[🇧🇩] Everything about the interim government and its actions

[Saif]

Interim govt will restore people’s voting rights: Moyeen hopes

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Standing Committee Member Dr Abdul Moyeen Khan on Wednesday said they believe that the Interim Government will bring back the voting rights of the people. “The current interim government is the government of the people. We believe that the important respons

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Interim govt will restore people’s voting rights: Moyeen hopes
BSS
Published :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39
Updated :
Jan 22, 2025 18:39

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Standing Committee Member Dr Abdul Moyeen Khan on Wednesday said they believe that the Interim Government will bring back the voting rights of the people.

“The current interim government is the government of the people. We believe that the important responsibility entrusted with them for restoring the voting rights of the people will be materialized,” he hoped.

Moyeen Khan said this after paying floral wreath at the grave of BNP founder Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar here with leaders and activists of the UK BNP chapter this afternoon.

UK BNP Vice President Abed Raja was present among others.

Moyeen Khan said BNP will reestablish the democracy for which Bangladesh became independent in 1971.

Calling upon the government to hold national elections as soon as possible, the senior BNP leader said, “I hope, the government will quickly complete the reforms in important sectors and return state power to the representatives of the people.”

“That’s why BNP is cooperating with the government in every possible way so that it can properly fulfill its important responsibility for restoring the rights of the people,” he said.

Stating that the Awami League leaders was forced to flee due to the student-people movement, Moyeen Khan said, their fleeing is not new, like 2024 they fled in 1971, leaving the people at gunpoint of Pakistani occupying forces.

The senior BNP leaders said that the Awami League government cheated with the people of Bangladesh for the past 15 years, although they claimed to be a pro-independence force.

“In fact, Awami League is a force against the country’s independence,” he said.

Moyeen Khan said AL killed democracy after independence and formed one-party rule in 1975.

“Awami League established an unwritten BAKSAL in the country in the last 15 years,” he said.​

 

[Saif]

A reminder of the nearly unwinnable hand Yunus was dealt

A sentiment has taken root in Bangladesh: Yunus is an honest man with good intentions.

www.thedailystar.net

A reminder of the nearly unwinnable hand Yunus was dealt

The people of Bangladesh have little choice but to place their faith in a man who, throughout his storied career, has rarely disappointed his nation. Photo: CA Press Wing
History shows that the aftermath of popular revolts—particularly those that overthrow authoritarian regimes—is marked by chaos and uncertainty. What Bangladesh is currently facing—economic instability on pocketbook issues, such as exorbitant prices of essentials, a feeble investment climate, and a war of words among political stakeholders with competing vested interests—is a predictable symptom of a messy but necessary political transition.

In reality, that transition is underway—not through an overhaul of how politics functions in Bangladesh but within the pre-existing paradigm of a flawed system, through gradual, incremental steps towards democracy. Finding the sweet spot that constitutes a liberal, multi-party ecosystem will take decades, not months. It depends on both a good-faith commitment and the implementation of that commitment by political actors through self-reflection, public policies, and rhetoric that differ extensively from what Bangladesh has experienced in the past.

Yunus leads a team that, for all its flaws, has shown a willingness to listen to criticism rather than suppress dissent. However, testing the public's patience is the government's failure to adequately respond to those criticisms by matching words with actions. The public's patience is considerable, but it is not infinite and will inevitably reach its limits. Yunus' announcement that elections will take place sometime between the end of 2025 and mid-2026 has helped calm nerves slightly, offering a skeletal electoral roadmap.

Many segments of society, silenced for 15 years, are voicing their frustrations on a range of issues without the fear of reprisal. This sudden release of anger, while cathartic for some, has added to the government's woes. A vested quarter, still convinced that Hasina's political chapter is far from over, are intent on breeding chaos and disrupting the brittle equilibrium defining the social contract between an anxious population and an inexperienced government.

A government, neither elected nor politically sharp yet burdened with the task of navigating a minefield of expectations, frustrations, and entrenched divisions, is far from ideal. However, the current situation simply reflects the raw, anarchic truth of a nation still trying to figure out its next steps.

A sentiment has taken root in Bangladesh: Yunus is an honest man with good intentions, a philosopher who has wooed international leaders every time he has travelled abroad since taking the reins of government. At the recent World Economic Forum conference, he was in fine form. In Bangladesh, though, he seems out of his comfort zone, struggling to steer the ship of state—a ship he did not want to captain.

There are many steps that, as chief adviser, Yunus could and should have taken but has not. Critics have examined these shortcomings in depth. But it is the nation's duty to continuously remind itself of the context in which Yunus finds himself in the position he occupies today and why he deserves a fairer assessment.

To begin with, consider how Yunus assumed office. He was preparing either to remain abroad or return to Bangladesh to face imprisonment under a regime that sought retribution. That regime, led by a prime minister with a personal vendetta against Yunus, resented the universal respect he commanded. His stature was an insult to the fragile ego of an autocrat.

In the aftermath of August 5, a group of young student conveners, most in their 20s, approached Yunus with an emotional appeal. They summoned him back to Dhaka from Paris, delivering an unambiguous message: you have to return to take the role of head of government in Bangladesh. And they were right.

Frankly, there was no other option than Yunus. At that moment, and even today, no one else other than him had—or has—the moral legitimacy to unify a fractured Bangladesh. Yunus brought an aura of hope, a balm for a country reeling from weeks of state-sponsored carnage. Mob violence still occurred, but viewed contextually, things could have been much worse. Nonetheless, being a symbol of national unity is one thing. Governing is another matter entirely.

His advisory council has attracted valid criticism due to the underperformance of certain individuals. According to Yunus's own admissions in a candid conversation with New Age editor Nurul Kabir, he was presented with a shortlist of names—likely suggested by the student conveners—and chose individuals he knew personally. Unlike previous chief advisers of caretaker governments, who had the luxury of time to prepare and the clarity of purpose, Yunus inherited a state apparatus with neither.

The caretaker governments of 1991, 1996, and 2001 operated under three-month mandates to organise elections. They benefitted from defined goals, established timelines, and institutional preparation. In contrast, Yunus was tasked with a much broader and less defined mission: to reform a system riddled with corruption, dismantle entrenched authoritarian structures, unite political parties, hold elections, and manage the day-to-day affairs of the state. There was no roadmap, no consensus on priorities, and no clarity on the duration of his administration.

Most members of his advisory council have no experience in government, including Yunus himself, as he often reminds the public. He could not appoint figures closely tied to the Awami League or BNP, nor could he include anyone seen as ideologically extreme to the left or the right. This resulted in a team that lacks administrative skills and ideological cohesion. While these shortcomings are real, they reflect the impossible deck of cards Yunus was dealt.

The politics Yunus must navigate are no less fraught. The BNP demands elections as soon as possible with minimal reforms, pushing the idea that an elected government is urgently needed. Meanwhile, frontline student leaders have begun to display signs of inexperience, veering into unnecessary ideological debates, such as calls to amend Bangladesh's state ideology, rather than focusing on designing a coherent policy vision for the future. Activism, for all its courage and energy, has not translated into the kind of maturity needed post the uprising.

Then there are the religion-based factions, including Jamaat-e-Islami, which seek to steer Bangladesh in a direction likely at odds with a sizeable segment of the country. Considering all this and more, Yunus has become an umbrella shielding a nation from local and international conspiracies, striving to cocoon citizens from conflict with one another to the best of his ability, battered by competing political, ideological, and generational storms.

Compounding these challenges is the bureaucracy. The civil service, entrenched in inefficiency and outdated practices, has become a barrier to both reform and daily administration. Yunus has faced a public service designed to resist change, still bearing the influence of the previous regime. From law enforcement's failure to carry out its responsibilities to the continued dominance of syndicates, the bureaucracy has proven to be an almost insurmountable obstacle.

The greatest challenge lies ahead. The recommendations from various reform commissions must now be either agreed upon, ditched, or left for the elected government to pursue, requiring negotiation among political stakeholders. Yunus has taken on the responsibility of building consensus—an extremely difficult task. He has positioned his government as a facilitator without its own agenda, suggesting that those expected to lead Bangladesh after the elections should take the wheel in determining what is best for the country.

On paper, this approach seems inclusive—some might even call it democratic. The real question, however, is whether an 84-year-old man, who has lived a remarkable life, achieved nearly everything one can aspire to, and brought international recognition to Bangladesh, can rise to meet the moment and what is arguably the biggest test of his life. The people of Bangladesh have little choice but to place their faith in a man who, throughout his storied career, has rarely disappointed his nation. Criticise his government we will, but place our trust in him we must. Good luck, Dr Muhammad Yunus.

Mir Aftabuddin Ahmed is a public policy columnist.​

 

[Saif]

Anti-discrimination student movement blames govt for student violence

Recently, there has been an increase in inter-institutional conflict over minor incidents. Ordinary students and ordinary people are the victims of these sudden conflicts. In this case, the anti-discrimination student movement thinks that there is a lack of management of the interim government and

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Anti-discrimination student movement blames govt for student violence
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Jan 27, 2025 23:12
Updated :
Jan 27, 2025 23:12

Recently, there has been an increase in inter-institutional conflict over minor incidents. Ordinary students and ordinary people are the victims of these sudden conflicts. In this case, the anti-discrimination student movement thinks that there is a lack of management of the interim government and law enforcement agencies.

The concern was expressed in a message sent by Zahid Ahsan, Cell Secretary (Office Sale) of, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement on Monday night, according to local media reports.

On Sunday, Dhaka College and Dhaka University students clashed several times. So far, more than 50 students of both institutions as well as some pedestrians have been injured in the incident.

The message also said that the police brutally attacked the students including Muhammad Rakib, the central executive member of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, and seriously injured them.

The anti-discrimination student movement strongly condemns and protests the indiscriminate attack on the students by the police. In the current situation, the government will have to be more active and initiative to maintain an overall fair environment in the educational institutions.​

 

[Saif]

Whom do the bureaucrats serve?

The existing bureaucratic culture in Bangladesh is holding the government back.

www.thedailystar.net

Whom do the bureaucrats serve?
Existing bureaucratic culture is holding the government back

VISUAL: STAR

When the Awami League government fell on August 5, 2024, following weeks of mass movement, there was a widespread sense of hope that better days lay ahead. The interim government took office on August 8, promising an efficient, pro-people governance system in line with the spirit of the July uprising. Unfortunately, over five and a half months on, it is struggling to even get on the track of that promise, thanks largely to a non-cooperative, past-bound bureaucracy.

According to a recent report by Samakal, several advisers of the interim government have expressed frustration at being unable to carry out their duties properly due to a lack of support from the bureaucrats. Adviser Nahid Islam even spoke about this publicly. As a result, the government has failed to complete 70 percent of the tasks it had set for itself, which is staggering. These unfinished tasks include crucial issues such as the posting of deputy commissioners, withdrawal of politically motivated cases, distribution of free school textbooks, procurement of necessary equipment at various government offices, etc—all matters that needed prompt response.

Apparently, bureaucrats are still being sluggish, resistant, and mostly "strategic" in their work knowing the transient nature of this non-political administration; they are cautious to avoid potential trouble when a political party comes to power through election. Strong resistance is also coming from those who benefited from various perks under the Awami League regime; there are allegations that these officials are intentionally creating bottlenecks for the current administration.

As frustrating as this situation is, it is not entirely unexpected. Bureaucracy in Bangladesh has historically been politicised, used by the ruling party of the day to varying extents. This abuse peaked under the Awami League's rule, which politicised almost every level of government and provided perks and benefits to officials in exchange for loyalty. In return, these officials helped it maintain its authoritarian grip, stifling democratic practices and good governance. This led to a bureaucratic system so entrenched in corruption that any indication of change or reform triggers adverse, almost visceral reactions from bureaucrats fearing they might lose their positions of power and comfort.

Today, some of the old players may have changed, but the old system remains firmly in place. A properly functioning government requires a supportive and efficient bureaucracy. To achieve this, our outdated bureaucratic system must be dismantled to make way for a healthy, accountable system. Bureaucrats must realise that their job is not to pander to the rulers, but the people—the taxpayers. They must check their self-serving attitudes and heed the public demand: to uphold the integrity of their duties.​

 

[Saif]

CA's concern about lawlessness

This is for the first time that Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has not only asserted his firm stand on the law and order situation but also issued a definite instruction to deal with its slide with an iron hand. Earlier the Nobel Laureate for peace simply exhorted all for maintenance of social p

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

CA's concern about lawlessness
FE
Published :
Feb 05, 2025 22:22
Updated :
Feb 05, 2025 22:22

This is for the first time that Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus has not only asserted his firm stand on the law and order situation but also issued a definite instruction to deal with its slide with an iron hand. Earlier the Nobel Laureate for peace simply exhorted all for maintenance of social peace and stability in the interest of the nation. But there are elements---political or anti-social--- bad to the bone, who are mentally bent on scoffing at the most fervent appeal. They do not appreciate the language of rationality and change; they need an altogether different kind of treatment. The chief adviser might have to struggle to come to terms with the hard reality and finally he has done. But his urgency also betrayed a sense of something ominous. The threat of sabotage and counterrevolution has often been mentioned by the functionaries of the incumbent government and politicians in their speeches. But when the chief adviser asks security agencies to stay alert, its import is grave and should be taken seriously.

Usually this is an area the home minister, here the home adviser, is in charge of. But in this case, the chief adviser has not only hoisted the danger signal but also instructed to create a command centre for tapping any untoward developments anywhere in the country. In fact, the home ministry itself is responsible for coordinating internal security. Now the chief adviser has intervened, making it clear that the current arrangement for security is not enough. Hence his instruction, it seems, for creation of a command centre for better coordination of monitoring and prompt actions. The chief adviser has made it clear that the advantage of digitisation has to be used to the maximum in this task. In this respect, his suggestion for acceptance of first information report (FIR) filed online by a complainant can facilitate the process.

So far so good. But apart from painting the spectre of a backlash from the deposed forces, the government has not shown its clear intent to deal with some burning issues for their early solution and not allowing those to escalate and create each a precedent for anarchy. The labour unrest and aggressive student agitation for disaffiliation of seven government colleges from the University of Dhaka and elevation of one of those to the status of a university are the two most vexing of many such organised protests. There was no difference between the political government and this interim government in handling the problems and allowing those to mount. Engagement with the aggrieved parties courtesy of astute negotiations could avoid escalation of the anarchic developments infringing on the rights of the general public. There is still time for such negotiations.

Voices of resentment and even opposition to the government's inaction have already been raised, denting its popularity. Some stake-holders seem to be in a hurry to bypass the comprehensive reform process in favour of an election. Riding on popular support, the government could use its good offices for an amicable solution to the most burning issues, thus stemming lawlessness right from the beginning. That would have discouraged insane agitation, on the one hand, and helped avoid public sufferings as well as loss of property and work hours, on the other. Lawlessness would have effectively been discouraged.​

 

[Saif]

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators

www.thedailystar.net

Govt won't stand actions to destabilise country

The interim government yesterday expressed its deep concern over the "provocative actions by certain individuals and groups to destabilise the country" and vowed stern actions against the perpetrators.

Referring to the attacks on various institutions and establishments across the country, Chief Adviser's Press Wing, in a statement, said, the government will firmly resist such acts.

The interim government is prepared to ensure the safety and security of all citizens and their properties, it added.

"If any attempt is made to destabilise the country through provocative actions, law enforcement agencies will take immediate and strict measures against the responsible individuals and groups and bring them to justice,' reads the statement.​

 

[Saif]

‘Govt bound to fail as it lacks spirit of uprising’

The interim government is bound to fail as it does not have the spirit of the July uprising in it, said columnist and writer Farhad Mazhar yesterday.

www.thedailystar.net

‘Govt bound to fail as it lacks spirit of uprising’
Farhad Mazhar says if students form polls-centric political party, they’ll fail too

The interim government is bound to fail as it does not have the spirit of the July uprising in it, said columnist and writer Farhad Mazhar yesterday.

"Dr Yunus is bound to fail. This government, which may have emerged from the mass uprising, is destined to fail as well. This is because the spirit of the uprising is absent within this government, it is not built upon the essence of the movement," he said at an event of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee.

The upazila-level representative meeting of the Dhaka south metropolitan unit of the committee was held at the Institute of Diploma Engineers in Kakrail.

Criticising the members of reform commissions, Mazhar said, "If you form a commission by bringing in elite and privileged individuals, who previously benefited under the Awami League regime or in the international arena, what will you achieve?"

"Bangladesh needs to be rebuilt. The correct term is 'restructuring,' not reform. We haven't even gotten our language right yet," he said.

Addressing the Nagorik Committee and student leaders, he said if they are aiming to build an election-centric party, that will eventually fail.

"Now that you have started the process of forming a party, I must ask -- are you creating another BNP, or are you truly building the revolutionary force needed to complete the mass uprising we could not finish? If you are planning to rise again with full organisational strength to complete the uprising, then you are welcome."

"But if you are merely forming another so-called liberal party, one that exists only for elections... If your goal is only to protect a government or build a new state through elections, it is nothing but a delusion," he added.

Mazhar said it is unfortunate that the Hindus of the country are being labelled as agents of Delhi just for demanding their fundamental rights. "Is this fair? The people have not yet freed themselves from this habit of labeling others," he said.

In the final segment, Nasiruddin Patwary, convener of Nagorik Committee, its member secretary Akhtar Hossain, spokesperson Samanta Shermeen, and chief organiser Sarjis Alam also spoke.

Responding to a question regarding proportional representation in elections, Patwary said they have proposed a hybrid electoral system.

"It can be implemented experimentally in a certain number of constituencies, perhaps 100 or slightly more. This can be tested in the next election through discussions with all parties," he said.

Sarjis said both the Nagorik Committee and the Anti-discrimination Student Movement will hold councils at regular intervals, where representatives will be elected through direct voting by council members.

In response to a question as to why the party is not expanding, Sarjis said, "We already have committees covering half of Bangladesh's administrative regions. By February, we will reach every thana and upazila. A new party will officially be launched within this month."

Akhtar Hossain said they would finalise the party's name, symbol, and core principles through nationwide consultations by late February.

The session was moderated by the committee's joint convener Ariful Islam Adib.​

 

[Saif]

Bangladesh is on the right track: foreign adviser

Says interim govt earned overwhelming global support in the past six months as he discusses ties his govt’s ties with major local and global powers

www.thedailystar.net

Bangladesh is on the right track: foreign adviser
Says interim govt earned overwhelming global support in the past six months as he discusses ties his govt’s ties with major local and global powers

Md Touhid Hossain. File photo

Bangladesh has gained the confidence of foreign nations as the country is largely on the right track under the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus," Foreign Affairs Adviser Md Touhid Hossain said.

"There was a sense of doubt among our foreign friends. They wondered what was happening here and what would follow. I believe we could, by and large, reassure them that Bangladesh is moving in the right direction," he told BSS on completion of the six months of the interim government.

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Touhid, a career diplomat, however, said some "hiccups" were inevitable and widely understood after the political transition Bangladesh went through after the uprising.

"We have managed to overcome those challenges and have received overwhelming global support," he said while replying to a question on the government's achievements regarding foreign relations in the past six months.

Touhid said the country was progressing in the right direction in terms of economy or politics and "we have successfully convinced the international community regarding this".

YUNUS'S LEVERAGE

The adviser said being the head of the interim government, Nobel Laureate Professor Yunus in past six months attended several high-profile international gatherings and drew due respect.

"We have been able to positively leverage Yunus's global image in our diplomatic engagements," he said.

The foreign adviser said things were moving forward in terms of trade and business as well despite fears among many that Bangladesh exports would suffer in the rocky transition period.

Touhid said the government could also handle issues regarding remittances.

"The interim government aims to maintain good relations with every country, and we believe we have successfully done so," he added.

BANGLADESH-PAKISTAN RELATIONS

Touhid said there was no reason to maintain a "strained relationship" with Pakistan.

"There was an intentional effort (during the Awami League regime) to keep relations with Pakistan strained, but we have worked to bring normalcy in bilateral ties. Pakistan took an initiative to improve ties (as well), and we have welcomed it," he said.

The adviser said Bangladesh and Pakistan, both South Asian countries, share mutual interests. He also said the resumption of maritime connectivity between the two countries would bring benefits for both nations.

He said that there were issues which remained unresolved between the two countries even after 53 years of Bangladesh's independence but "if we remain fixated on those issues, neither side will benefit".

"We will, of course, try to protect and recover our interests, but at the same time, we want to view our relations with Pakistan as we do with any other country," the adviser said.

He said by now Bangladesh allowed Pakistani private airline Jinnah Air to resume direct Karachi-Dhaka flights after a decade.

The adviser said Pakistan's Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar was expected to visit Dhaka in April.

BANGLADESH-INDIA RELATIONS

Hossain acknowledged that a sense of unease prevailing in Dhaka-New Delhi relations and "there is no benefit in denying it".

He also acknowledged complexities stemming from deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina's stay in India following her resignation amid a political upheaval.

"A sense of unease has developed in Bangladesh-India relations … from our side, we have made efforts to resolve this discomfort with New Delhi," Touhid said.

But, the adviser said the interim government's objective was to establish a relationship with India that could ensure mutual benefits and secure both nations' interest and "that effort continues".

He said bilateral interactions, including Professor Yunus's telephone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and meeting with Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar on the UN General Assembly sidelines set the stage for improved ties.

"There may be a few hiccups -- it's normal. Hiccups happen when there are significant changes. We aim to create a good working relationship by overcoming these issues for the benefit of both sides," he said.

BANGLADESH-CHINA RELATIONS

Touhid said Dhaka was able to reassure China regarding its policy stance while during his recent visit to Beijing.

He said extensive discussions were held on bilateral matters, development projects, and trade.

"Several key issues were discussed, and we are hopeful that the relationship will remain on the right track and continue progressing," he said.

The adviser said all previous governments maintained good relations with China, and "we aim to continue this".

He said Bangladesh's engagements with Western nations would not affect its ties with Beijing.

China has reaffirmed its commitment to strengthen bilateral cooperation and maintain a policy of non-interference in Bangladesh's internal affairs.

Hossain also announced that China decided to designate two to three hospitals in Kunming, the nearest Chinese city to Dhaka for Bangladeshi patients as they were facing difficulties in obtaining Indian medical visas.

Touhid visited Beijing from January 20-24 at the invitation of his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi, during which he held a bilateral meeting and visited Shanghai to engage with Chinese business leaders.

"We discussed all our bilateral matters, including development projects and trade. I requested Beijing to lower interest rates on loans and extend the loan repayment period from 20 years to 30 years," he said.

The adviser said the Chinese foreign minister "assured me of extending the loan repayment period and promised to look into the request for a reduction in interest rates".

BANGLADESH-US RELATIONS

Touhid said Dhaka does not expect major changes in Bangladesh-US relations due to Donald Trump's assumption of the US presidency following the election of his country.

"We have nothing to speculate," he said, expressing optimism that relations with Washington will remain stable.

Regarding Trump's decision to cut aid, the adviser described it as "expected" and reminded all that USAID's temporary aid suspension was not targeted at any particular country.

"The new US administration has introduced policies that differ significantly from its predecessor. We will have to wait and see the final outcome and adapt accordingly," he said.

The adviser added: "When new challenges arise, we must work strategically to safeguard our national interests."

BALANCED FOREIGN POLICY

The foreign adviser said Bangladesh must maintain balanced relations with India, China, and the United States, as all three nations hold strategic importance for the country.

He highlighted trade ties between India and China despite their geopolitical tensions, as well as India's close relationship with the US, to emphasize Bangladesh's need to maintain good relations with all three nations.

"Our relations with India, China, and the US are very important. We will surely maintain balanced relations with these three countries while protecting our own interests," Touhid said.​