[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions

[Saif]

The mystery of who takes the decisions in the government, how and why

The interim government is the outcome of the mass uprising. The expectations from this government are massive. A large section of the people were ready to lend their cooperation to the government. However, from the way things look, it seems that the government is not paying attention to the...

en.prothomalo.com

The mystery of who takes the decisions in the government, how and why

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's house at Dhanmondi 32 has been razed to the ground with a bulldozer Prothom Alo

The interim government is the outcome of the mass uprising. The expectations from this government are massive. A large section of the people were ready to lend their cooperation to the government. However, from the way things look, it seems that the government is not paying attention to the tasks that should have been their priority.

Our concern lies in the fact that in certain instances it seems that the government does not exist in the country. The government that has emerged from the mass uprising has authority as well as responsibilities. But the government's activities display a discrepancy between its authority and its responsibilities. This was also evident in the destruction of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's house on Dhanmondi Road 32 and similar incidents all over the country.

We saw the destruction began with an announcement. Similar demolition took place in different places throughout the country. Initially the government said nothing. The manner in which bulldozers and other tools were used for the demolition, it was evident that government organisations were involved. The army has been given magistracy power, but they remained silent.

Many of those who called for the structures to be destroyed, are involved with various organisations of the government. After the damage was done, the chief advisor issued a statement calling for the destruction to stop. Three matters come to light in this entire incident. There was inattention on one hand, inaction and mystery. The mystery was , who is actually taking decisions in the government, how and why?

The justification being offered on Facebook by supporters of the government, the manner in which the advisors are speaking, sometimes create conflict. The consequence of this is that these actions which are being taken to, as announced, wipe out Awami League's existence from the country, are actually facilitating Awami League's rehabilitation or return.

The government must not tolerate any sort of discrimination, be it gender discrimination, racial discrimination, religious discrimination or any other form of discrimination, and take an active stance against any action that fosters such discrimination.

The incidents that are taking place are creating questions on an international level concerning the credibility of the present government. We are also concerned. In which direction is Bangladesh being led? There are assaults and attacks on baul songs, mazars (shrines) and sculptures. Who are the ones launching these attacks? What is the government doing to stop them?

The mass uprising took place with the aspiration for a Bangladesh free of discrimination, but is this being reflected in the interim government's performance? Quite contrary to the aspirations of the mass uprising, there are visible trends pointing to politics of discrimination and suppression, use of force and fear, creating alarm and attacks against creativity.

Had the Sheikh Hasina government, which was toppled in the mass uprising, been elected and democratic, then India would not have been able to enforce its dominance over Bangladesh in this manner. This was only possible due to the autocratic rule. This autocracy was a huge blessing for India. Giving shelter to Sheikh Hasina in New Delhi and carrying out all sorts of anti-Bangladesh propaganda is an outward expression of their fear that the dominance India had established over Bangladesh, will come crashing down. The more the anarchy and violence is unleashed in Bangladesh, the more effective will these be as tools for the BJP government.

From the statements and actions of Sheikh Hasina and the beneficiaries of her rule, it is evident that they do not have an iota of regret or remorse. If they take up a conspiracy, then the people of Bangladesh must thwart that. It is the interim government that has the main responsibility in this regard. But if the government's inattention leads to an increase in politics of violence and discrimination, if the people's security is at stake, then it will not be possible to tackle their conspiracies.

The government is not taking any palpable action regarding matters that required priority attention such as controlling the price of essentials. Had the government taken initiative and yet failed, even then people would have some understanding of the situation. The law and order situation, attacks, destruction, nothing is being controlled. This has led to a prevailing sense of insecurity. And as a result, there has been a significant wane in public support for the interim government.

An important point here is that it is being said that the angered public are carrying out these attacks. But the angered public has not done anything on its own. Certain persons and groups are deliberately provoking the public. Local and foreign elements could well be behind this politics and instigating this violence. It is the responsibility of the government to pinpoint this, resist this and clarify things to the people. The government's inaction in this area is a cause of concern.

Operation Devil Hunt naturally brings to mind past roles of the joint forces. The record of such operations by the joint forces under various governments is not very good.

During Awami League times, there was a formula to use the courts, the police and the joint forces and we are seeing a repetition of this now. Even the language being used is the same. The contradictory statements being made by the government remind us of the past government. They should have broken away from the mould. But this government seems to be reinforcing the mould.

The people may have certain specific demands from the government. Firstly, the government must make clear what they want to do. A consensus among those in the government must be made clear. Secondly, the various political quarters, the political parties are none too pleased with the interim government. The government should take this matter seriously. No political party is supporting the recent spate of violence. The chief advisor of the interim government is not supporting it either. That means these things are happening in face of the inefficiency or inattentiveness of those in power. The shortcomings must be identified and action taken accordingly.

Thirdly, the government must not tolerate any sort of discrimination, be it gender discrimination, racial discrimination, religious discrimination or any other form of discrimination, and take an active stance against any action that fosters such discrimination. There are indications of things that happened in the past like extrajudicial action, harassment, DB picking up persons and concocting stories.

If the government takes the decision that we will not follow the old ways, then half the problem is solved. The persons and institutions concerned must keep in mind the circumstances under which the government took over power and what responsibility has been bestowed on them.

The government must carry out the responsibility of coming up with reports for reforms. Given the emerging situation, it seems that the government's main task should be to go towards holding a credible election as soon as possible. The sooner they have hold a credible election, the sooner we will be saved from the prevailing state of uncertainty.

* Anu Muhammad is a teacher and editor of the quarterly journal Sarbajankatha

* This column appeared in the print an online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir​

 

[Bilal9]

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators

www.thedailystar.net

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

View attachment 14106

The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators.

Referring to the attacks on various institutions and establishments across the country, Chief Adviser's Press Wing, in a statement, said, the government will firmly resist such acts.

The interim government is prepared to ensure the safety and security of all citizens and their properties, it added.

"If any attempt is made to destabilise the country through provocative actions, law enforcement agencies will take immediate and strict measures against the responsible individuals and groups and bring them to justice,' reads the statement.​

The longer they wait to nab the AL activists and the longer they wait to roll out reforms, the more the lawlessness will be easy to exploit by AL.

 

[Saif]

The longer they wait to nab the AL activists and the longer they wait to roll out reforms, the more the lawlessness will be easy to exploit by AL.

Your observation is correct

 

[Saif]

The honeymoon period of the interim government is over

What started as a moment of hope—a chance to break free from the chains of authoritarian rule—has increasingly turned into a struggle for meaningful reform.

www.thedailystar.net

The honeymoon period of the interim government is over

Visual: ANWAR SOHEl

Six months into the tenure of Bangladesh's interim government, led by Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus, the country finds itself at a crossroads. What started as a moment of hope—a chance to break free from the chains of authoritarian rule—has increasingly turned into a struggle for meaningful reform. While the government has made strides in establishing reform commissions and investigating past human rights abuses, the promises of democracy, stability, and prosperity remain unfulfilled. In this critical moment, it is time to ask: can the interim government truly deliver, or will it fall victim to the same pitfalls that have plagued Bangladesh's political system for decades?

The government came to power with lofty promises of change, yet six months later, much of that optimism has begun to fade. While some proposed reforms including limits on the prime minister's tenure and a bicameral parliament could pave the way for stronger democratic institutions, these reforms are yet to materialise. Besides, the public is growing frustrated because of the lack of a clear roadmap for the future.

The greatest test for the interim government remains the economy. With inflation continuing to rise and essential goods becoming increasingly unaffordable, many Bangladeshis are questioning whether the government truly has a handle on the economic crisis. Despite some signs of stabilisation in certain sectors, the majority of the population still feels the weight of economic hardship. The absence of real relief for the people, coupled with continued market manipulation by syndicates, has only deepened the distrust in the government's ability to address the crisis. Moreover, imposing VAT on some goods and services added salt to the wounds, further burdening ordinary citizens who are already struggling to make ends meet.

Political instability remains another pressing issue. The question of when the next general election will take place has become a political flashpoint. Dr Yunus's suggestion of holding elections between late 2025 and early 2026 may seem reasonable from a reform standpoint, but the opposition—led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party—demands a vote by mid-2025. With no clear consensus on the election timeline, political uncertainty continues to fester. Moreover, allegations of government favouritism towards certain political groups have only deepened divisions, raising concerns about the neutrality of the administration.

If the interim government is to survive, it must address these challenges head-on. The lack of a concrete election roadmap is a major source of instability, and it must be resolved as quickly as possible. Similarly, the government must take decisive action to stabilise the economy, curb inflation, and rein in market manipulation. These are not easy tasks, but they are necessary for the long-term health of the country.

Equally pressing is the issue of law and order. The reluctance of the police force to take action, fuelled by fear of retaliation for their role in suppressing the July-August protests, has left a dangerous security vacuum. Crime and mob violence are on the rise, and the public is losing confidence in the ability of law enforcement to protect them. The government must take immediate steps to restore law and order, ensuring that the police are held accountable while also protecting the rights of the people.

However, perhaps the most daunting challenge the interim government faces lies within its own bureaucracy. Bangladesh's bureaucratic system is notorious for inefficiency, corruption, and an ingrained culture of authoritarianism. These issues are not easily addressed, and the government's struggle to reform the civil service is becoming increasingly apparent. The red tape and lack of accountability in public sector have often hindered progress on numerous fronts.

Despite the government's call for reform, many citizens still find themselves entangled in a web of bureaucracy that stifles action and delays change. Long-standing issues such as corruption, inefficiency, and the disregard for citizens' rights persist within the civil service. Public servants often prioritise loyalty to political figures over their duty to the people, and many bureaucrats seem more focused on maintaining the status quo than implementing much-needed reforms. The situation has become so dire that even simple requests for services often result in frustration, delays, and, at times, exploitation.

The reform of this bureaucratic system is crucial if Bangladesh is to break free from its cycle of inefficiency and corruption. However, the government has been slow to tackle these deep-rooted problems. The failure to reform the civil service is not just an administrative issue—it's a political one. Without addressing these systemic issues, the government will continue to be undermined by the very institutions it seeks to change. Reforming the bureaucracy is not a matter of tinkering with policies; it requires a fundamental shift in the culture and operations of the civil service.

Finally, the government must confront the spectre of past crimes and human rights abuses. The previous regime, led by the Awami League, is guilty of numerous atrocities, and many of its members have yet to be held accountable. The investigation process has been slow, and many ask whether those responsible will ever face justice. The interim government must ensure the judicial process remains independent and transparent, allowing for true accountability without political interference.

The time for empty promises and political gamesmanship is over. If the interim government is to succeed, it must act swiftly and decisively. The people of Bangladesh deserve a government that will put their needs first, not one that is bogged down by bureaucracy, political favouritism, and economic mismanagement. True reform will require more than just words—it will require action, accountability, and a clear vision for the future.

In the coming months, the government will face a crucial test: can it overcome the challenges that have plagued Bangladesh's political system for so long, or will it become just another failed experiment in transitional rule? The answer will determine not only the future of this government but the future of Bangladesh itself.

Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is a journalist at The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Interim govt cannot afford to fail on reforms: CA

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus stated that without reforms to the state structure, all efforts by the interim government will be ineffective.

www.thedailystar.net

Interim govt cannot afford to fail on reforms: CA

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus stated that without reforms to the state structure, all efforts by the interim government will be ineffective.

"We have no chance to fail (over reforms). We don't want to fail," he told the National Consensus Commission's first meeting with the Foreign Service Academy's political parties here this afternoon.

Prof Yunus said all countries -- small, medium and big ones -- have support the Bangladesh interim government.

"Once we talk to them (global leaders), they ask what you seek, we will give all...we do not want to leave this opportunity," he said.

Calling the reform proposals of the six reform commissions as valuable assets, the chief adviser said all should help the interim government implement the reform proposals.

Prof Yunus also said the recent UN Fact-Finding report has revealed the atrocities of the ousted government.

Referring to his recent visit to Aynaghar, the secret torture cells, he said the Commission on the Inquiry of Enforced Disappearance has presented the experiences of the victims of the enforced disappearance in its report.

He stressed the need to implement the reform proposals so that no one could raise questions about the next elected government.

Keeping that in mind, the chief adviser said decisions on reform proposals should be taken as soon as possible to start work on those.

A BNP delegation, led by its Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir participated in the meeting. Representatives from other political parties and the chiefs of the six reform commissions were present at the meeting, too.

On Thursday, the interim government formed the seven-member 'National Consensus Commission', led by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, to discuss with the political parties the recommendations of the six commissions aimed at reaching a consensus on a number of political, constitutional and electoral reform agendas.

The other members of the commission are Prof Ali Riaz, head of the Constitutional Reform Commission; Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury, head of Public Administration Reform Commission; Safar Raj Hossain, head of Police Reform Commission; Badiul Alam Majumder, head of Election Reform Commission; Justice Emdadul Haque, head of Judiciary Reform Commission; and Dr Iftekharuzzaman, head of Anti-Corruption Reform Commission.​

 

[Saif]

সরকারের প্রথম অধ্যায় শেষ, দ্বিতীয় পর্ব শুরু: ড. ইউনূস

 

[Saif]

No establishments to be named after interim govt members: adviser

He said the interim government's main task is to transition to a well-governed democratic system, not to fulfil everyone's demands

www.thedailystar.net

No establishments to be named after interim govt members: adviser

Education and Planning Adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud has said that no establishment will be named after the members of interim government.

"Those in government will not even go anywhere to lay foundation stone," he told reporters after the working session of the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Planning on the first day of the District Commissioners' Conference at the Osmani Memorial Auditorium today.

He said the interim government's main task is to transition to a well-governed democratic system, not to fulfil everyone's demands.

The adviser added that an election is coming and the main job of the interim government is pave the path for a good election and work on how to make that election fair. "District commissioners can be our most powerful tool in achieving a fair election," he added.

He also advised commissioners to leave a lasting legacy in their cities, such as creating a pond, stadium, school, or park, so that people would remember them.

He noted that while many projects were once attributed to district commissioners, today everything is done in the name of politicians.​

 

[Saif]

Challenges interim govt faces

Political instability evidently impacts business and growth. The economy that Bangladesh's interim government inherited from the past authoritarian regime was already a severely mauled and malfunctioning one. Even so, as the incumbent interim government is now in charge, it has to accept the blame,

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Challenges interim govt faces
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Feb 24, 2025 00:19
Updated :
Feb 24, 2025 00:19

Political instability evidently impacts business and growth. The economy that Bangladesh's interim government inherited from the past authoritarian regime was already a severely mauled and malfunctioning one. Even so, as the incumbent interim government is now in charge, it has to accept the blame, vicariously though, for anything going wrong with the economy. Since economy is not an island functioning independently of politics, it cannot be expected to do well unless the traditional parties that were in favour of the change but not at the forefront of the uprising and the student-led political force that spearheaded the political upheaval are able to see eye to eye in the post-changeover dispensation. Undeniably, the violent political change of August 5, 2024 was not a run-of-the-mill event like election through which governments in democracies change hands.

The people took part in the bloody revolutionary political events with the hope that it would finally put an end to the old way of politics. They expect that there will be some radical changes in the political system so that they may not again be trapped in the kind of political nightmare they experienced during the last 15 plus years. Obviously, the post-uprising interim government has to meet the expectations of the people who want radical reforms to the prevailing political order. But for it to do so would require cooperation from all the political entities who want change. In this connection, some political analysts and traditional political parties are questioning if the interim government has the mandate in the first place to take up the task of, say, reforming the constitution, the election commission, anti-corruption commission, human rights commission and different departments of the administration.

Well, one cannot deny that the war of independence was a revolutionary event. So, the government that took power after the independence war was a revolutionary one, not an elected one. The members of that government comprised parliamentarians from a pre-independence legislature whose election was held in 1970 under a legal framework created by the order of the then-military dictator of Pakistan,Yahiya Khan. So, though post-Independence force of political change was not an elected one, it still had the legitimacy to form a government, frame constitution and do all other functions of a government and no one questioned it. Who gave that mandate to the post-liberation government? It is the people who fought the revolutionary independence war that gave it the legitimacy to rule and the mandate to bring about the expected changes in the administration and society.

So, it is not true that election is the only source of popular mandate to govern a country and effect necessary reforms. Question may also be raised about the duration of the revolutionary struggle as an argument for earning the right to or legitimacy of assuming political power. History provides ample evidence of short-lived revolutionary events putting a political force in power with massive popular support. Revolutionary change of August 5 of 2024, too, has given the incumbent interim government the popular mandate to carry out the reforms and other tasks based on which future elected governments will be able to present the people with a political order that is not old wine in a new bottle. That is why a consensus among all the existing political forces supporting the change and the new political force emerging from the July-August uprising is necessary to bring about the political change for which so many people laid down their lives. The sooner such political understanding is reached, the better would it be for the interim government to perform its task of creating the platform for the future elected government to carry further forward the undertakings of the sanguinary July-August revolt. To that end, the incumbent government should be enabled to lay the groundwork for building the longed-for changes. But at the same time, along with political order, the economy needs also to be rebuilt virtually from scratch as it suffered the mindless depredations of the forces that the authoritarian regime unleashed. So, of the many multifaceted challenges the interim government has been grappling with are a legacy of the past that include high inflation, hollowed out banks, precariously shrunken foreign exchange reserve, to mention but a few. How is then the economy faring in the new year under the interim government? Going by what the central bank stated following presentation of its monetary policy statement, there are still multiple hurdles to face in the second half of the current fiscal year (2024-25). The GDP growth will continue to plod along within 4.0 to 5.0 percent range.

It is yet to recover the output losses due to natural calamities immediately after political changeover, the social instability attributable to the post-uprising jolt society received. Then comes the issues of labour unrest, supply chain disruptions, shortage in gas supply slowing down industrial production and worsening unemployment situation. The government is also to continue the work of balancing fiscal and monetary reforms, restore confidence in the financial system to pave the way for sustained stability and growth. Meanwhile, export and remittance, the two main sources of the country's hard currency earning, seem to have been looking up. In the first half of FY25, export grew by 12.8 per cent, thanks to the impressive performance of the knitwear and womenswear. The inward remittance, too, grew by 24 per cent during the first half of FY25. No doubt, these developments indicate a sign of confidence both in the government and the economy.

However, there is still a long way to go for attaining a semblance of stability and growth. There is hardly any reason to be optimistic about the prospects of the economy for the second half of the FY25. Time is short for the interim government to get the economy back on track and carry out the reforms. So, it deserves the required cooperation and support from all stakeholders to complete the reforms it is tasked with.​