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Bangladesh Defense
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The honeymoon period of the interim government is over
What started as a moment of hope—a chance to break free from the chains of authoritarian rule—has increasingly turned into a struggle for meaningful reform.
The honeymoon period of the interim government is over
Visual: ANWAR SOHEl
Six months into the tenure of Bangladesh's interim government, led by Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus, the country finds itself at a crossroads. What started as a moment of hope—a chance to break free from the chains of authoritarian rule—has increasingly turned into a struggle for meaningful reform. While the government has made strides in establishing reform commissions and investigating past human rights abuses, the promises of democracy, stability, and prosperity remain unfulfilled. In this critical moment, it is time to ask: can the interim government truly deliver, or will it fall victim to the same pitfalls that have plagued Bangladesh's political system for decades?
The government came to power with lofty promises of change, yet six months later, much of that optimism has begun to fade. While some proposed reforms including limits on the prime minister's tenure and a bicameral parliament could pave the way for stronger democratic institutions, these reforms are yet to materialise. Besides, the public is growing frustrated because of the lack of a clear roadmap for the future.
The greatest test for the interim government remains the economy. With inflation continuing to rise and essential goods becoming increasingly unaffordable, many Bangladeshis are questioning whether the government truly has a handle on the economic crisis. Despite some signs of stabilisation in certain sectors, the majority of the population still feels the weight of economic hardship. The absence of real relief for the people, coupled with continued market manipulation by syndicates, has only deepened the distrust in the government's ability to address the crisis. Moreover, imposing VAT on some goods and services added salt to the wounds, further burdening ordinary citizens who are already struggling to make ends meet.
Political instability remains another pressing issue. The question of when the next general election will take place has become a political flashpoint. Dr Yunus's suggestion of holding elections between late 2025 and early 2026 may seem reasonable from a reform standpoint, but the opposition—led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party—demands a vote by mid-2025. With no clear consensus on the election timeline, political uncertainty continues to fester. Moreover, allegations of government favouritism towards certain political groups have only deepened divisions, raising concerns about the neutrality of the administration.
If the interim government is to survive, it must address these challenges head-on. The lack of a concrete election roadmap is a major source of instability, and it must be resolved as quickly as possible. Similarly, the government must take decisive action to stabilise the economy, curb inflation, and rein in market manipulation. These are not easy tasks, but they are necessary for the long-term health of the country.
Equally pressing is the issue of law and order. The reluctance of the police force to take action, fuelled by fear of retaliation for their role in suppressing the July-August protests, has left a dangerous security vacuum. Crime and mob violence are on the rise, and the public is losing confidence in the ability of law enforcement to protect them. The government must take immediate steps to restore law and order, ensuring that the police are held accountable while also protecting the rights of the people.
However, perhaps the most daunting challenge the interim government faces lies within its own bureaucracy. Bangladesh's bureaucratic system is notorious for inefficiency, corruption, and an ingrained culture of authoritarianism. These issues are not easily addressed, and the government's struggle to reform the civil service is becoming increasingly apparent. The red tape and lack of accountability in public sector have often hindered progress on numerous fronts.
Despite the government's call for reform, many citizens still find themselves entangled in a web of bureaucracy that stifles action and delays change. Long-standing issues such as corruption, inefficiency, and the disregard for citizens' rights persist within the civil service. Public servants often prioritise loyalty to political figures over their duty to the people, and many bureaucrats seem more focused on maintaining the status quo than implementing much-needed reforms. The situation has become so dire that even simple requests for services often result in frustration, delays, and, at times, exploitation.
The reform of this bureaucratic system is crucial if Bangladesh is to break free from its cycle of inefficiency and corruption. However, the government has been slow to tackle these deep-rooted problems. The failure to reform the civil service is not just an administrative issue—it's a political one. Without addressing these systemic issues, the government will continue to be undermined by the very institutions it seeks to change. Reforming the bureaucracy is not a matter of tinkering with policies; it requires a fundamental shift in the culture and operations of the civil service.
Finally, the government must confront the spectre of past crimes and human rights abuses. The previous regime, led by the Awami League, is guilty of numerous atrocities, and many of its members have yet to be held accountable. The investigation process has been slow, and many ask whether those responsible will ever face justice. The interim government must ensure the judicial process remains independent and transparent, allowing for true accountability without political interference.
The time for empty promises and political gamesmanship is over. If the interim government is to succeed, it must act swiftly and decisively. The people of Bangladesh deserve a government that will put their needs first, not one that is bogged down by bureaucracy, political favouritism, and economic mismanagement. True reform will require more than just words—it will require action, accountability, and a clear vision for the future.
In the coming months, the government will face a crucial test: can it overcome the challenges that have plagued Bangladesh's political system for so long, or will it become just another failed experiment in transitional rule? The answer will determine not only the future of this government but the future of Bangladesh itself.
Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is a journalist at The Daily Star.
Visual: ANWAR SOHEl
Six months into the tenure of Bangladesh's interim government, led by Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus, the country finds itself at a crossroads. What started as a moment of hope—a chance to break free from the chains of authoritarian rule—has increasingly turned into a struggle for meaningful reform. While the government has made strides in establishing reform commissions and investigating past human rights abuses, the promises of democracy, stability, and prosperity remain unfulfilled. In this critical moment, it is time to ask: can the interim government truly deliver, or will it fall victim to the same pitfalls that have plagued Bangladesh's political system for decades?
The government came to power with lofty promises of change, yet six months later, much of that optimism has begun to fade. While some proposed reforms including limits on the prime minister's tenure and a bicameral parliament could pave the way for stronger democratic institutions, these reforms are yet to materialise. Besides, the public is growing frustrated because of the lack of a clear roadmap for the future.
The greatest test for the interim government remains the economy. With inflation continuing to rise and essential goods becoming increasingly unaffordable, many Bangladeshis are questioning whether the government truly has a handle on the economic crisis. Despite some signs of stabilisation in certain sectors, the majority of the population still feels the weight of economic hardship. The absence of real relief for the people, coupled with continued market manipulation by syndicates, has only deepened the distrust in the government's ability to address the crisis. Moreover, imposing VAT on some goods and services added salt to the wounds, further burdening ordinary citizens who are already struggling to make ends meet.
Political instability remains another pressing issue. The question of when the next general election will take place has become a political flashpoint. Dr Yunus's suggestion of holding elections between late 2025 and early 2026 may seem reasonable from a reform standpoint, but the opposition—led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party—demands a vote by mid-2025. With no clear consensus on the election timeline, political uncertainty continues to fester. Moreover, allegations of government favouritism towards certain political groups have only deepened divisions, raising concerns about the neutrality of the administration.
If the interim government is to survive, it must address these challenges head-on. The lack of a concrete election roadmap is a major source of instability, and it must be resolved as quickly as possible. Similarly, the government must take decisive action to stabilise the economy, curb inflation, and rein in market manipulation. These are not easy tasks, but they are necessary for the long-term health of the country.
Equally pressing is the issue of law and order. The reluctance of the police force to take action, fuelled by fear of retaliation for their role in suppressing the July-August protests, has left a dangerous security vacuum. Crime and mob violence are on the rise, and the public is losing confidence in the ability of law enforcement to protect them. The government must take immediate steps to restore law and order, ensuring that the police are held accountable while also protecting the rights of the people.
However, perhaps the most daunting challenge the interim government faces lies within its own bureaucracy. Bangladesh's bureaucratic system is notorious for inefficiency, corruption, and an ingrained culture of authoritarianism. These issues are not easily addressed, and the government's struggle to reform the civil service is becoming increasingly apparent. The red tape and lack of accountability in public sector have often hindered progress on numerous fronts.
Despite the government's call for reform, many citizens still find themselves entangled in a web of bureaucracy that stifles action and delays change. Long-standing issues such as corruption, inefficiency, and the disregard for citizens' rights persist within the civil service. Public servants often prioritise loyalty to political figures over their duty to the people, and many bureaucrats seem more focused on maintaining the status quo than implementing much-needed reforms. The situation has become so dire that even simple requests for services often result in frustration, delays, and, at times, exploitation.
The reform of this bureaucratic system is crucial if Bangladesh is to break free from its cycle of inefficiency and corruption. However, the government has been slow to tackle these deep-rooted problems. The failure to reform the civil service is not just an administrative issue—it's a political one. Without addressing these systemic issues, the government will continue to be undermined by the very institutions it seeks to change. Reforming the bureaucracy is not a matter of tinkering with policies; it requires a fundamental shift in the culture and operations of the civil service.
Finally, the government must confront the spectre of past crimes and human rights abuses. The previous regime, led by the Awami League, is guilty of numerous atrocities, and many of its members have yet to be held accountable. The investigation process has been slow, and many ask whether those responsible will ever face justice. The interim government must ensure the judicial process remains independent and transparent, allowing for true accountability without political interference.
The time for empty promises and political gamesmanship is over. If the interim government is to succeed, it must act swiftly and decisively. The people of Bangladesh deserve a government that will put their needs first, not one that is bogged down by bureaucracy, political favouritism, and economic mismanagement. True reform will require more than just words—it will require action, accountability, and a clear vision for the future.
In the coming months, the government will face a crucial test: can it overcome the challenges that have plagued Bangladesh's political system for so long, or will it become just another failed experiment in transitional rule? The answer will determine not only the future of this government but the future of Bangladesh itself.
Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is a journalist at The Daily Star.
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Interim govt cannot afford to fail on reforms: CA
Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus stated that without reforms to the state structure, all efforts by the interim government will be ineffective.
Interim govt cannot afford to fail on reforms: CA
Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus stated that without reforms to the state structure, all efforts by the interim government will be ineffective.
"We have no chance to fail (over reforms). We don't want to fail," he told the National Consensus Commission's first meeting with the Foreign Service Academy's political parties here this afternoon.
Prof Yunus said all countries -- small, medium and big ones -- have support the Bangladesh interim government.
"Once we talk to them (global leaders), they ask what you seek, we will give all...we do not want to leave this opportunity," he said.
Calling the reform proposals of the six reform commissions as valuable assets, the chief adviser said all should help the interim government implement the reform proposals.
Prof Yunus also said the recent UN Fact-Finding report has revealed the atrocities of the ousted government.
Referring to his recent visit to Aynaghar, the secret torture cells, he said the Commission on the Inquiry of Enforced Disappearance has presented the experiences of the victims of the enforced disappearance in its report.
He stressed the need to implement the reform proposals so that no one could raise questions about the next elected government.
Keeping that in mind, the chief adviser said decisions on reform proposals should be taken as soon as possible to start work on those.
A BNP delegation, led by its Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir participated in the meeting. Representatives from other political parties and the chiefs of the six reform commissions were present at the meeting, too.
On Thursday, the interim government formed the seven-member 'National Consensus Commission', led by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, to discuss with the political parties the recommendations of the six commissions aimed at reaching a consensus on a number of political, constitutional and electoral reform agendas.
The other members of the commission are Prof Ali Riaz, head of the Constitutional Reform Commission; Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury, head of Public Administration Reform Commission; Safar Raj Hossain, head of Police Reform Commission; Badiul Alam Majumder, head of Election Reform Commission; Justice Emdadul Haque, head of Judiciary Reform Commission; and Dr Iftekharuzzaman, head of Anti-Corruption Reform Commission.
Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus stated that without reforms to the state structure, all efforts by the interim government will be ineffective.
"We have no chance to fail (over reforms). We don't want to fail," he told the National Consensus Commission's first meeting with the Foreign Service Academy's political parties here this afternoon.
Prof Yunus said all countries -- small, medium and big ones -- have support the Bangladesh interim government.
"Once we talk to them (global leaders), they ask what you seek, we will give all...we do not want to leave this opportunity," he said.
Calling the reform proposals of the six reform commissions as valuable assets, the chief adviser said all should help the interim government implement the reform proposals.
Prof Yunus also said the recent UN Fact-Finding report has revealed the atrocities of the ousted government.
Referring to his recent visit to Aynaghar, the secret torture cells, he said the Commission on the Inquiry of Enforced Disappearance has presented the experiences of the victims of the enforced disappearance in its report.
He stressed the need to implement the reform proposals so that no one could raise questions about the next elected government.
Keeping that in mind, the chief adviser said decisions on reform proposals should be taken as soon as possible to start work on those.
A BNP delegation, led by its Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir participated in the meeting. Representatives from other political parties and the chiefs of the six reform commissions were present at the meeting, too.
On Thursday, the interim government formed the seven-member 'National Consensus Commission', led by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, to discuss with the political parties the recommendations of the six commissions aimed at reaching a consensus on a number of political, constitutional and electoral reform agendas.
The other members of the commission are Prof Ali Riaz, head of the Constitutional Reform Commission; Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury, head of Public Administration Reform Commission; Safar Raj Hossain, head of Police Reform Commission; Badiul Alam Majumder, head of Election Reform Commission; Justice Emdadul Haque, head of Judiciary Reform Commission; and Dr Iftekharuzzaman, head of Anti-Corruption Reform Commission.
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No establishments to be named after interim govt members: adviser
He said the interim government's main task is to transition to a well-governed democratic system, not to fulfil everyone's demands
No establishments to be named after interim govt members: adviser
Education and Planning Adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud has said that no establishment will be named after the members of interim government.
"Those in government will not even go anywhere to lay foundation stone," he told reporters after the working session of the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Planning on the first day of the District Commissioners' Conference at the Osmani Memorial Auditorium today.
He said the interim government's main task is to transition to a well-governed democratic system, not to fulfil everyone's demands.
The adviser added that an election is coming and the main job of the interim government is pave the path for a good election and work on how to make that election fair. "District commissioners can be our most powerful tool in achieving a fair election," he added.
He also advised commissioners to leave a lasting legacy in their cities, such as creating a pond, stadium, school, or park, so that people would remember them.
He noted that while many projects were once attributed to district commissioners, today everything is done in the name of politicians.
Education and Planning Adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud has said that no establishment will be named after the members of interim government.
"Those in government will not even go anywhere to lay foundation stone," he told reporters after the working session of the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Planning on the first day of the District Commissioners' Conference at the Osmani Memorial Auditorium today.
He said the interim government's main task is to transition to a well-governed democratic system, not to fulfil everyone's demands.
The adviser added that an election is coming and the main job of the interim government is pave the path for a good election and work on how to make that election fair. "District commissioners can be our most powerful tool in achieving a fair election," he added.
He also advised commissioners to leave a lasting legacy in their cities, such as creating a pond, stadium, school, or park, so that people would remember them.
He noted that while many projects were once attributed to district commissioners, today everything is done in the name of politicians.
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Challenges interim govt faces
Political instability evidently impacts business and growth. The economy that Bangladesh's interim government inherited from the past authoritarian regime was already a severely mauled and malfunctioning one. Even so, as the incumbent interim government is now in charge, it has to accept the blame,
Challenges interim govt faces
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Feb 24, 2025 00:19
Updated :
Feb 24, 2025 00:19
Political instability evidently impacts business and growth. The economy that Bangladesh's interim government inherited from the past authoritarian regime was already a severely mauled and malfunctioning one. Even so, as the incumbent interim government is now in charge, it has to accept the blame, vicariously though, for anything going wrong with the economy. Since economy is not an island functioning independently of politics, it cannot be expected to do well unless the traditional parties that were in favour of the change but not at the forefront of the uprising and the student-led political force that spearheaded the political upheaval are able to see eye to eye in the post-changeover dispensation. Undeniably, the violent political change of August 5, 2024 was not a run-of-the-mill event like election through which governments in democracies change hands.
The people took part in the bloody revolutionary political events with the hope that it would finally put an end to the old way of politics. They expect that there will be some radical changes in the political system so that they may not again be trapped in the kind of political nightmare they experienced during the last 15 plus years. Obviously, the post-uprising interim government has to meet the expectations of the people who want radical reforms to the prevailing political order. But for it to do so would require cooperation from all the political entities who want change. In this connection, some political analysts and traditional political parties are questioning if the interim government has the mandate in the first place to take up the task of, say, reforming the constitution, the election commission, anti-corruption commission, human rights commission and different departments of the administration.
Well, one cannot deny that the war of independence was a revolutionary event. So, the government that took power after the independence war was a revolutionary one, not an elected one. The members of that government comprised parliamentarians from a pre-independence legislature whose election was held in 1970 under a legal framework created by the order of the then-military dictator of Pakistan,Yahiya Khan. So, though post-Independence force of political change was not an elected one, it still had the legitimacy to form a government, frame constitution and do all other functions of a government and no one questioned it. Who gave that mandate to the post-liberation government? It is the people who fought the revolutionary independence war that gave it the legitimacy to rule and the mandate to bring about the expected changes in the administration and society.
So, it is not true that election is the only source of popular mandate to govern a country and effect necessary reforms. Question may also be raised about the duration of the revolutionary struggle as an argument for earning the right to or legitimacy of assuming political power. History provides ample evidence of short-lived revolutionary events putting a political force in power with massive popular support. Revolutionary change of August 5 of 2024, too, has given the incumbent interim government the popular mandate to carry out the reforms and other tasks based on which future elected governments will be able to present the people with a political order that is not old wine in a new bottle. That is why a consensus among all the existing political forces supporting the change and the new political force emerging from the July-August uprising is necessary to bring about the political change for which so many people laid down their lives. The sooner such political understanding is reached, the better would it be for the interim government to perform its task of creating the platform for the future elected government to carry further forward the undertakings of the sanguinary July-August revolt. To that end, the incumbent government should be enabled to lay the groundwork for building the longed-for changes. But at the same time, along with political order, the economy needs also to be rebuilt virtually from scratch as it suffered the mindless depredations of the forces that the authoritarian regime unleashed. So, of the many multifaceted challenges the interim government has been grappling with are a legacy of the past that include high inflation, hollowed out banks, precariously shrunken foreign exchange reserve, to mention but a few. How is then the economy faring in the new year under the interim government? Going by what the central bank stated following presentation of its monetary policy statement, there are still multiple hurdles to face in the second half of the current fiscal year (2024-25). The GDP growth will continue to plod along within 4.0 to 5.0 percent range.
It is yet to recover the output losses due to natural calamities immediately after political changeover, the social instability attributable to the post-uprising jolt society received. Then comes the issues of labour unrest, supply chain disruptions, shortage in gas supply slowing down industrial production and worsening unemployment situation. The government is also to continue the work of balancing fiscal and monetary reforms, restore confidence in the financial system to pave the way for sustained stability and growth. Meanwhile, export and remittance, the two main sources of the country's hard currency earning, seem to have been looking up. In the first half of FY25, export grew by 12.8 per cent, thanks to the impressive performance of the knitwear and womenswear. The inward remittance, too, grew by 24 per cent during the first half of FY25. No doubt, these developments indicate a sign of confidence both in the government and the economy.
However, there is still a long way to go for attaining a semblance of stability and growth. There is hardly any reason to be optimistic about the prospects of the economy for the second half of the FY25. Time is short for the interim government to get the economy back on track and carry out the reforms. So, it deserves the required cooperation and support from all stakeholders to complete the reforms it is tasked with.
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Feb 24, 2025 00:19
Updated :
Feb 24, 2025 00:19
Political instability evidently impacts business and growth. The economy that Bangladesh's interim government inherited from the past authoritarian regime was already a severely mauled and malfunctioning one. Even so, as the incumbent interim government is now in charge, it has to accept the blame, vicariously though, for anything going wrong with the economy. Since economy is not an island functioning independently of politics, it cannot be expected to do well unless the traditional parties that were in favour of the change but not at the forefront of the uprising and the student-led political force that spearheaded the political upheaval are able to see eye to eye in the post-changeover dispensation. Undeniably, the violent political change of August 5, 2024 was not a run-of-the-mill event like election through which governments in democracies change hands.
The people took part in the bloody revolutionary political events with the hope that it would finally put an end to the old way of politics. They expect that there will be some radical changes in the political system so that they may not again be trapped in the kind of political nightmare they experienced during the last 15 plus years. Obviously, the post-uprising interim government has to meet the expectations of the people who want radical reforms to the prevailing political order. But for it to do so would require cooperation from all the political entities who want change. In this connection, some political analysts and traditional political parties are questioning if the interim government has the mandate in the first place to take up the task of, say, reforming the constitution, the election commission, anti-corruption commission, human rights commission and different departments of the administration.
Well, one cannot deny that the war of independence was a revolutionary event. So, the government that took power after the independence war was a revolutionary one, not an elected one. The members of that government comprised parliamentarians from a pre-independence legislature whose election was held in 1970 under a legal framework created by the order of the then-military dictator of Pakistan,Yahiya Khan. So, though post-Independence force of political change was not an elected one, it still had the legitimacy to form a government, frame constitution and do all other functions of a government and no one questioned it. Who gave that mandate to the post-liberation government? It is the people who fought the revolutionary independence war that gave it the legitimacy to rule and the mandate to bring about the expected changes in the administration and society.
So, it is not true that election is the only source of popular mandate to govern a country and effect necessary reforms. Question may also be raised about the duration of the revolutionary struggle as an argument for earning the right to or legitimacy of assuming political power. History provides ample evidence of short-lived revolutionary events putting a political force in power with massive popular support. Revolutionary change of August 5 of 2024, too, has given the incumbent interim government the popular mandate to carry out the reforms and other tasks based on which future elected governments will be able to present the people with a political order that is not old wine in a new bottle. That is why a consensus among all the existing political forces supporting the change and the new political force emerging from the July-August uprising is necessary to bring about the political change for which so many people laid down their lives. The sooner such political understanding is reached, the better would it be for the interim government to perform its task of creating the platform for the future elected government to carry further forward the undertakings of the sanguinary July-August revolt. To that end, the incumbent government should be enabled to lay the groundwork for building the longed-for changes. But at the same time, along with political order, the economy needs also to be rebuilt virtually from scratch as it suffered the mindless depredations of the forces that the authoritarian regime unleashed. So, of the many multifaceted challenges the interim government has been grappling with are a legacy of the past that include high inflation, hollowed out banks, precariously shrunken foreign exchange reserve, to mention but a few. How is then the economy faring in the new year under the interim government? Going by what the central bank stated following presentation of its monetary policy statement, there are still multiple hurdles to face in the second half of the current fiscal year (2024-25). The GDP growth will continue to plod along within 4.0 to 5.0 percent range.
It is yet to recover the output losses due to natural calamities immediately after political changeover, the social instability attributable to the post-uprising jolt society received. Then comes the issues of labour unrest, supply chain disruptions, shortage in gas supply slowing down industrial production and worsening unemployment situation. The government is also to continue the work of balancing fiscal and monetary reforms, restore confidence in the financial system to pave the way for sustained stability and growth. Meanwhile, export and remittance, the two main sources of the country's hard currency earning, seem to have been looking up. In the first half of FY25, export grew by 12.8 per cent, thanks to the impressive performance of the knitwear and womenswear. The inward remittance, too, grew by 24 per cent during the first half of FY25. No doubt, these developments indicate a sign of confidence both in the government and the economy.
However, there is still a long way to go for attaining a semblance of stability and growth. There is hardly any reason to be optimistic about the prospects of the economy for the second half of the FY25. Time is short for the interim government to get the economy back on track and carry out the reforms. So, it deserves the required cooperation and support from all stakeholders to complete the reforms it is tasked with.
Saif
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When will the home adviser wake up?
Adviser Jahangir Alam appears to have gone out his way to remain elusive to the press
When will the home adviser wake up?
Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury. Photo: Collected
Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury called for a press briefing at 3:00am today. Unprecedented as it was, the alert sent shockwaves through the newsrooms.
But when the home adviser began the briefing at his DOHS Baridhara home, it turned out to be nothing more than routine.
He said the government was aware of the law-and-order situation. Cohorts of the Awami League regime are trying to destabilise the country, the adviser said. "But we will not let it happen. All forces will resist it."
"I instructed law enforcement agencies to beef up their patrolling so that no such incidents happen from tomorrow [today] onwards. If the law enforcement agencies do not execute my order, we will take action against the officers concerned.
"Law and order situation will not further deteriorate, rather it will improve," he said.
Was this really something that warranted a press briefing at three o'clock?
This press briefing came following calls for his resignation from a number of demonstrations yesterday. Women were on the streets under a banner that said '17 rapes in 24 hours'. Eden College students took to the streets, saying they did not feel safe on the roads.
The same evening, a mosque at Shankar in Dhaka announced in the evening that a gang wielding sharp weapons was roaming the streets. At least two video clips went viral. One showed muggers hacking and shooting a man and snatching a bag full of cash and gold. While mugging has become unremarkable around Dhaka's residential neighbourhoods, thefts and highway robberies are fast becoming commonplace. Fed up, Dhaka University campus erupted in protests. Students demanded that the home adviser resigns.
It was in this context that the home adviser called his briefing only to accuse Awami League cohorts of the crimes, which was reminiscent of how the previous regime would blame Jamaat-e-Islami for anything that went wrong in this country.
He said law and order had improved from before and would improve even further. And with that reassurance, the home boss went back to his house.
Adviser Jahangir Alam appears to have gone out his way to remain elusive to the press. He seldom takes questions, let alone sit for interviews, where he might be held accountable. He has hardly shown any initiative since he took office and even yesterday, it dawned on him to call for a press conference in the middle of the night only to say that there was nothing to fear.
That the home adviser is incapable of grasping the seriousness of the matter could not be more evident than what he had to say to the press earlier today.
Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury. Photo: Collected
Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury called for a press briefing at 3:00am today. Unprecedented as it was, the alert sent shockwaves through the newsrooms.
But when the home adviser began the briefing at his DOHS Baridhara home, it turned out to be nothing more than routine.
He said the government was aware of the law-and-order situation. Cohorts of the Awami League regime are trying to destabilise the country, the adviser said. "But we will not let it happen. All forces will resist it."
"I instructed law enforcement agencies to beef up their patrolling so that no such incidents happen from tomorrow [today] onwards. If the law enforcement agencies do not execute my order, we will take action against the officers concerned.
"Law and order situation will not further deteriorate, rather it will improve," he said.
Was this really something that warranted a press briefing at three o'clock?
This press briefing came following calls for his resignation from a number of demonstrations yesterday. Women were on the streets under a banner that said '17 rapes in 24 hours'. Eden College students took to the streets, saying they did not feel safe on the roads.
The same evening, a mosque at Shankar in Dhaka announced in the evening that a gang wielding sharp weapons was roaming the streets. At least two video clips went viral. One showed muggers hacking and shooting a man and snatching a bag full of cash and gold. While mugging has become unremarkable around Dhaka's residential neighbourhoods, thefts and highway robberies are fast becoming commonplace. Fed up, Dhaka University campus erupted in protests. Students demanded that the home adviser resigns.
It was in this context that the home adviser called his briefing only to accuse Awami League cohorts of the crimes, which was reminiscent of how the previous regime would blame Jamaat-e-Islami for anything that went wrong in this country.
He said law and order had improved from before and would improve even further. And with that reassurance, the home boss went back to his house.
Adviser Jahangir Alam appears to have gone out his way to remain elusive to the press. He seldom takes questions, let alone sit for interviews, where he might be held accountable. He has hardly shown any initiative since he took office and even yesterday, it dawned on him to call for a press conference in the middle of the night only to say that there was nothing to fear.
That the home adviser is incapable of grasping the seriousness of the matter could not be more evident than what he had to say to the press earlier today.
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Real action needed to curb crime in Bangladesh
The home affairs adviser must provide a clear plan to address public insecurity.
Real action needed to curb crime in Bangladesh
The home affairs adviser must provide a clear plan to address public insecurity
VISUAL: STAR
We are quite worried about the deteriorating law and order situation in Dhaka and across the country. The severity of the crisis was evident on Sunday night when multiple serious crimes were reported in different parts of the capital within just a few hours. In recent times, there has been a noticeable increase in criminal activities in the city, prompting public outrage both online and offline. The situation outside Dhaka is equally dire. All this has created an environment of fear where citizens no longer feel safe going out alone.
Sunday night's incidents justified this growing insecurity. For example, a 43-year-old jewellery shop owner was attacked right in front of his house by miscreants who shot him in both legs when he tried to stop them from snatching away his belongings. Elsewhere, muggers robbed two women on a rickshaw just after midnight, the video footage of which went viral.
Naturally, public outrage is mounting, and most of it is directed at the home adviser now. The measures he has taken to improve security seem to have largely failed. Even the much-publicised Operation Devil Hunt—resulting in 8,664 arrests in 16 days—has not made a noticeable difference. Against this backdrop, the home adviser called a sudden press conference at three in the morning on Monday, where he claimed that the law and order situation had "largely improved" since he assumed office, and would continue to do so. He also alleged that cohorts of the ousted Awami League were behind the present security crisis.
However, while his warning about Awami League is one shared by many, his optimistic assessment about law and order does not reflect reality. We are also baffled by his decision to hold a press conference in the middle of the night—an unprecedented move—just to offer routine assurances without providing any concrete plans for tackling crime. This came across as particularly tone-deaf given that, just hours earlier, hundreds of protesters at Dhaka University were demanding his resignation for his failure to ensure public safety. Even on Monday, protesters demanding the same staged a sit-in in front of Shikkha Bhaban after police blocked their march towards the home ministry.
Rather than addressing these concerns with transparency and accountability—which the interim government vowed to uphold when it first took over—the adviser instead put all eggs in the basket of faceless conspirators. This does little to inspire public confidence. Perhaps it is time for a performance evaluation of top government officials. If Awami League's cohorts are indeed behind rising crime, this is not just a law and order issue but a political one as well. The government should deal with it accordingly, along with its political stakeholders. But at the same time, it must take more effective steps to curb crime in Dhaka and elsewhere.
The home affairs adviser must provide a clear plan to address public insecurity
VISUAL: STAR
We are quite worried about the deteriorating law and order situation in Dhaka and across the country. The severity of the crisis was evident on Sunday night when multiple serious crimes were reported in different parts of the capital within just a few hours. In recent times, there has been a noticeable increase in criminal activities in the city, prompting public outrage both online and offline. The situation outside Dhaka is equally dire. All this has created an environment of fear where citizens no longer feel safe going out alone.
Sunday night's incidents justified this growing insecurity. For example, a 43-year-old jewellery shop owner was attacked right in front of his house by miscreants who shot him in both legs when he tried to stop them from snatching away his belongings. Elsewhere, muggers robbed two women on a rickshaw just after midnight, the video footage of which went viral.
Naturally, public outrage is mounting, and most of it is directed at the home adviser now. The measures he has taken to improve security seem to have largely failed. Even the much-publicised Operation Devil Hunt—resulting in 8,664 arrests in 16 days—has not made a noticeable difference. Against this backdrop, the home adviser called a sudden press conference at three in the morning on Monday, where he claimed that the law and order situation had "largely improved" since he assumed office, and would continue to do so. He also alleged that cohorts of the ousted Awami League were behind the present security crisis.
However, while his warning about Awami League is one shared by many, his optimistic assessment about law and order does not reflect reality. We are also baffled by his decision to hold a press conference in the middle of the night—an unprecedented move—just to offer routine assurances without providing any concrete plans for tackling crime. This came across as particularly tone-deaf given that, just hours earlier, hundreds of protesters at Dhaka University were demanding his resignation for his failure to ensure public safety. Even on Monday, protesters demanding the same staged a sit-in in front of Shikkha Bhaban after police blocked their march towards the home ministry.
Rather than addressing these concerns with transparency and accountability—which the interim government vowed to uphold when it first took over—the adviser instead put all eggs in the basket of faceless conspirators. This does little to inspire public confidence. Perhaps it is time for a performance evaluation of top government officials. If Awami League's cohorts are indeed behind rising crime, this is not just a law and order issue but a political one as well. The government should deal with it accordingly, along with its political stakeholders. But at the same time, it must take more effective steps to curb crime in Dhaka and elsewhere.
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- Latest: Krishna with Flute
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