector

FILE VISUAL: TEENI AND TUNI

Consumers Association of Bangladesh (CAB) rejects Bangladesh Energy Regulatory Commission (BERC)'s proposal to increase gas prices for industrial and captive power generation, which the Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources has approved. Consumers protested and made their demands known during the public hearing on February 26, 2025.

According to the price hike proposal, if the gas price for industrial and captive power increases by Tk 75.72, the projected additional annual revenue would be around Tk 3,241 crore, assuming an annual gas supply of 28,224 million cubic metres. Additionally, the system loss in gas distribution and transmission is 13.53 percent, whereas BERC reports it as only 1.12 percent. The remaining losses result from waste and theft. If these were adjusted, the current pricing model would lead to Tk 10,870 crore in savings. The data shows that merely ensuring fair and rational VAT and dealing with system loss would prevent Tk 14,418 crore in expenses annually. However, instead of addressing the real system loss and predatory costs in gas supply, the Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources approved the price hike proposal, and BERC endorsed it. As a result, both entities stand accused of compromising consumer interests and rights, depriving consumers from fair energy pricing.

Moreover, the total gas supply in 2022-23, 2023-24, and 2024-25 was 28,640, 28,037, and 28,224 (estimated) million cubic metres, respectively. Domestic gas supply during these years was 22,651, 21,082, and 20,067 (estimated) million cubic metres, respectively. This gradual decline in gas supply in the country intensifies the energy crisis. Currently, 25 percent of the gas supply comes from LNG, which is projected to increase to 75 percent by 2030. This will further heighten uncertainty in energy security. However, despite this looming crisis, all charges are being increased unreasonably.

In 2023, after gaining the authority to set price rates, the previous government increased gas prices manyfold—including for production, transmission, and distribution charges. The charges for Petrobangla and Rupantarita Prakritik Gas Company Limited were also increased unnecessary. The gas price was raised for large, medium, small, and cottage industries as well. For captive power, the price was increased by 97 percent, and for electricity, it was raised by 209 percent. The current government raised the price of gas used in industrial and captive power generation too. This indicates that the previous government not only turned the country into a power and energy import market but also moved towards turning it into an import market for industrial products. Now the ministry and the BERC seem to be doing the same.

In the 2022 public hearing, it was revealed that 65 percent of the Gas Development Fund remained unutilised, and 35 percent of the fund was spent on paying foreign contractors. National capacity development was not prioritised. The previous government, with the support of the ministry and BERC, strategically created the groundwork for increased LNG imports. Looks like the current government is moving towards the same direction.

The previous government initiated large-scale megaprojects for solar power development through private sector investments without competition. According to the Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs), the electricity price for these projects was around Tk 14 per unit, even though solar power could be produced for less than Tk 4.5 per unit. The current government has cancelled these initiatives and called for competitive investments instead. However, due to the lack of capacity of the Power Division, there is uncertainty about electricity price decline to a fair and reasonable level. To develop this sector, it is necessary to enhance and empower Sustainable and Renewable Energy Development Authority (SREDA) to ensure stakeholder participation under BERC, and limit the involvement of the Power Division. Additionally, a bottom-up approach should be adopted to promote this sector as a small and cottage industry, encouraging the creation of domestic entrepreneurs.

Due to the Electricity and Energy Speedy Supply (Special Provisions) Act, 2010, which allowed non-competitive investments, the development of the power and energy sector led to increased predatory costs. In 2023, an amendment to Section 34 of the Bangladesh Energy Regulatory Commission Act, 2003 transferred the power and authority to set all energy tariffs to the ministry stripping BERC of its regulatory power. As a result, the ministry has frequently raised energy tariffs, leading to an unbearable increase in the cost of living for the people and severe disruptions to national energy security. This has ultimately jeopardised the fundamental rights of citizens. The approval of the recent price hike proposal by the ministry and its acceptance by BERC demonstrate that there has been no improvement in the situation.

The current government repealed the Special Provisions Act, 2010, as well as Section 34A of the BERC Act. However, the provision that states, "Until the commission formulates regulations, the government may, by notification in the official gazette, determine, re-determine, or adjust tariffs," is yet to be repealed. The ministry thus has continued to set the tariff of liquid fuels. Sections 2(b) and 2(c) were added in the ordinance, effectively granting immunity to the wrongful and criminal activities carried out under the previous law. This betrayed the people, making them victims of a new cycle of exploitation.

Energy security cannot be guaranteed unless electricity and primary energy are made accessible at prices within consumers' purchasing power. This necessitates a comprehensive reform of the energy sector, which must be carried out by BERC with the participation and empowerment of stakeholders. To achieve this, the Ministry of Power, Energy, and Mineral Resources must be rendered inactive. During the hearing, concerns were raised that the public appeal should not escalate into a mass movement. The chief adviser acknowledged that the government has provided an opportunity, and people should find solutions to their problems. Consequently, consumers demand that—(a) The proposal to increase the gas tariff for industrial and captive power use by 75.72 percent, as presented in the hearing, must be dismissed immediately. (b) All tariff-related orders issued by the Ministry of Power, Energy, and Mineral Resources under Section 34A of the amended BERC Act must be revoked. Additionally, liquid fuel prices should be determined solely through public hearings conducted by BERC. (c) The total amount of predatory costs incorporated into electricity and primary energy pricing under the previous government must be identified. Existing tariffs must then be adjusted by removing these unjustified and predatory costs and lowering government revenue, ensuring a fair price for all consumers. (d) A tribunal, led by a retired Supreme Court judge, must be formed to bring energy criminals to justice and ensure accountability. (e) The BERC Act must be reformed to establish a legal framework that ensures fair energy distribution and protects consumers from predatory practices. (f) To ensure affordable access to electricity and primary energy, the sector must undergo structural reform under a BERC-supervised commission comprising stakeholder representatives.

M. Shamsul Alam is energy adviser at the Consumers Association of Bangladesh (CAB), and professor of electrical and electronic engineering at Daffodil University.​

 

[Saif]

Power, energy divs at odds over coal price

The Bangladesh Power Development Board did not pay last two months’ bill to the Barapukuria coal mine company for the coal bought to run the Barapukuria coal power plant, citing excessively high price.

www.newagebd.net

Power, energy divs at odds over coal price
Staff Correspondent 14 March, 2025, 23:46

The Bangladesh Power Development Board did not pay last two months’ bill to the Barapukuria coal mine company for the coal bought to run the Barapukuria coal power plant, citing excessively high price.

The PDB sent back the invoices for the months of January and February, referring to a recent decision taken by the Power Division of the Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources requiring the Barapukuria coal mine to follow the international market, particularly the Indonesian coal index, while selling coal.

The Barapukuria Coal Mining Company Limited, under the Energy and Mineral Resources Division of the same ministry, sells its entire production to the Barapukuria coal power plant which is under the Power Division.

‘They are aware about the decision but are still sending invoices in the old format,’ said Abu Bakar Siddique, chief engineer of the Barapukuria coal power plant.

The price of a tonne of coal of the quality supplied by the BCMCL was $127.72 in the Indonesian market on Monday.

In the old format, the coal price is fixed at $176 a tonne, a price considered hugely excessive and set by the immediate past Awami League government.

BCMCL managing director Shaiful Islam Sarkar said that their monthly bill hovered around Tk 200 crore.

‘We are charging according to the old prices because the energy division did not clear its position on the decision made by the power division,’ he said.

Bangladesh’s own coal, extracted from the coal mine in Dinajpur, is in some cases costlier, by up to 77 per cent, than the imported one, due to arbitrary energy pricing by the past Awami League regime.

People were struggling hard to cope with soaring living costs when Awami League last hiked the coal price by more than 35 per cent, citing increase in production cost and need for investment in exploratory and expansion activities of the mine.

Bangladesh’s coal plants mostly use coal imported from Indonesia that is of lower quality compared with the local variety. The category of coal Bangladesh imports usually costs from $72.24 to $92.87.

The BCMCL authorities justified the price, highlighting the need to increase profits to pay taxes and dividend to the government and incentivise the BCMCL officials and workers.

The calorific value of local coal is 6,137 kcal/kg.

Besides its 250 staff, the BCMCL has to pay its Chinese contractor with 1,100 mine workers. The main activities of the coal mine, from designing the coal extraction plan to supervising workers, are done by Chinese workers under contracts with the China National Machinery Import and Export Company.

After the coal field was discovered in 1985, the BCMCL extended its contract with the Chine company in phases to develop the mine and then extract coal through 2027.​

 

[Saif]

Govt to buy three spot LNG cargoes by mid-April

Bangladesh’s state-run Rupantarita Prakritik Gas Company Ltd (RPGCL) intends to buy three spot liquefied natural gas (LNG) cargoes by mid-April to meet mounting demand during summer. RPGCL has already floated tenders to purchase the spot LNG cargoes for the April 01-02, April 12-13 and April

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Govt to buy three spot LNG cargoes by mid-April
FE Online Report
Published :
Mar 15, 2025 21:16
Updated :
Mar 15, 2025 21:16

Bangladesh’s state-run Rupantarita Prakritik Gas Company Ltd (RPGCL) intends to buy three spot liquefied natural gas (LNG) cargoes by mid-April to meet mounting demand during summer.

RPGCL has already floated tenders to purchase the spot LNG cargoes for the April 01-02, April 12-13 and April 14-15 delivery windows, a senior RPGCL official told The Financial Express on Saturday.

RPGCL might float more tenders to buy spot LNG cargoes to meet the scorching summer demand in April, which is considered the hottest month of summer in Bangladesh, said the official.

The country’s energy demand is expected to go up from early April and in subsequent months with the rise of the mercury, he said.

Bangladesh bought four spot LNG cargoes for March delivery windows.

The bid winners will deliver the LNG cargoes to Moheshkhali island in the Bay of Bengal, with options to discharge the cargo at either of the country’s two floating storage re-gasification units (FSRUs) located on Moheshkhali island.

RPGCL, a wholly owned subsidiary of state-run Bangladesh Oil, Gas, and Mineral Corporation, or Petrobangla, looks into LNG trading in Bangladesh.

The volume of each spot LNG cargo will be around 3.36 million MMBtu.

Bangladesh previously awarded its latest spot LNG cargo tender to Excelerate Energy LP for the March 25-26 delivery window at US$14.30 per million British Thermal unit (MMBtu).

Bangladesh currently imports LNG from Qatar Energy and OQ Trading international under long-term deals and also purchases LNG also from spot market to regasify LNG in its two operational FSRUs, which have a total capacity of 1.10 billion cubic feet per day (Bcfd).

The country has been reeling under an acute energy crisis as its natural gas output continues to deplete.

Bangladesh has been rationing gas supply to industries, power plants and other gas-guzzling industries to cope with mounting demand.

The country’s overall natural gas supply is currently hovering around 2,888 million cubic feet per day (mmcfd), including 991 mmcfd of regasified LNG, against a demand of over 4,000 mmcfd, according to official data of Petrobangla as of March 14.​

 

[Saif]

Reform power sector to reduce subsidy

Power and fertiliser subsidies increased by 57.9 percent to Tk 99,000 crore in the revised budget.

www.thedailystar.net

Reform power sector to reduce subsidy
Govt must prioritise increasing efficiency, cutting costs

VISUAL: STAR

The interim government's move to increase power and fertiliser subsidies in the revised FY25 budget by 57.9 percent highlights, once again, the prevailing mess in the power sector. There had been increases in subsidies during Awami League's tenure too, most of which ended up lining the pockets of vested interest groups and eventually increasing the debt burden of the nation. The interim government seems to be following the same prescription, albeit for different reasons. Reportedly, it is looking to increase the power subsidy to Tk 62,000 crore (a 55 percent rise) and the fertiliser subsidy to Tk 28,000 crore (a 64.7 percent rise).

A report by this daily quoted a finance ministry official who explained that the power subsidy increase is being considered so as not to raise power prices during this time of high inflation and to pay off the huge arrears carried over from the previous regime. While we appreciate that the authorities took into account consumers' interests and refrained from increasing prices, they could have, for our long-term benefits, taken measures to address the institutional inefficiency of the sector that are draining resources. It is estimated that as much as Tk 11,444 crore could have been saved by reducing power production costs by 10 percent, which in turn could have kept the subsidy in control.

In fact, a recent study by the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA) found that the Bangladesh Power Development Board (BPDB) can save Tk 13,800 crore annually—a loss currently covered by government subsidy—just by fixing some core problems. Its recommendations included shifting half of the existing industrial demand to the grid, which is currently met by captive generators, and adding 3,000 megawatts (MW) of renewables, reducing load-shedding, as well as limiting transmission and distribution losses.

During Hasina's tenure, 81 percent of the power subsidy—Tk 39, 406 crore in the revised budget for FY2023-24—was spent on the rented power plants to pay for capacity charges, even when those plants were sitting idle. It is time to critically revisit the collusive deals of the last regime and reduce reliance on rental power plants. According to IEEFA, transitioning to electric systems from gas-driven appliances, like boilers, will help increase BPDB's revenue from selling additional energy while reducing capacity payments to idle plants.

The arrears left by the previous regime may take time to repay, but the interim government should take prudent measures to rectify the situation. Every effort must be made to ensure that the nation is not burdened with additional debt. We can no longer afford inefficiency in the power sector or allow it to run without accountability.​

 

[Saif]

Govt prepares model PSC for a fresh bidding round

The government has moved to launch an onshore bidding round, 28 years after the previous one, to expedite hydrocarbon exploration in onshore areas with a view to meeting the country's mounting natural gas demand in industries, power plants and other establishments. State-run Petrobangla has

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Onshore hydrocarbon exploration
Govt prepares model PSC for a fresh bidding round
M Azizur Rahman
Published :
Mar 17, 2025 00:06
Updated :
Mar 17, 2025 00:06

The government has moved to launch an onshore bidding round, 28 years after the previous one, to expedite hydrocarbon exploration in onshore areas with a view to meeting the country's mounting natural gas demand in industries, power plants and other establishments.

State-run Petrobangla has already prepared a draft of the Model Production Sharing Contract (MPSC) making the terms attractive to potential international oil companies (IOCs), a senior Petrobangla official told The Financial Express Sunday.

The gas purchase price is linked with the dated Brent on a three-month rolling average basis.

The MPSC terms of the previous 1997 onshore bidding round were linked to high sulfur fuel oil (HSFO) with a price floor and a ceiling.

Like the MPSC for offshore blocks, the interim government has taken the initiative to sweeten the model PSC for onshore blocks in line with the recommendations from Scotland's Wood Mackenzie.

"We are working to fix the new formula so that the price could be linked to around 8.0 per cent of the dated Brent crude with a capping in the Brent crude price," said the senior Petrobangla official.

Based on the current Brent price assumption, gas price is anticipated to be in the range of around US$5.50 per million British Thermal unit (MMBtu).

This would bring gas prices more in line with the costs of supplying gas from liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports which Bangladesh is projected to increasingly rely on, should the country fail to make a turnaround in its domestic gas production.

If fixed under this market-based pricing formula, the new gas price for onshore blocks will be around double the highest current price offered under the existing model PSCs for onshore gas blocks.

US's Chevron is getting around US$2.76 per MMBTu against its gas sales to state-run Petrobangla, while Singapore's KrisEnergy gets around US$2.31 per MMBTu under the current gas pricing formula linked to HSFO.

Petrobangla also purchases natural gas from three of its subsidiary state-owned companies.

It purchases gas from state-run Sylhet Gas Fields Ltd (SGFL) and Bangladesh Gas Fields Ltd (BGFCL) at Tk 28 per Mcf (1 thousand cubic feet) and from state-run Bangladesh Petroleum Exploration and Production Company Ltd (BAPEX) at Tk 112 per Mcf.

The price of LNG imported from long-term contract suppliers -- Qatar Energy and OQ Trading International -- was US$10.66 per MMBTu and US$ 10.09 per MMBTu respectively during the first seven months of the current fiscal year (FY) 2024-25 until January 2025.

Petrobangla is also working on narrowing down differences of exploration benefits to attract the IOCs to take part in the next onshore bidding round.

Petrobangla had floated the last bidding round for 24 offshore blocks last year under the Model PSC 2023 with no response from the IOCs.

Under the Model PSC 2023, gas was priced at 10 per cent to dated Brent on a three-month rolling average basis. Based on the current Brent price assumption, the gas price would be in the range of around US$7.08 per MMBtu.

During Bangladesh's latest onshore bidding round in 1997, four onshore blocks - Block-5, Block-7, Block-9 and Block-10 - were awarded.

Currently, four IOCs have active PSCs, either individually or under joint venture, to explore three shallow-water blocks for offshore exploration.

US oil-major Chevron is active in exploring and producing natural gas in three onshore gas-fields under blocks 12, 13 and 14.

Singapore's KrisEnergy is producing natural gas from Bangora field under block 9.

ONGC Videsh Ltd (OVL) and Oil India Ltd (OIL) are jointly exploring shallow-water blocks SS-04 and SS-09.

Currently, Bangladesh imports lean LNG from RasGas of Qatar and Oman Trading International (OTI) of Oman under long-term contracts and from different suppliers under spot market terms to meet mounting natural-gas requirements.

The country's overall gas output is around 2,883 mmcfd, including the re-gasified LNG against the demand for over 4,000 mmcfd.​

 

[Saif]

RAMPAL POWER PLANT: Indian nationals draw hefty salaries, eye-watering bonuses

Indian nationals working at the Bangladesh India Friendship Power Company are drawing an average monthly salary of more than Tk 10 lakh, revealed a financial review by the Bangladesh Power Development Board.

www.newagebd.net

RAMPAL POWER PLANT: Indian nationals draw hefty salaries, eye-watering bonuses
Emran Hossain 17 March, 2025, 00:08

Average monthly salary exceeds Tk 10 lakh, with bonuses it can soar past Tk 47 lakh

Indian nationals working at the Bangladesh India Friendship Power Company are drawing an average monthly salary of more than Tk 10 lakh, revealed a financial review by the Bangladesh Power Development Board.

An equally owned joint venture of the governments of India and Bangladesh, the company, among its staff, has 51 Indian nationals to run a 1,320MW coal-based power plant situated in Rampal of Bagerhat.

The Indian nationals working at the power plant came on deputation from their original employer NTPC Limited, which is an Indian public sector entity, said the BPDB officials.

A comparison with another power generation joint venture revealed that the Indian nationals employed at Rampal earn three times more than their peers with some Indian nationals’ monthly salary being close to Tk 20 lakh.

On one occasion, the BPDB assessment showed that an Indian employee of the power plant drew Tk 47 lakh in one month, thanks to a bonus and other benefits, which also earned most of his fellow nationals between Tk 20 lakh and Tk 30 lakh in the same month.

ANM Obaidullah, member, company affairs, BPDB, who has been a new appointee to the position, cited a lack of in-depth knowledge on the matter before turning down a request for commenting on it.

Anwarul Azim, deputy general manager at the Bangladesh India Friendship Power Co, who usually speaks to the media, did not answer phone calls made to him over the last three days.

The BPDB’s finance wing reviewed the Indian nationals’ payments in October last year, three months after a student-led uprising toppled the past Awami League regime.

Discontent was widespread against the past AL government for allowing India to exploit Bangladesh in different aspects of trade and bilateral relations.

A review of the list of 306 people working at the BIFPC revealed that 32 of the top 40 positions were occupied by Indians.

Starting with the position of managing director, the position of project director, all nine positions of general manager, all 18 positions of assistant general manager, and 20 out of 34 deputy general manager’s positions are held by Indian nationals.

‘Rampal does not need so many high officials. This is completely unnecessary,’ said a BPDB finance officer, who was involved in the assessment, requesting anonymity.

‘India shows no interest in having its nationals employed in the lower ranks,’ he said.

The Indian nationals are being paid in accordance with their national pay scale, as the joint venture project does not have a separate pay scale, the BPDB said.

Employed under four grades, the Indian nationals’ master basic salary ranged between Tk 3,42,121 and Tk 1,44,778, the BPDB assessment revealed.

Besides, the Indian nationals take a foreign dearness allowance, meant for Indian nationals employed outside the country, ranging from $4,333 to $4,670 every month.

Despite Rampal being a losing concern due to frequent closures for technical glitches and other reasons, the Indian nationals were also given preposterous amounts in performance bonuses, the BPDB assessment also revealed.

The details of the paychecks for October 2024 showed that the 51 Indian nationals were paid Tk 13.76 crore. The average monthly salary taken by them in the month was Tk 26.98 lakh. The highest salary paid in the month to an individual Indian national was Tk 47.76 lakh. The lowest salary paid in the month was Tk 13.12 lakh.

The same month, Tk 5 crore was paid in performance-related pay, accounting for 36 per cent of the month’s overall payment.

In foreign dearness allowance, the Indian nationals took more than Tk 2.7 crore, which accounted for nearly 20 per cent of the overall payment that month.

The encashment of earned leaves also contributed to substantially increasing the October payment of the Indian nationals.

For instance, an analysis of the highest payment of Tk 47.76 lakh revealed that it included Tk 16.92 lakh in performance bonus, Tk 6.36 lakh in leave encashment, and Tk 5.47 lakh in dearness allowance.

The BPDB officials in their analysis questioned Indian officials taking the performance bonus given that the Rampal power plant operated at way lower capacity than expected and financially was a losing concern.

They also raised questions about the encashment of earned leaves, seeking answers to whether the leaves were earned during the official’s career at the NTPC or during their deputation at the BIFPC, which started commercial operation in December, 2022.

The Rampal power plant, besides importing coal, requires spending dollar to pay the Indian nationals amidst a serious dollar crisis. Bangladesh is taking $4.7 billion from the International Monetary Fund in the wake of the dollar crisis.

India and Bangladesh equally represent the eight-member BIFPC board of directors.

In stark contrast, the Bangladesh China Power Company Limited, a joint venture between Bangladesh and China that runs the 1,320MW coal-fired Payra power plant, has hardly any Chinese staff in its vital positions except for the board of directors equally shared between the countries.

The executive director at the Payra power plant draws about Tk 7 lakh monthly salary. The other international positions next to the ED at the power plant, such as, the chief procurement officer and chief human resources officer, draw a monthly salary of about Tk 4.5 lakh.

The Rampal power plant was built by an Indian company—Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited—after it won the engineering, procurement and construction contract at $1.49 billion.

Built on over 915 acres, the power project was widely considered environmentally harmful as it was built only 14km away from the Sundarbans, the world’s largest remaining mangrove forest that crucially shields Bangladesh from deadly cyclones and tidal surges.

Another government report has recently revealed that the Rampal power plant did not even use the effluent treatment plant for three years after it began commercial operation in December 2022.

Considering the power plant’s potential to cause environmental, social and economic damage, green activists and energy experts have long demanded scrapping of Rampal power plant.​

 

[Bilal9]

We in Bangladesh should not have gone into the building and commissioning of this Indian Power Station in Rampal which (while being an environmental disaster) happened only with the arm-twisting of Indian authorities to accept their loan and utilize their Indian "experts" who couldn't get jobs in India. It is the Indian govt. who became the gainer in the deal, who cannot get business deals made like this elsewhere. Lakh lanaats on the Indian boot-lickers in the AL administration and Hasina herself who could not stand up against Indian pressure because of seeking Indian help.

This type of looting is still going on in Bangladesh by Indians, both in private and public sectors, while Bangladeshi half-educated public servants and business leaders let it happen.

It may be mentioned here where this looting all started at the get-go after the 1971 debacle. The history is a sordid proof of how Indian administrations have denuded and looted Bangladesh down to skin and bones. Nanga kar dia. In any case - I have to forego some choice words I have for these looters, as it is Ramadan.
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Indian Military’s Massive Looting Campaign after Bangladesh’s 1971 Liberation War : An Untold Dark Reality​

Bangladesh, previously East Pakistan, was under the administration of a military regime based in West Pakistan (now Pakistan) from 1947–1971. Despite both lands situated far away from each other by a distance of 2,204 km (1369.502 miles), they were one country. One can say, it was the South Asian version of United States — Alaska.…

After the upheaval in 1971 and declaration of independence by Sheikh Mujib, Indian government led by Indira Gandhi started helping the provisional Mujibnagar Government & Mukti Bahini. As soon as the war began, India had a geopolitical motive behind their support. It was to weaken Pakistan.

India and Pakistan had been in conflict since 1947, and two Pakistan wings on both sides of India posed a significant threat to India. Thus, breaking down Pakistan was more of a plausible solution to their “pakistan problem”.

Indian Armed Forces entered the Liberation War of Bangladesh on December 3, 1971 , fighting Pakistani forces alongside Mukti Bahini forces.

Right after Bangladesh was liberated, Indian forces started their looting of arms and equipment of the Pakistani army which was surrendered on December 16, 1971.

Indian soldiers looted not only the weapons left by the Pakistanis, but also the goods of the common people. The Indian Military Forces controlled newly-liberated Bangladesh militarily until March 12, 1972, as per a “secret controversial treaty” between Indian Government & Mujibnagar Government , much to the dismay and disapproval of many Mukti Bahini (aka Bangladesh Military) officers and commanders.

Indian forces looting the weapons from Bangladeshi cantonments and camps, December 1971

Immediately after the independence of Bangladesh, while the Civil Affairs Organization of India was out to take control of the civil administration of the newly independent Bangladesh as per the same secret controversial treaty with Mujibnagar Government, its army got busy taking away the weapons and various types of goods, legitimately belonging to Bangladesh.

Indian forces raided several cantonments (in Jessore, Cumilla, Dhaka, and Chittagong, as well as in the industrial areas of Khulna), army barracks and military camps all around Bangladesh and looted weaponry and armouries located in those areas. At least four divisions of weapons, vast amount of light to heavy weapons, heavy artillery, ammunition, military vehicles, and other military equipment were taken to India.

While there were excuses provided that, “those belonged to Pakistanis and does deserve to be looted” — these excuses were obnoxious, since those weapons would now legitimately belong to Bangladesh due to their presence on Bangladeshi soil.

While excuses like that were given (under "war booty" ideas), Indian troops didn’t even spare military-areas that were controlled by Mukti Bahini (Bangladesh Military Forces) during the war either, from their looting spree.

Even Bangladeshi civilians weren’t spared. A blogger named Larry Chowdhury, who was a teenager during 1971, was among the many witnesses, who witnessed the Indian Armed Forces’ massive looting campaign, not even sparing small businesses. He interviewed several witnesses, some of them who were victims of the looting campaign themselves. He described in his memoirs that, “Indian forces were stealing and robbing from civilians and businessmen, holding them at gun point, in various parts of the country including upscale areas of Dhaka.

They looked for petty items like Ilish (Hilsha) fishes in the markets of Rajshahi or Rangpur town for almost no price. Everyone in Bangladesh knows that Hilsha is a rare commodity for the northern part of the country. But the stupid Indian Army personnel did not bother to know about the level of availability but argued to bring those for them. There were also Bengali-speaking Indians from West Bengal, who were a big part in all these. I saw this with my own eyes on December 23–31, 1971 and January 1–9, 1972 at various parts of the country. Also I saw Indian forces looting fruits, vegetables, poultry and many other products from Aricha Ghat (river port), Manikganj. However some Indian military personnel also exploited fruit sellers and forced them to sell fruits at subsidized or low prices. A fruit seller told me, ‘ It’s better that some of them at least paid me something. Many of our boats were absolutely robbed, leaving many of my fellow fruit sellers destitute’.

These looters robbed Dhaka’s New Market, Stadium Market, and Baitul Mukarram Market areas, while pointing guns at businessmen and civilians. Within a week or two, they robbed and stored Chinese single/double barrel flasks, Canadian Winchester torches (flashlights), Chinese and European suitcases/brief-cases, Chinese nail cutters, Chinese and Korean ready-made clothes (shirts, pants, etc.), foreign leather belts, radios/transistors, regular torch or transistor batteries, and numerous consumable items. The Indian looters were carrying these looted items through their Atal Jeeps and Shaktiman Trucks.“

This is the nature of the professionalism, discipline and mentality of India's mighty armed forces.

At that time, this ubiquitous and unprecedented looting carried out by the Indian forces in the newly independent country stunned even the foreigners.

The Guardian reported that the Indian troops looted heavy machinery and technical parts of the mills. In addition to the weapons of the defeated Pakistani forces and victorious Mukti Bahini forces, they looted food items(rice, vegetables, fruits, eggs, chicken, packaged food products etc.), farm/poultry animals (hens, cows, ducks), grains, jute, yarn, rubber, cotton, medicines, medical items, electronics, house materials (like bathroom fittings, television sets, radios, mirrors, refrigerators, carpets, mugs, kitchen appliances etc.), vehicles, factory machinery & mechanical parts, construction materials, private cars, boats, buses, trucks & even literal ships.

They ravaged and robbed government-owned & private mills, factories, workshops, depots, warehouses and civilian areas. The total value of the loot by Indian forces was estimated to be more than 2.2 billion USD at the time (1971–72), which in today's money is around more than 17 billion USD (around 2 trillion BDT; in Bangladeshi taka).

Martin Woollacott of the Guardian newspaper at that time reported that “Systematic Indian army looting of mills, factories and offices in Khulna area has angered and enraged Bangladesh civil officials here. The looting took place in the first few days after the Indian troops arrived in the city on December 17”. [Martin Woollacott, Indians ‘loot whole factory, The Guardian, Jan 22, 1972].

Renowned novelist from West Bengal, India, Sunil Gangopadhyay wrote in his “পূর্ব-পশ্চিম” / Purbo-Poshchim(East-West) novel,
“There are so many imported items available in Dhaka that many Indians have never seen before. Refrigerators, TVs, two-in-one, carpets, canned foods all of these began to be loaded into Indian soldiers’ trucks.”

Sector-9 Commander Major Jalil

Major Mohammad Abdul Jalil, Mukti Bahini Commander (Sector-9) wrote in his book Orokkhito Shadhinotai Poradhinota, “Trucks laden with arms, ammunition and many other valuable goods and thousands of military and civilian cars abandoned by the Pakistani forces, were taken [by the Indian army]. Even private cars [belonging to Bangladeshi civilians] were not left. I just tried to save the private cars in the [southwestern] city of Khulna after keeping those at the city’s circuit house ground [ in the care of some freedom fighters ] after requisition. Before that all cars from everywhere were passed through the border[India]. The office and quarter of the army cantonment in [southwestern district of] Jessore were totally looted. Even, the mirrors in the bathrooms and other fittings were not untouched from the drastic lootings. Peaceful pedestrians were also victimized. Such behavior of the "so-called ally" spread panic among the people. If the attitude of them turned so violent just after entering Bangladesh, what would be the situation of the country and the countrymen if they stayed here longer? What type of independence have we gained through a blood-shedding war?”

Major Jalil, who was already fed up with their looting, decided to intercept with a squad of his army force and stopped an Indian military truck loaded with looted weapons and goods in Jessore, and was able to recover the looted items from the seized truck. In a bizarre twist of fate, he was arrested for trying to defend what rightfully belonged to Bangladesh. At 11 p.m,December 31, 1971, he was arrested by Indian forces and was kept captive in an abandoned house in Jessore Army Barracks.

The abandoned house was formerly a torture-cell of Pakistani forces. There was an attempt to court-martial him as well. He is considered the first state-captive of independent Bangladesh. After staying captive for 5 months, 6 days, he was released on July 7, 1972 and was deprived of all honorary awards granted to other fellow liberation war heroes like him. And his fault ? He resisted the looting of Bangladeshi goods by Indian forces.

Major Mir Shawkat Ali, who commanded Sector 5 of the Mukti Bahini, said, “India helped us in 1971, but the Indians had taken away most of the weapons, even the military trucks the Pakistan Army had left behind in Bangladesh”. The sector commander also says that the freedom fighters “tried their best to prevent the military equipment from being taken away” but hardly succeeded. He further said, “Bangladesh Army made a lot of efforts to get back the weapons from India. The government also made some efforts to this end. Subsequently, the Indians had returned some of the weapons, a very little amount of what they had taken away, to the Bangladesh army”.

It was not only the Mukti Bahini (later Bangladesh Military) commanders who have accused the Indian army of looting out the weapons, but many civilians have also made the same accusations. Indian forces had also looted many civilian homes and towns that were nearby cantonments, army barracks and military-areas, and in many cases, Indian forces even robbed upscale residential areas in Dhaka, Khulna, Jessore and many other cities. Gold, jewelries, kitchen materials, furniture and many other house items were also taken away in loads by Indian forces, from civilians.

Indian forces in Bangladesh, December 1971

Professor Muntassir Mamoon of Dhaka University records, jointly with Jayanta Kumar Ray of India, that the Indian soldiers looted truckloads of capital goods, machinery and military hardware from a bordering district of Bangladesh by using their ‘Shaktiman trucks’.

While a young Deputy Commissioner protested against the loot to the utter disliking of an ‘irritated’ Indian Brigadier General, without much success of recovery. Mamoon and Ray observe that at a time when some so called “freedom fighters” and some Awami League members were themselves behaving like looters, it was not easy to restrain foreign soldiers. However, the looting of foreign soldiers exceeded to an unimaginable and unprecedented level, compared to the local ones.

Sekander Ali, a Bangladeshi Additional Superintendent of Police at the police headquarters at Rajarbagh in December 1971, wrote in his memoirs, “Two days after the official surrender of the Pakistan Army on December 16, I was told that I have to receive weapons and ammunition to be surrendered by the Pakistan Army, East Pakistan Rifle and Police and deposit them to the Rajarbagh armoury. An Indian major would be there with me. […] Accordingly, we received a huge amount of weapons and ammunition that included thousands of rifles, revolvers, Light Machine Guns, Sub Machine Guns, Beretta Guns and cartridges. […] It took several days to receive those weapons. […] All these arms and ammunition belong to Bangladesh. […] But, in a week or so, a few officers of the Indian Army appeared in the Rajarbagh headquarters with trucks, and asked me in an authoritative tone to open the armoury. I had no option but to comply with the order. They took away all the arms and ammunition received from the defeated Pakistani troops the other day, while I remained a helpless bystander”.

J.N Dixit, the first Deputy High Commissioner of India in Dhaka, admits that the Indian army took away the Pakistani weapons that belonged to Bangladesh and that the military advisers of the Indian government stood in the way of returning the weapons to Bangladesh. Dixit wrote, “Indian military advisers were not very enthusiastic about returning the weapons and other material captured from Pakistanis”.

In 1972, after Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned to Bangladesh, he said at a midnight meeting at his Dhanmondi residence with his left wing ‘friend’ Mohammad Toaha and their common friend M.A Mohaimen, “India did not come forward to rescue us [during the liberation war]. They have rather grabbed my country” .

But ironically, Sheikh Mujib knew very well about the massive looting campaigns by Indian forces and the illegitimate arrest of Major Jalil, yet he hardly took any action regarding these events. Even worse, when he became the Prime Minister and formed the government of the first independent Bangladesh with members from Mujibnagar Government, he turned Bangladesh into a subservient state of India. At India’s orders, his government delayed the release of Major Jalil and Major Jalil was deprived of all honorary awards.

Even tragicomic is that, Mujib gave a “heartfelt speech” on March 12, 1972, in the farewell parade which was organized for the Indian army at Dhaka Stadium. In that farewell speech, Sheikh Mujib said to them: “We will remember you in our time of great crisis. …Although the people of Bangladesh could not extend their hospitality towards you, due to the destruction caused by the Pakistani army, they have nothing left. But they hold deep love for you. I request you to carry that love with you”. When Mujib talked about hospitality, one could only wonder, “ Why are we supposed to extend our hospitality for those who compromised our liberation war and looted us massively ?”

Regardless, in November 1972, during a visit to Delhi, the Bangladeshi defense delegation raised the issue of returning the looted weapons. They received a lukewarm response in return. Later, in response to a question from an Awami League member in the National Parliament, the Minister of Information and Broadcasting (which was Sheikh Mujib himself) said, “India has already returned a significant portion of the weapons and ammunition seized from Bangladesh, and the process of return is ongoing.” However, Mujib refused to disclose the number or amount of weapons returned “in the national interest.”

Freedom Fighter, Journalist & Writer Mohammad Zainal Abedin wrote in his book RAW and Bangladesh, “I saw large-scale loot and plunder by Indian army personnel. The soldiers swooped on everything they found and carried them away to India. They lifted everything from ceiling fans to military equipment, utensils and water taps. Thousands of Army vehicles were used to carry looted goods to India. Such a large scale plunder could not have been possible without connivance of higher Indian authorities”.

Bangladesh’s independence was compromised by India from the very beginning. This is no Newtonian equation, but a simple fact. The massive looting of weapons & goods of Bangladeshis, by Indian forces in an authoritarian manner, with little-to-no resistance from Bangladesh Government & Bangladesh Military, and the arrest of a Bangladeshi war hero in his own homeland was enough to prove that Indians compromised and infiltrated Bangladesh in several important sectors, rendering the newly liberated Bangladesh extremely vulnerable.

References:

The political economy of rural poverty in Bangladesh. Kamal Siddiqui (Dacca : National Institute of Local Government, 1982) (1st ed.)

Major (Retd) M.A [Mohammad Abdul] Jalil, অরক্ষিত স্বাধীনতাই পরাধীনতা (Orokkhito Shadhinotai Poradhinota) [Unprotected Independence is Subordination]

Shamshul Huda Chowdhury, একাত্তরের রণাঙ্গন (Eakottorer Ronangon)[Battlefield of 1971], 2nd edition

Moydul Hasan, মূলধারা’ ৭১ [Mainstream ‘71], Page: 199

Major General (Retd.) Moinul Hossain Chowdhury Bir Bikram, Silent Witness of a General: The First Decade of Independence, Page: 19–20

Weekly হক কথা (Haqq Kotha) [Voice of Truth] by Maulana Bhashani, Page: 139–140

Larry Chowdhury, “What India did to the nascent Bangladesh immediately after December 16, 1971?” , September 1, 2004.

Mohiuddin Ahmed, জাসদের উত্থান পতন: অস্থির সময়ের রাজনীতি (Jashoder Utthan Poton: Osthir Shomoyer Rajneeti) [Rise and Fall of JASAD: Politics of an Unstable Time], Page: 82–83

Pinaki Bhattacharya, স্বাধীনতা-উত্তর বাংলাদেশ প্রথম খণ্ড (Shadhinotar-uttor Bangladesh Prothom Khondo)[ Post-Independence Bangladesh (Volume 1) ]; Fourth Edition, August 2021, Chapter 3, Page 44

Muntassir Mamoon and Jayanta Kumar Ray, Inside Bureaucracy: Bangladesh

Sekander Ali, আমার পুলিশ- জীবন (Amar Police Jibon) [My Police Life]

J.N Dixit, Liberation and Beyond: Indo-Bangladesh Relations

Mohammad Toaha, স্মৃতিকথা (Smritikatha) [ Memoirs ]

Bangladesh Observer*; June 18, 1974

Mohammad Zainal Abedin, RAW and Bangladesh

 

[Bilal9]

As to the frequent excuse given by Indian govt. that they helped Bangladeshi refugees, the lion's share of the cost of housing and feeding the refugees was carried out by entities other than India, the financial and material aid coming to India directly via the UNRWA funds donated by various entities totaling about 168 Million US dollars. So - contrary to common belief, Indians are not the open-hearted donation entity (दान wallah) they claim to be.