[🇧🇩] Independence Day of Bangladesh

[Saif]

Date of Event: Mar 17, 2025 Source : https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/independence-day-parades-be-held-63-dists-except-dhaka-3850026

Independence Day: Parades to be held in 63 dists except Dhaka
Shafiqul Alam

The interim government has announced that Independence Day parades will be held in 63 districts on March 26, excluding Dhaka, due to ongoing renovation work at the National Stadium.

A statement from the Chief Adviser's Press Wing yesterday evening dismissed reports claiming the parade would be cancelled this year, clarifying that while the capital will not host the event, all deputy commissioners have been instructed to organise the parades and ensure due honour for freedom fighters across the country.

Earlier in the day, Home Ministry Senior Secretary Nasimul Ghani said that no parade would take place this year.

"The Victory Day parade was not held last year, and there will be no Independence Day parade this year," he told reporters after a meeting.

He cited the government's current stance, saying, "Advisers have stated that we are in a wartime mode. We are not in a celebratory mood."

Asked about potential security concerns surrounding 26 March, Ghani said, "At present, I do not see any security risks."

He added that the government has implemented extensive security and logistical measures during Ramadan and in preparation for Eid-ul-Fitr and Independence Day.

Authorities have also taken steps to curb extortion and street crimes in transport hubs, he added.​

 

[Saif]

Reviving the spirit of Independence Day

On Wednesday next, the nation will observe the 55th Independence and National Day of Bangladesh. The observance is going to take place at a critical juncture of the nation following the fall of the tyrant ruler Sheikh Hasina on August 5 last. There is now a renewed challenge to restructure th

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Reviving the spirit of Independence Day
Tanim Asjad
Published :
Mar 22, 2025 00:04
Updated :
Mar 22, 2025 00:04

On Wednesday next, the nation will observe the 55th Independence and National Day of Bangladesh. The observance is going to take place at a critical juncture of the nation following the fall of the tyrant ruler Sheikh Hasina on August 5 last. There is now a renewed challenge to restructure the country by gradually abolishing the toxic legacies of tyranny. It requires upholding the true spirit of the country's independence achieved through nine months of blood bath in 1971.

March 26, 1971, was a historic day for Bangladesh, as it marked the declaration of independence following the midnight crackdown by the Pakistani army on March 25. Since then, this day has been observed with great significance as Independence Day. On October 3, 1980, the government headed by President Ziaur Rahman decided to observe it as the National Day as well, further emphasising its importance.

The crackdown under the name of 'Operation Searchlight' was one of the most barbaric attacks on unarmed civilians in the 20th century after the Second World War. However, it was the resilience and courage of the Bengali people that led to the emergence of sovereign Bangladesh on December 16, 1971. For the people of Bangladesh, erstwhile East Pakistan, it was primarily a war of self-defence in the face of the crackdown designed by Julfikar Ali Bhutto, Yahia Khan and Tikka Khan, along with their associates in erstwhile West Pakistan. The Pakistani army was ordered to brutally kill several million Bengali people and destroy their homeland in the name of protecting the unity of Pakistan. To camouflage the crime of mass murder, torture and destruction, the leaders of Pakistan also argued that such a move was necessary for the sake of Islam.

Since the emergence of Pakistan and India as two independent countries in mid-August 1947 from British colonial rule, the eastern wing of Pakistan, previously known as East Bengal, had suffered extremely discriminatory treatment. The growing socio-economic disparity coupled with cultural differences made the Bengali people of the eastern wing of Pakistan greatly disappointed and resentful. They gradually raised their voices and demanded rightful and legitimate shares in power and resources. The situation reached a boiling point when the army regime of Pakistan refused to hand over the power to democratically elected representatives led by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Instead, they had opted for an army crackdown that made bloodshed and conflict unavoidable and the independence of Bangladesh inexorable. Three million lives were sacrificed and two hundred thousand women were violated during the nine-month long war. Also, ten million people took shelter in neighbouring India as refugees.

Thus, the war of independence, or the liberation war, in 1971 is a matter of incredible pride and achievement for the Bengali people. It gave the nation a sovereign place on the world map, a red-green flag to hoist along with other countries, and a unique identity. Five and a half decades later, there is no doubt that Bangladesh has consolidated its position on the world stage, overcoming a series of obstacles, turmoil, and setbacks.

Nevertheless, the spirit of independence lies in democracy, secularism, social justice, non-discrimination, inclusiveness and economic emancipation. In other words, these are the true spirits of the Bangladeshi Independence Day. Over the decades, these were undermined by political parties in power and other forces on narrow considerations. The one and a half decade of Hasina regime is the latest example in this connection when the spirits of independence were suppressed in a calculated manner. A trend had been there to establish Bangladesh Awami League as the sole and only proprietor of the war of independence. Contribution of mass people and other sections were systematically sidelined by distorting historical records and rewriting history. Instead of properly correcting the liberation war's history that had been distorted earlier, there was a move to compel everyone to accept Awami League's narrative of the war of independence. Again, people's right to vote freely was curbed and dissident voices were brutally silenced. Social relations were also undermined.

The ouster of the oppressive regime through the student-led mass uprising in July has brought an opportunity to cleanse these toxins. This is the biggest challenge, and the nation has to fight persistently to overcome those in the near future to uphold the spirit of independence.​

 

[Saif]

The legend of Nader gunda

The tale of a fearless freedom fighter from Old Dhaka

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The legend of Nader gunda
The tale of a fearless freedom fighter from Old Dhaka

This faded signboard in Malitola is the only record of Nader’s legacy.

Faruq Hossain, an elderly resident of Hoseni Dalan area in Old Dhaka, furrowed his brow when we asked him if he heard about Nader Mia from Malitola.

"Are you asking about Nader gunda? He was killed by the Pakistan military during the Liberation War. He was a fearless man. But I never saw him in person," he said.

Mohammad Afzal, another elderly man in his 70s from Urdu Road in the capital, gave a similar response. "The very mention of Nader's name would scare people."

Back in those days, "Nader Gunda from Malitola" was widely known in Old Dhaka. Many of those who had never seen him were also familiar with his name, according to Faruk, Afzal, and several other elderly people in the old town.

Ali Ahmad Ziauddin Bir Pratik, a freedom fighter from Crack Platoon, is also familiar with the heroic tales of Nader, who turned into a "freedom fighter from a street gangster" causing terror to the Pakistan army.

"After the crackdown, we went to India for training to join the war in the first week of April. Later, we returned and fought. But Nader and his gang put up resistance right from the beginning. On March 25 and 26, it was the civilians who put up the primary resistance at three locations in Dhaka. Among them, Nader and his group organised resistance on English Road in Bangshal," he said.

The two other resistance points were near Dhaka Central Jail and behind the Iqbal Hall (present Shaheed Sergeant Zahurul Haq Hall of Dhaka University), said Ziauddin, who too never seen Nader but was familiar with Nader's valiant fights during the war.

Monowara Akter

A TALE OF VALOUR

On the dark night of March 25, 1971, when the Pakistan forces launched their brutal massacre on unarmed, sleeping Bangalees, many fled the city, but Nader did not, multiple elderly locals said.

Sensing the situation early in the night, Nader took position on the rooftop of the Isha Brothers building in Bangshal with 8-10 of his associates, armed with a revolver and a double-barreled gun. He set up an ambush, waiting for the Pakistan forces, they said.

After midnight, Pakistani soldiers began torching the slums near the mosque at the Rai Saheb Bazar intersection. Then they moved on to set fire to the sawmills of Nayabazar. As soon as their jeeps came within Nader's ambush range, he and his companions opened fire, taking the enemy by surprise. Several Pakistani soldiers were killed in the sudden attack, they added.

However, as the Pakistani forces outnumbered them and were heavily armed, they quickly regained control. The soldiers retaliated with gunfire, but by then, Nader and his men had retreated.

The next morning, on March 26, Nader took his family to safety in Manikganj, and returned to Malitola, ready for the next fight.

No one among Nader's fellow freedom fighters is alive today. Elderly locals said they heard about Nader's incredible bravery from his fellow freedom fighters when they were alive.

Abdul Majid, a resident of Basabari Lane in Tanti Bazar, is one of them.

"At that time, a Bihari named 'Sangram' supplied weapons to Nader's group in exchange for a hefty sum of money. Initially, Nader purchased weapons using his own and his gang members' savings. But as their funds ran out, he started collecting donations from residents of different neighborhoods to buy weapons to fight Pakistani soldiers," he said.

By mid-April, as "Shanti Committees" started forming in various neighborhoods of Dhaka, Nader and his comrades had to restrict their movements for safety.

Several senior residents from Old Dhaka said that towards the end of May, the local Shanti Committee in Armanitola decided to hold a meeting where Khwaja Khair Uddin, the convener of Dhaka's Shanti Committee, would be present.

Abdullah Bulu

Nader and his associates bought some weapons from Sangram and planned an attack on the meeting.

On the scheduled day and time, Nader and his gang members took position near the Armenian Church at Armanitola. However, Sangram and a notorious gangster from Malitola, known as Geda, had already informed the Pakistani army about Nader's plan.

To deceive Nader and his group, the Pakistan military arrived in Armanitola in several microbus instead of a military jeep. Before Nader and his group could react, the Pakistani soldiers in plain clothes surrounded them from three sides and launched an attack, locals said, citing Nader's fellow freedom fighters.

Nader and his comrades retaliated, but by then, it was too late—the Pakistani soldiers had already surrounded them from all directions. Seeing this, Nader decided to retreat while firing back, along with his comrades. In the process, a bullet struck Nader's leg. By that time, most of his fellow freedom fighters had managed to reach safety.

"After being shot in the right leg, Nader crawled into Shabistan Cinema Hall. Then he climbed over a wall and escaped into the neighbouring house called 'Baghwala Bari'" said Munna Mia, 72, a resident of Malitola and Nader's cousin.

In a subsequent raid, the Pakistan troops along with local razakars interrogated the residents of the house who handed over Nader out of fear. He was then taken to the Dhaka Cantonment, Munna said.

"There, the Pakistan army tortured him and then killed him," he added, citing Nader's fellow freedom fighters.

These freedom fighters include Mohammad Ali from Alu Bazar, Sadek from Siddik Bazar, Chorui Saeed from Golok Pal Lane, Shamsu alias Cenghis Khan from Mirpur, Abdullah from Shyambazar, among others, locals said.

Recalling Nader's bravery, Nurul Mia, 90, a resident of Kalta Bazar, told The Daily Star, "I had a good acquaintance with a Pakistan army officer. He once told me—"if they had four more boys like Nader, the country would have gained independence much earlier."

The scene of Armanitola, where Nader fought his last battle and was eventually captured, has changed completely.

During a recent visit, The Daily Star found that the Bagh Bari no longer exists. Shabistan, the cinema hall, is also gone. In its place, several residential-cum-commercial buildings, including Protyasha Plaza, now stand tall.

RISE OF NADER

Nader Mia was born in Malitola in 1930s . His father was a court clerk, and Nader was his eldest son. He studied at Jagannath College and was involved with student politics.

However, before completing college, Nader became involved with local gangs. One of his closest associates was Dulu Gunda, who later became widely known as the famous actor Faruk. In an interview nine years ago on Somoy TV, Faruk himself revealed that between 1967 to 1971, there were 37 cases filed against him.

During the Non-Cooperation Movement in March 1971, shopkeepers in ration stores started hoarding goods to sell at higher prices, leading to a severe shortage of essential products. When the war broke out, Pakistani forces looted these ration shops. In this dire situation, Nader and his gang members broke into a ration store on Golak Pal Lane and distributed the stockpiled wheat, sugar, and rice among the local people, according to multiple elderly residents of Malitola.

"Nader may have had a bad reputation outside our neighbourhood, but within our community, he had immense respect for the elders. Words cannot describe the level of honour he showed them. He also cared deeply for us younger ones," said Mohammad Habib, a businessman from Shyambazar, who spent his childhood and teenage years in Malitola.

SHAHEED NADER'S FAMILY

Today, the only sign of his contribution is an old, dust-covered signboard:"Shaheed Nader Smriti Sangsad, Established in 1972."

Locals said one of Nader's brothers had established the club after independence, but it no longer functions. No photographs of Nader could be found there.

Locals said Nader's brother Harun was also killed during the war. Their remaining family members still live in Malitola. Two of his brothers are alive, but they declined to talk about Nader. Nader's wife and son now live in Keraniganj.

'LOVE' IN TIMES OF UPRISING

During the turbulent days of the mass uprising of 1969, all of Dhaka was in turmoil. In such an intense time, Nader went to visit his friend Habil's house in Shahjahanpur.

There, he became fond of a girl named Mary, whose father passed away and whose mother lived in Barishal. Habil's parents were raising her.

Having fallen in love with her, Nader proposed marriage to Habil's parents but they refused. Later that night, Nader and Mary eloped, got married and returned to Malitola. Initially, Nader's parents did not accept the marriage, but after a few days, they changed their minds.

After the marriage, Nader changed Mary's name to Monowara Akter.

Speaking to The Daily Star, Monowara, 70, said, "Everything was going well. Though people outside called him a gangster, he had a kind heart. He was always out all day. But he loved me very much."

But Monowara's happiness did not last long. Just two years after their marriage, war broke out and Nader joined the war, sending his wife to Manikganj. Monowara was five months into her pregnancy then. She received the news of her husband's death while in Manikganj.

Abdullah Bulu, Nader and Mary's only child was born during the war.

After the war, Monowara returned to Malitola with her infant son and later shifted to his brother's house in Keraniganj. Abdullah now runs a small business in Shyambazar and lives in Keraniganj.

"When people tell me, 'Your father did such courageous things,' I can't hold back my tears. My father gave his life for this country, but he was never truly honoured," Abdullah said, with his mother by his side.​

 

[Saif]

Yunus pays homage to Liberation War martyrs

The chief adviser placed a wreath at the altar of the memorial around 6:11am

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Yunus pays homage to Liberation War martyrs

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus paid tributes this morning to the Liberation War martyrs by placing wreaths at the National Memorial in Savar marking the 55th Independence and National Day.

The chief adviser placed a wreath at the altar of the memorial around 6:11am.

He stood in solemn silence for few minutes in memory of the martyrs of the great Liberation War in 1971.

A contingent of Bangladesh Army, Navy and Air Force presented a state salute while a melancholy tune was being played on the bugles.

The chief justice, advisers to the interim government, chiefs of the three services, freedom fighters, foreign diplomats and high-ranking military and civilian officials were present at the time.

After paying his respects, the chief adviser left the memorial premises.

Following his departure, the National Memorial was opened to people of all levels to pay homage.​

 

[Saif]

Shahjahan Ali: A war hero's commitment to community

Following independence, Shahjahan joined the Bangladesh Police, but he did not remain in the job for long

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Shahjahan Ali: A war hero's commitment to community

The month of March always seemed to stir something deep within Shahjahan Ali. Restless and fidgeting, he would sit in silence, lost in thought, while everyone in the house sensed what was happening. It was as if he had travelled back to the turbulent days of 1971, reliving the injustices committed by the Pakistanis, the formation of the Swadhin Bangla Sangram Parishad, and, ultimately, the declaration of independence.

Driven by patriotism, the young college student from Makorkol village in Tangail Sadar upazila made his way to India to actively participate in the war. There, he received military training at the Tendua Military Academy and later fought on the frontlines in Sector 11, near the Indian border adjacent to the then Mymensingh district.

Skilled in rifle shooting and grenade throwing, he quickly earned the respect of Indian army officers and fellow soldiers. After the country's victory on December 16 in 1971, he returned home.

Following independence, Shahjahan joined the Bangladesh Police, but he did not remain in the job for long. Instead, he returned to his village and opened a small pharmacy. The poverty-stricken residents of the sandy Jamuna char had little means to pay for medicine, but he refused to turn them away.

"I provided medicine for free, driven by the same sense of duty that had compelled me to fight for my country," he told this correspondent recently.

The pharmacy still stands after fifty years, and the need remains.

"My children are employed in different professions, so I never saw providing free medicine as a burden," he added.

During the Covid-19 pandemic, Shahjahan took another step towards serving his community. He established Mahmudnagar Technical School to equip the village's youth with practical skills and help them become self-sufficient.

To make this possible, he donated his own land, took a bank loan of ten lakh taka, and used the monthly allowance he received as a freedom fighter.

"I never viewed the allowance as a personal benefit but as a means to contribute to the future of the nation."​

 

[Saif]

We had lost the taste of true freedom: Mirza Abbas

BNP Standing Committee Member Mirza Abbas today said that even after 54 years of independence, the nation had lost the essence of true freedom but regained it after August 5

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We had lost the taste of true freedom: Mirza Abbas

BNP Standing Committee Member Mirza Abbas today said that even after 54 years of independence, the nation had lost the essence of true freedom but regained it after August 5.

He made these remarks on the morning of Independence Day after paying tribute to the martyrs at the National Memorial.

"First of all, I remember the proclaimer of independence, martyr President Ziaur Rahman, then fought from within the country and liberated it. Even after 54 years of independence, we lost the taste of true freedom in the middle. We got it again after the 5th," he said.

He honoured the martyrs of 1971 who sacrificed their lives for freedom and expressed condolences to their surviving family members. On behalf of BNP leaders Khaleda Zia and Tarique Rahman, he extended greetings to the nation.

Reflecting on recent events, Mirza Abbas said, "We have just got a new taste of democracy by driving away a new form of oppression through the student movement in July and August."

He criticised those referring to the events of 2024 as the "second independence," asserting that such terminology diminishes the significance of the 1971 Liberation War. "Those who say this want to shorten today's Independence Day; they had no role in the independence of 1971. Therefore, they want to diminish this day," he added.

"I want prayers for national leader Khaleda Zia and will seek prayers from Allah so that we can maintain this independence, so that our next generation can uphold this independence," he said.

Addressing political dynamics, Mirza Abbas stated that while different parties have their ideological stances, this does not equate to disunity.

He emphasised that if a time comes when greater national unity is required to protect independence and sovereignty, the people of Bangladesh will unite. "Now, we may be talking differently for party ideological interests, but when the need arises, the people of Bangladesh will be united," he said.

Regarding the assurance from the chief advisor about elections in December, he expressed trust in that commitment. "Every political party in Bangladesh is an opponent. I do not want to believe that elections will not be held," he concluded.​

 

[Saif]

Let 1971 continue to guide our path as a nation

Misguided efforts to compare the 1971 war and the 2024 uprising should stop

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Let 1971 continue to guide our path as a nation
Misguided efforts to compare the 1971 war and the 2024 uprising should stop

VISUAL: STAR

Today marks the 54th anniversary of our nation's independence. Every year, we commemorate this day with solemn reflection and deep gratitude for the enormous sacrifices made by our valiant freedom fighters along with countless ordinary people. This year holds special significance, however, coming as it does in the wake of another historic moment: the overthrow of an autocratic regime through a student-led mass uprising. These occasions—over half a century apart—demonstrate the continuation of people's unwavering resolve against oppression and injustice.

While this is reassuring, in recent months, we have seen some misguided efforts to compare these two events as if they were equal in nature or importance. Even amendments proposed by the Constitution Reform Commission appeared to equate the two, which is quite unfortunate. There is no denying the importance of the 2024 uprising, but it cannot be compared to our independence struggle as doing so risks reducing its unparalleled significance to just another political struggle. The fact is, the Liberation War is much more than that. It is the singular most defining moment of our existence, a fully fledged war fought against an external oppressor—Pakistan—after decades of economic, political and cultural subjugation. The sacrifices made during those nine months, culminating in the birth of Bangladesh on December 16, 1971, reshaped the destiny of an entire people.

In recent months, we have seen some misguided efforts to compare these two events as if they were equal in nature or importance. Even amendments proposed by the Constitution Reform Commission appeared to equate the two, which is quite unfortunate. There is no denying the importance of the 2024 uprising, but it cannot be compared to our independence struggle as doing so risks reducing its unparalleled significance to just another political struggle.

On the other hand, the 2024 uprising was a movement to reclaim our political space and fundamental rights—but not a war of liberation. While we take immense pride in people's resistance against Sheikh Hasina's authoritarian rule, we must not blur the lines here and allow historical distortions to serve political narratives. Equally importantly, the constitution must not be changed in ways that permit such distortions. The Liberation War remains unique and sacred—it should never be trivialised or repurposed to suit contemporary interests.

Instead, what we should focus on is building the nation anew, in line with citizens' aspirations for a society free of discrimination and inequality, just as we sought to do after 1971. While efforts are currently underway to initiate reforms through the collaboration of political parties and the interim government, citizens too must engage in the collective effort of nation-building with a commitment to justice and equality. Just as the sacrifices of 1971 laid the foundation of an independent country, the recent uprising has created an opportunity to turn it into a just and equitable one. Let us not squander this opportunity.​

 

[Saif]

The road to liberation: March 1971 and the years that led to it

The 1971 Liberation War was the culmination of a long struggle for a democratic, secular, and egalitarian society.

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54 Years of Bangladesh's Independence

The road to liberation: March 1971 and the years that led to it

A child carries the flag of the newly born Bangladesh as he moves with his family during the Liberation War in 1971. PHOTO: COLLECTED FROM ARCHIVE

The Liberation War of Bangladesh, which officially began in March 1971, had its roots in events that unfolded many years earlier. The people of what is now Bangladesh played a key role in the establishment of Pakistan, primarily through their votes. They joined the Pakistan movement with the hope that the new state, founded on religious lines, would rise above communal conflicts and emerge as a true democracy.

However, the reality after Pakistan's formation gradually disillusioned the people in the erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). It became increasingly clear that the state structure was deeply flawed, especially for Pakistan's eastern wing. A powerful alliance took control at the centre, consisting of big business groups, the military and civil bureaucracy ("overdeveloped" as Pakistani social scientist Hamza Alavi termed it), and racially biased politicians. This triad consolidated power and blocked any meaningful democratic progress. When the military regime took over in 1958, it became the primary tool for these ruling forces to maintain control. Authoritarian rule was their chosen path.

In the 1954 provincial elections, the Muslim League suffered a decisive defeat. The United Front, led by three secular leaders—AK Fazlul Huq, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, and Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy—emerged victorious. Their 21-point programme called for greater provincial autonomy, land reform, public education rights, democratic rights, autonomy to universities, nationalisation of jute business, and scrapping of repressive laws. These demands laid the groundwork for future movements in the 1960s.

Even before martial law, and especially under it, regional and ethnic discrimination against East Pakistan worsened. Class inequality also deepened. In response, the people of East Pakistan resisted oppression, military dictatorship, and systemic injustice. Despite severe repression, the democratic movement in East Pakistan gained momentum, and secular political aspirations took shape. The struggle against Pakistan's authoritarian rule strengthened both democratic and secular ideals among the people. One key example was the evolution of the Muslim League into the Awami Muslim League, and eventually the Awami League, under the leadership of Maulana Bhashani. Later, Bhashani established another all-Pakistan party, National Awami Party (NAP), to advance the anti-imperialist struggle. Through this transformation, people's aspirations for democracy and secularism found expression. This resistance was not confined to East Pakistan alone. Democratic forces in West Pakistan also joined hands with those in the east. In the 1960s, workers and peasants' organisations flourished, especially under left leadership.

Two political figures played pivotal roles during this time: Maulana Bhashani and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Although Bhashani was a religious leader by title, he never engaged in communal politics. Instead, he always stood for workers' and peasants' rights, opposed imperialism, and supported socialist ideals. He was a key figure in the 1969 Mass Uprising and played a crucial role in securing Sheikh Mujib's release from prison.

Meanwhile, Sheikh Mujib's Six-Point Movement demanded autonomy and stood against ethnic discrimination. The 11-point movement by the student alliance, in addition, raised issues against imperialism and class exploitation. The Pakistani establishment—dominated by powerful business families (including the Adamjees and Bawanys), the military-civil bureaucracy, and authoritarian, racially biased politicians—was determined to retain control at all costs.

This ruling alliance consistently undermined democratic processes. However, the 1969 Mass Uprising challenged and ultimately broke their grip on power, leading to the fall of Gen Ayub Khan. The 1970 general election became Pakistan's final opportunity to remain united under a democratic framework. The Awami League's landslide victory opened the door for a new democratic leadership for all of Pakistan.

But the ruling triad refused to accept the election results. Their rejection effectively sealed Pakistan's fate. From March 1, 1971, instead of respecting the democratic mandate, the regime secretly prepared for military action under the guise of negotiations, culminating in the horrific events of March 25.

Until that night, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League's elected representatives continued negotiations with President Yahya Khan. However, threats from Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, fears among military generals of losing power, and anxieties of the big business families pushed the regime towards a catastrophic decision.

On the night of March 25, the Pakistani military launched a brutal crackdown in Dhaka. Their primary targets included police and East Pakistan Rifles (EPR) headquarters, student dormitories at Dhaka University, slum areas, teachers, intellectuals, and journalists. Estimates suggest that over 25,000 people were killed in a single night.

The Pakistan Army believed this operation would crush all resistance within days. They arrested Sheikh Mujib and imposed a curfew on March 26. By March 27, large numbers of people had begun fleeing Dhaka. But the events of March 25 made one thing clear: Bangladesh could no longer remain a part of Pakistan. What began on March 25 quickly escalated into a full-scale national armed struggle for liberation.

The massacre turned the people's long-standing desire for independence into an unstoppable determination for freedom. There is some debate regarding the formal declaration of independence. Maj Ziaur Rahman, on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, made a radio proclamation referring to Mujib as the president. Similar declarations were also made by other Awami League leaders.

Actually, people did not wait for a formal announcement. Resistance erupted spontaneously across the country. The Pakistani military's assumptions were shattered as people from all walks of life—students, workers, peasants, and the general public—rose in what became a people's war. Except for a few war criminals, the whole population of the country participated in this war. Countless lives were lost, rape and the abuse of women reached horrific levels. Few events in world history compare to the scale of the genocide committed in such a short time and also the intensity of the resistance.

The 1971 Liberation War was the culmination of a long struggle for a democratic, secular, and egalitarian society—free from discrimination based on religion, caste or ethnicity. It marked a crucial phase in that journey, though not its conclusion.

However, in the years following the victory, people's expectations were steadily betrayed. Over the past 54 years, there have been severe deviations from the spirit of the Liberation War. Successive governments have failed to realise the dreams that fuelled the war. The Awami League, throughout its unelected ruling period (2014-2024), harmed the ideals of Liberation War more than any previous record.

Nevertheless, this war remains the most glorious chapter in Bangladesh's history. The people did not submit; against one of the world's most brutal and well-trained military forces, they showed extraordinary courage, dignity, and determination. As we stand at a new phase of political awakening, sparked by recent mass uprisings, we must remember that the Liberation War of 1971 laid the strongest foundation for a democratic, inclusive, secular, and just Bangladesh. Progress cannot be achieved by ignoring or diminishing the legacy of 1971.

The Liberation War must always remain our guiding light, our enduring source of strength as we move forward.

Anu Muhammad is former professor of economics from Jahangirnagar University.​

 

[Saif]

Henry Kissinger’s role in 1971

Lauded by some as a master of diplomacy and realpolitik, he remains, in the eyes of others, a war criminal who should have been held accountable for his actions.

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Henry Kissinger’s role in 1971

Visual: Aliza Rahman

Henry Kissinger, one of the most influential yet controversial political figures of the 20th century, passed away in 2023, leaving behind a legacy that continues to spark heated debates. Lauded by some as a master of diplomacy and realpolitik, he remains, in the eyes of others, a war criminal who should have been held accountable for his actions. In The Trial of Henry Kissinger, Christopher Hitchens meticulously builds a case against Kissinger, arguing that his policies and decisions—from his role in extending the Vietnam War to his backing of right-wing coups, complicity in genocide, and orchestration of covert operations—led to mass suffering across the globe. The Bangladesh chapter of the book is particularly damning, exposing the cold indifference and realpolitik calculations that led to one of the most horrifying atrocities of the 20th century.

In December 1970, the people of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) overwhelmingly voted for self-rule under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League. However, instead of honouring the democratic mandate, the Pakistani military, led by General Yahya Khan, launched Operation Searchlight on March 25, 1971. What followed was an unrelenting campaign of mass killings, systematic sexual violence, and forced displacement. Conservative estimates place the death toll at 300,000, though many argue the real number was closer to three million.

As reports of massacres spread, one of the earliest and most powerful condemnations came from Archer Kent Blood, the US Consul General in Dhaka. Blood and his team sent a series of telegrams to Washington detailing the atrocities being committed by the Pakistani military. In the telegrams, they pleaded the US to take a stand against the Pakistani government. The message read:

"Our government has failed to denounce the suppression of democracy. Our government has failed to denounce atrocities…Our government has evidenced what many will consider moral bankruptcy..."

This was signed by dozens of diplomats, making it the strongest internal protest ever recorded within the US State Department. Yet, Nixon and Kissinger dismissed it outright. Kissinger, obsessed with using Pakistan as a backchannel to China, saw Yahya Khan as an indispensable ally. Instead of acting against genocide, Kissinger chose silence and complicity. In fact, the US government, under Kissinger's guidance, actively supported the Pakistani military by supplying them with weapons.

Kissinger also made a callous remark in a private conversation, referring to Bangladesh as a "basket case," illustrating his dismissive attitude toward the country's plight and people. Between March and December 1971, the Pakistani military conducted some of the most gruesome acts of ethnic and political cleansing of the 20th century. Bangalee intellectuals were specifically targeted and executed, Hindu minorities were slaughtered, and millions of women were subjected to rape as a weapon of war. While the world condemned the atrocities, Nixon and Kissinger continued to stand by Pakistan.

His secret conversations with Nixon reveal racist and derogatory remarks about Bangalees and Indians, showing his complete disregard for human lives. Even when the then US Ambassador Kenneth Keating urged the administration to publicly condemn Pakistan's brutality, Nixon said to Kissinger that Keating had been "taken over by the Indians." Kissinger, for his part, at the height of the genocide in late April sent Yahya a message praising him for "delicacy and tact."

As the crisis deepened, India, overwhelmed by millions of Bangalee refugees, prepared to intervene militarily. On December 3, 1971, India officially entered the war to assist the Mukti Bahini. In response, Kissinger orchestrated a dangerous and reckless move. He deployed the aircraft carrier USS Enterprise into the Bay of Bengal. This was meant to intimidate India and deter its intervention, but it failed.

Mukti Bahini with help from India swiftly defeated Pakistan, leading to the creation of an independent Bangladesh on December 16, 1971. But Kissinger's hostility toward Bangladesh did not end there.

When Mujib sought international recognition and aid for the war-ravaged country, the US remained distant. Kissinger saw Mujib's government as an embarrassment, resenting the exposure of US complicity in genocide. In November 1974, Kissinger made a brief eight-hour visit to Dhaka, where he refused to acknowledge the role of the US in Pakistan's actions.

Hitchens' book meticulously builds a case against Kissinger, arguing that his actions in Bangladesh, Chile, Vietnam, and East Timor amount to war crimes. Kissinger's secret involvement in overthrowing democratically elected leaders, his orchestration of military coups, and his support for genocidal regimes paint the picture of a man who viewed human lives as collateral damage in his grand strategy. As Bangladesh continues to push for global recognition of the 1971 genocide, the question remains: will history hold Kissinger accountable, or will his crimes fade into the shadows of realpolitik?

Kollol Kibria is an advocate, human rights activist, and political analyst.​

 

[Saif]

Operation searchlight: The massacre at Ctg cantonment

On March 24, 1971, the day before the Pakistani army unleashed the infamous “Operation Searchlight,” its top brass flew to Chattogram Cantonment from Dhaka.

www.thedailystar.net

Operation searchlight: The massacre at Ctg cantonment
Pakistan army killed hundreds of soldiers, cadets on Mar 25 night

Tomb of the soldiers martyred in the East Bengal Regimental Center massacre at Chattogram cantonment. Photo: Collected

On March 24, 1971, the day before the Pakistani army unleashed the infamous "Operation Searchlight," its top brass flew to Chattogram Cantonment from Dhaka.

By then, a quiet but growing spirit of rebellion was taking shape among the Bangalee soldiers stationed at the East Bengal Regimental Centre (EBRC), an infantry training facility in the port city.

The delegation included high-ranking figures such as Chief of Army Staff Gen Hamid Khan, Maj Gen Khadim Hussain Raja, Maj Gen Mitha Khan, and Brig Ansari. These officials convened secret meetings, deliberately excluding EBRC Commandant Brig Mahmudur Rahman Majumdar, the senior-most Bangalee officer there at the time, according to Bangladesher Swadhinota Juddho: Dolil Potro (Volume 9).

Earlier, Brig Majumdar had defied direct orders to unload weapons shipped from West Pakistan to Chattogram Port in late February, signalling his resistance.

The tension escalated further when the West Pakistan military leaders took Brig Majumdar back to Dhaka, pretending they needed to discuss some urgent matters with him there.

The very next night, the unthinkable tragedy unfolded.

The Pakistan army had picked the EBRC as one of the primary targets for its brutal massacre codenamed "Operation Searchlight".

On the night of March 25, 1971, the Pakistani military killed more than 1,000 Bangalee officers, soldiers, and cadets at the EBRC, writes Maj (retd) Rafiq-ul Islam, Bir Uttam, in his book "Lokkho Praner Binimoye".

In the official EBRC records, 550-600 Bangalee officers, soldiers, and cadets are listed as martyrs of that massacre.

Bangladesher Swadhinota Juddho: Dolil Potro (Volume 9), Ameen Ahmed Chowdhury's "1971 Ebong Amar Samorik Jibon", Subid Ali Bhuiyan's "Muktijuddhe Noy Mash" are some of the books that documented this carnage.

According to these books, the EBRC had over 1,500 Bangalee soldiers under training in March 1971.

Besides, the 20th Baloch Regiment, which had arrived from West Pakistan in early January 1971, was stationed there.

Lt Col Mujibur Rahman Chowdhury was the chief instructor at the EBRC.

Soon after the sunset on March 25, Pakistan forces began disarming the Bangalee soldiers.

"At 7:00pm, all of our soldiers' rifles were taken away and stored in the armoury," Subid Ali Bhuiyan, writes in his book.

Maj Mir Shawkat Ali from the 8th East Bengal Regiment was the last person to speak to anyone from the EBRC via telephone around 11:00pm -- it was Chief Instructor Lt Col Mujibur Rahman Chowdhury.

Farewell ceremony of the 4th East Bengal Regiment in Lahore, West Pakistan, June 1970. Lt Col Mujibur Rahman Chowdhury, battalion commanding officer (back right). He was the first martyred Bangalee officer in 1971. Lt Gen Khwaja Wasiuddin, the colonel commandant of the East Bengal Regiment (back middle). courtesy: Col (Retd) Mahmud Ur Rahman Choudhury
Soon after the phone call, Lt Col MR Chowdhury ordered Captain Enamul Haque to break open the armoury and distribute weapons to the Bangalee soldiers. However, before they could do so, the Baloch Regiment soldiers stormed the premises.

Captain Enamul Haque described this moment in his writings on Bangladesher Swadhinota Juddho: Dolil Potro (Volume 9).

"Suddenly, the Bangalee guard commander from that particular quarter came running and informed me that the 20th Baloch soldiers were getting off their vehicles, fully armed…Within moments, they launched an attack on the guards, and gunfire erupted from all directions."

"At 11:30pm, six truckloads of Baloch soldiers slaughtered the Bangalee troops at the armoury and surrounded the recruit barracks, where most soldiers were asleep and unarmed, leaving them no chance to resist. The Baloch troops ruthlessly gunned down every soldier in their sight," Maj (retd) Rafiq-ul Islam writes in his book "Lokkho Praner Binimoye".

Captain Enamul was captured and held in a room filled with wounded soldiers.

"I saw Bangalee soldiers in agony, some crying out for water, others writhing in pain. The Pakistani soldiers pressed their boots on the throats of the dying to hasten the process," Enamul describes his experience on Bangladesher Swadhinota Juddho: Dolil Potro (Volume 9).

In the early hours of March 26, the Baloch soldiers fired shells from tanks onto the barracks. The wounded soldiers' screams filled the cantonment. Many were executed inside the EBRC school, where Pakistani troops opened fire at point-blank range.

Captain Enamul wrote, "At 7:00am on March 26, I saw a truck being filled with the bodies of those who had been mercilessly killed overnight. More than a hundred bodies were taken away in front of my eyes."

RESISTANCE THAT NEVER CAME

Colonel Oli Ahmed, Bir Bikram, who was the quartermaster of the 8th East Bengal Regiment, later revealed that he had tried to contact Lieutenant Colonel MR Chowdhury throughout the night but failed. The next morning, he learned that MR Chowdhury had been murdered.

Asked why the 8th East Bengal Regiment did not intervene, he said, "We had limited arms and ammunition. Many of our soldiers were on leave because we were supposed to be deployed in Pakistan. The 20th Baloch Regiment was fully armed. If we had intervened, it would have been suicidal. The only chance of survival for EBRC soldiers was to escape into the hills."

The attack began with the killing of EBRC's Chief Instructor Lt Col MR Chowdhury.

His son, Colonel (retd) Mahmud Ur Rahman Chowdhury, told The Daily Star, "When my father was entering EBRC from the officers' mess, a platoon of the Baloch Regiment shot and bayoneted him to death.

"In early January 1971, MR Chowdhury, along with Brig Mahmudur Rahman Majumdar, Maj Ziaur Rahman (later president), Captain Rafiq-ul Islam, and Captain Oli Ahmed, had begun planning an armed rebellion in Chattogram. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was aware of these plans, but since the Awami League was still pursuing a political solution, the uprising never materialised."

"If Bangabandhu supported an armed rebellion from the start, this massacre might not have happened. The war would still have taken place, but we could have avoided such massive loss of life."

IN SEARCH OF WITNESSES

Most of the Bangalee soldiers were martyred in the EBRC, but miraculously, very few survived.

The Daily Star collected names of the gallantry-awarded freedom fighters who were either serving or undergoing training at the EBRC on the night of March 25, 1971. However, none of them are now alive.

Dr Mohammad Kamal Uddin, a resident of Khondakia village (3km away from the cantonment) in Hathazari, said, "On the night of March 25, we woke up to the sound of intense gunfire. At dawn, we saw a few injured and terrified men near the Boro Dighir Paar. Their clothes were torn, and some were bleeding. They told us their weapons had been taken away earlier that evening, and they had barely escaped by crossing the hills."

At Chittagong Medical College, Dr Mainul Ahasan treated many injured soldiers on March 26.

"Most of the wounded brought in on March 26 were Bangalee soldiers from the cantonment. Many died on the way due to excessive bleeding," he told The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Independence Day being observed with elaborate programmes

The country is observing Independence and National Day Wednesday amid huge enthusiasm. Various programmes have been taken at the national level to observe the day with due respect and solemnity.

en.prothomalo.com

Independence Day being observed with elaborate programmes
BSS
Dhaka
Published: 26 Mar 2025, 09: 11

National Memorial in Savar File photo

The country is observing Independence and National Day Wednesday amid huge enthusiasm. Various programmes have been taken at the national level to observe the day with due respect and solemnity.

The day commenced with a 31-gun salute at dawn across the country, including the capital.

Interim Government Chief Adviser (CA) Professor Muhammad Yunus laid a wreath at the National Memorial in Savar early morning as a mark of profound respect for the martyrs.

Led by Liberation War Affairs Adviser Farooq-e-Azam, people from all walks of life, including families of Bir Shreshthas, war wounded freedom fighters, members of the diplomatic corps, leaders of different political parties, social, cultural and professional bodies also placed wreathes at the National Memorial in the morning of the day to show their respect to the martyred freedom fighters.

Additionally, wreaths were also placed at the different district and upazila-level martyrs’ memorials.

The national flag has been hoisted atop all government, semi-government, autonomous and private buildings in all the divisions, districts and upazilas across the country at dawn. Singing of the national anthem, and student assemblies and parades at divisional, district, and upazila levels will also be held on the occasion.

To mark the day, important buildings and establishments have been illuminated with colourful lights. Main streets and road islands in the capital and other cities across the country have been decorated with national flags and other colourful flags and festoons.

The day is a public holiday.

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus issued a message on the occasion.

In his message, the Chief Adviser said the interim government is fully committed to further developing and strengthening the country and delivering the full benefits of independence to the people.

“We are working to establish good governance and justice to ensure people-oriented and sustainable development, and ensure transparency and accountability through necessary reforms in all spheres of the state,” he said.

Muhammad Yunus also extended his sincere greetings and congratulations to all Bangladeshis living in the country and abroad.

He said achieving independence was the final stage of a long struggle to protect our dignity and existence and to gain “our rights”.

The War of Independence, through which Bangladesh emerged as an independent nation in the world, officially began on this day, he added.

He said, “I remember with reverence the valiant martyrs who sacrificed their lives in the War of Independence, whose supreme sacrifices brought us our desired freedom.”

The Chief Adviser said for the past 16 years, the people of the country have not been able to enjoy the benefits of this freedom. “The dictatorship oppressed the people and took away their freedom and all their basic rights. The successful uprising of student-workers and the masses has liberated the people of the country from the tyranny of dictatorship.”

Professor Muhammad Yunus said, “On this auspicious occasion of Independence Day and National Day, let us take the oath to work for the development, peace and prosperity of the country, keeping in mind the spirit of the great Liberation War.”

Different national dailies have published special supplements, articles and periodicals highlighting the significance of the day while electronic media broadcast month-long special programmes based on the Liberation War.

Different social and cultural organisations, including Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy, Bangla Academy, National Museum, Liberation War Museum, and Bangladesh Shishu Academy, will organise Liberation War-based discussions, cultural events and drawing, essay writings and sports competitions for children and display Liberation War-related documentaries and film shows.

Various types of games, including football, T20 crickets and Kabadi, will be organised at district and upazila levels.

Besides, a reception will be hosted for valiant freedom fighters and family members of martyred at metropolitan city, district and upazila levels.

To mark the day, Bangladesh Postal Department will release commemorative postage stamps. Special prayers will be offered at different mosques and other worship places seeking eternal peace of the souls of martyrs of the Liberation War and peace, progress and prosperity of the country.

Improved diets will be served in hospitals, prisons cells, orphanages, old-age homes, vagabond organisations, children’s daycare centers and other similar institutions across the country.

On the day, all children’s parks and museums will be kept open for all without tickets across the country.

Bangladesh Navy is going to open its ships at different places across the country for the visitors marking the day.

Seven ships including BNS Chithra would be displayed at Dhaka Sadarghat, BNS Atandra at Pagla Naval Jetty in Narayanganj, BNS Samuddra Obhijan at Naval Berth-2, New Mooring in Chattogram, BNS Oparejyo at BIWTA Launch Terminal in Khulna, BNS Dholeshwari at Digraj Naval Berth of Mongla, BNS Padma at Marine workshop Jetty in Barishal and BNS Shaheed Farid in BIWTA Ghat at Chandpur respectively.

People can visit the ships from 12:00 pm to 4:00 pm on that day, said an ISPR press release.

Similar programmes will be taken at district and upazila levels as well as Bangladesh missions abroad highlighting the significance of the day.​

 

[Saif]

Committed to advancing partnership with Bangladesh for peace, prosperity: Modi tells Dr Yunus

President of India Droupadi Murmu and Prime Minister Narendra Modi have extended felicitations on the occasion of the National Day of Bangladesh with India reiterating its commitment to advancing partnership for peace, stability and prosperity. "We remain committed to advancing this partnership, d

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Committed to advancing partnership with Bangladesh for peace, prosperity: Modi tells Dr Yunus
UNB
Published :
Mar 26, 2025 12:45
Updated :
Mar 26, 2025 12:45

President of India Droupadi Murmu and Prime Minister Narendra Modi have extended felicitations on the occasion of the National Day of Bangladesh with India reiterating its commitment to advancing partnership for peace, stability and prosperity.

"We remain committed to advancing this partnership, driven by our common aspirations for peace, stability, and prosperity and based on mutual sensitivity to each other's interests and concerns," Modi said in a message to Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus.

Modi extended his felicitations to Dr Yunus and the people of Bangladesh on the occasion of the National Day of Bangladesh.

"This day stands as a testament to our shared history and sacrifices, that have laid the foundation of our bilateral partnership," said the Indian Prime Minister.

He said the spirit of the Liberation War of Bangladesh continues to remain a guiding light for the relationship, which has flourished across multiple domains, bringing tangible benefits to our people.

President Droupadi Murmu, in her message to Bangladesh President Mohammed Shahabuddin, said, "On behalf of the Government, the people of India and on my own behalf, I extend warm greetings and felicitations to you and to the friendly people of Bangladesh on the occasion of your National Day."

She said Bangladesh-India relations are multi-faceted with our cooperation encompassing diverse areas such as trade, multimodal connectivity, development partnership, power and energy, education, capacity building, cultural cooperation and people-to people exchanges.

The Indian President said Bangladesh is at the focus of India's "Neighborhood First" and "Act East" policies.

"Our SAGAR doctrine and the Indo-Pacific Vision. India reiterates its support for a democratic, stable, inclusive, peaceful and progressive Bangladesh," she said.​

 

[Saif]

US greets Bangladesh on Independence Day

The United States has congratulated Bangladesh on its Independence Day Saying Washington supports Bangladesh in its journey toward a bright and democratic future. “As Bangladesh marks this special occasion, I extend my warm regards to its people and reaffirm the United Sta

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

US greets Bangladesh on Independence Day
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Mar 26, 2025 12:38
Updated :
Mar 26, 2025 12:38

The United States has congratulated Bangladesh on its Independence Day Saying Washington supports Bangladesh in its journey toward a bright and democratic future.

“As Bangladesh marks this special occasion, I extend my warm regards to its people and reaffirm the United States, commitment to working together to make both our nations safer, stronger, and more prosperous,” said US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in a statement.

On behalf of the United States of America, Rubio congratulated the people of Bangladesh as they celebrate their Independence Day on March 26, reports BSS.

He said that this celebration comes at a pivotal point in Bangladesh’s history, as the Interim Government prepares the nation for elections that will allow the people of Bangladesh to choose the path forward for their nation.

“We look forward to continuing our partnership promoting economic development and regional security in the Indo-Pacific,” said the Secretary of State.​

 

[Saif]

The foreign couple who fought for Bangladesh

In the summer of 1971, as the people of Bangladesh waged a desperate fight for freedom, two foreign voices -- one British, one American -- rose in defiance against the brutal atrocities unfolding thousands of miles from their own homelands.

www.thedailystar.net

Independence Day

The foreign couple who fought for Bangladesh

Exhibition being held honouring contributions of Paul and Ellen Connett to the country’s struggle for liberation

In the summer of 1971, as the people of Bangladesh waged a desperate fight for freedom, two foreign voices -- one British, one American -- rose in defiance against the brutal atrocities unfolding thousands of miles from their own homelands.

Paul and Ellen Connett, a young couple, refused to stay silent. They did more than express outrage; they took action.

Paul, a British national, and Ellen, an American, became key figures in the international movement against the genocide in Bangladesh.

As the Pakistani military cracked down on the people of the then-East Pakistan, the Connetts mobilised global attention, spearheading protests, raising funds, and even risking their own safety to bring aid to war-affected civilians.

Their story was revisited at an exhibition titled "Humanity Is One", organised at Gulshan Society Lake Park in the capital, marking Bangladesh's 54th Independence Day.

In one of the most striking moments of their activism, on August 1, 1971, the Connetts helped gather 25,000 people at Trafalgar Square in London for a massive demonstration against the genocide in Bangladesh.

Organised in collaboration with UK-based East Pakistani activists and rights groups, the protest became a defining moment in international solidarity -- one that stood alongside the legendary "Concert for Bangladesh" in New York.

But for the Connetts, protesting was not enough. They wanted to do more. They acquired a World War II-era ambulance, packed it with medical supplies, and embarked on a daring journey across multiple countries, determined to bring aid to the war-ravaged people of Bangladesh. When they finally reached the country, they used the ambulance to provide crucial medical support to civilians affected by the war.

Their actions came at a cost. Ellen Connett was arrested while attempting to enter Bangladesh. She was imprisoned, but her spirit remained unshaken. Just days before victory, she was released, a testament to her relentless determination to stand with the people of Bangladesh.

While imprisoned, she discovered that she was pregnant. On returning to the UK, she gave birth to her son, naming him Peter William Mujib Connett.

The couple also received "Friends of Liberation War Honour" from the government.

At the exhibition yesterday, Mofidul Hoque, founder trustee of the Liberation War Museum, described how Action Bangladesh and Operation Omega -- platforms co-founded by the Connetts -- raised funds and procured ambulances for Bangladeshis during the war.

Abdul Majid Chowdhury, co-founder of Action Bangladesh, recalled the immense risks taken by foreigners who stood with Bangladesh.

"We, as a nation, fought for our freedom -- that was expected. But the way foreigners risked their lives for us was truly extraordinary," he added.

Speaking at the event, James Goldman, acting British deputy high commissioner to Bangladesh, called their story a powerful demonstration of the enduring relationship between Bangladesh and the UK.

He said that the UK was among the first nations to recognise Bangladesh in 1972 and has maintained a strong partnership with the country ever since.

German Ambassador to Bangladesh Achim Troster expressed Germany's said, "We stand by Bangladesh and will remain a reliable and trustworthy partner -- hopefully towards more democracy and a less antagonistic political landscape."

Speaking at the event, Syed Ahsan Habib Rana, secretary general of Gulshan Society, said, "Fifty-four years ago, a nation was born not just through the struggles of its own people but also with the unwavering support of voices from across the world—voices that refused to stay silent."

Moderating the event, Srabanti Datta, cultural secretary of Gulshan Society, said that the exhibition is particularly valuable for younger generations. "It offers a powerful lesson on the significance of global solidarity and humanitarian efforts in a nation's struggle for freedom," she added.

As visitors at the exhibition walked past rare photographs, historical documents, and firsthand accounts of the Connetts' activism, one message stood clear -- humanity knows no borders.​

 

[Saif]

New definition of freedom fighters, associates

Persons who fought on the battlefield will be recognised as freedom fighters, persons who helped the war in anyway will be recognised as associates

en.prothomalo.com

Independence Day
New definition of freedom fighters, associates

A new section on the spirit of Liberation War was incorporated into the draft ordinance. It states the ‘spirit of Liberation War’ means “The spirit to ensure equity, human dignity, and social justice of the people of Bangladesh as stated in the Proclamation of Independence by the Mujibnagar government on behalf of the constituent assembly on 10 April 1971.”

Arifur Rahman
Dhaka
Updated: 26 Mar 2025, 16: 16

Photo shows a group of freedom fighters.

People who fought against the occupying Pakistani forces on the battlefield during the 1971 Liberation War will be recognised as ‘valiant freedom fighters’, and the individuals who made a special contribution to and were active in creating global opinions for the Liberation War at home and abroad will be recognised as ‘ associates of freedom fighters’.

The definition of valiant freedom fighters is going to be changed through an ordinance on the amendment to the Jatio Muktijoddha Council (Jamuka) Act.

The draft of the ordinance has already been sent to the cabinet. Previously, the definition of freedom fighters was changed in 2022, recognising the people who fought on the ground, as well as those who made special contributions to the Liberation War as valiant freedom fighters.

Officials at the Liberation War affairs ministry said demands were raised by various quarters to change the definition of freedom fighters after the fall of the Awami League government due to the student-people movement.

After that, they spoke to freedom fighters with gallantry awards, researchers and various organisations. Almost everyone said those who fought the battle on the ground and those who contributed to the war in various ways cannot have similar recognition.

That is why the definition of freedom fighters is being changed, taking opinions from everyone.

Several Liberation War researchers, however, told Prothom Alo that the past Awami League governments changed the definition of freedom fighters for political reasons at various times, and now a new class of associates of freedom fighters is being defined, which is not right. It will not be honourable either. Rather, the matter will deepen the crisis and bitterness in future.

Liberation War affairs researcher Afsan Chowdhury told Prothom Alo that there has been controversy over the definitions of the Liberation War and freedom fighter since the beginning. Sometimes these changes were made for political reasons, sometimes to provide various facilities.

There has been controversy over the definitions of the Liberation War and freedom fighter since the beginning. Sometimes these changes were made for political reasons, sometimes to provide various facilities--Liberation War affairs researcher Afsan Chowdhury.

He further said people from different walks of life took part in the Liberation War, and joined the battle in various ways. However, all governments changed the definition of the Liberation War for political reasons. It is happening now and will happen in future too.

Who are the freedom fighters?

According to the definition of the draft ordinance, all civilian (who at the time was over the minimum age as determined by the government), who took preparation and received trainings at home, and engaged in fighting against Pakistan by participating actively against the junta and occupying Pakistani armed forces and their local collaborators Razakar, Al-Badar, Al-Shamsh, Muslim League, Jamaat-e-Islami, Nizam-e-Islam and collaborators and Peace Committees in the Liberation War from 26 March to 16 December 1971, will be recognised as valiant freedom fighters.

Besides, members of Armed Forces, Mukti Bahini, BLF and other recognised groups, police, East Pakistan Regiment (EPR), Naval Commando, Kilo Force and Anasar will also be recognised as valiant freedom fighters.

The definition states that civilians are in three categories. Firstly, persons who crossed Bangladesh borders, listed themselves at various training camps in India and participated in the Liberation War actively; secondly, all women (Birangona) who were tortured by junta and occupying Pakistani forces and their collaborators; and thirdly, all physicians, nurses, and medical assistants of all field hospitals, who provided treatments to wounded freedom fighters during the Liberation War.

All three categories of people will be recognised as valiant freedom fighters.

Who are the associates of freedom fighters?

The draft ordinance will incorporate a new provision on associates of freedom fighters.

It states that Bangladeshi citizens who inspired the freedom fighters, as well as participated in and cooperated actively to play the role of organiser to intensify the Liberation War and accelerate the independence of Bangladesh, mobilise global public opinion, gain diplomatic support and psychological strength, will be recognised as associates of freedom fighters.

There will be five categories of associates of freedom fighters. Firstly, Bangladeshi professionals who contributed to Liberation War during the wartime while living abroad and Bangladeshi citizens, who played active role in raising global public opinion; secondly, officials or employees or ambassadors under the government of Bangladesh (Mujibnagar government) formed during the Liberation War, and physicians, nurses and other assistants appointed by the Mujibnagar government; thirdly, all members of national assembly (MNAs) or members of provincial assembly (MPAs) who were involved with the government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh (Mujibnagar government) formed during the Liberation war, and who later became the members of constituent assembly; fourthly, all artistes and technicians of Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra, and all Bangladeshi journalists who performed duty for Liberation War at home and aboard, and fifthly, Swadhin Bangla football team.

There was no debate after the Liberation War over defining the frontline fighters as freedom fighters. The interim government’s decision seems to be an attempt to return to the actual definition of freedom fighters---Mohammad Sazzadur Rahaman, a PhD researcher at Clark University, in the US. People of five categories have since been recognised as valiant freedom fighters.

Now they will be recognised as associates of freedom fighters once the ordinance of the JAMUKA Amendment Act is issued.

The existing JAMUKA Act mentions Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in various places, but the ordinance will leave out all of it. The ordinance will also replace ‘spirit of Liberation War’ with ‘goal’.

The existing act defines the Liberation War as a response to the Declaration of Independence of Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

The new ordinance omits these lines and several other words. Instead, it states, “A war against the junta and occupying Pakistani armed forces and their local collaborators Razakar, Al-Badar, Al-Shams, Muslim League, Jamaat-e-Islami, Nizam-e-Islam and Collaborators and Peace Committees from 26 March to 16 December in 1971 with a desire to establish equity, human dignity, and social justice for the people of Bangladesh as an independent democratic state.”

According to Liberation War affairs sources, the definition and criteria of valiant freedom fighters have been changed 11 times since independence, with the definition alone being changed five times.

With the new ordinance, the definition and criteria of valiant freedom fighters will be changed for the 12th time.

On the other hand, lists of valiant freedom fighters have been revised seven times so far.

The Liberation War affairs ministry maintained a management information system (MIS) database on the lists of all valiant freedom fighters, their allowances and other details.

According to the MIS database, currently, there are about 197,800 valiant freedom fighters in the country, and 196,454 of them receive allowances monthly.

If the new list of associates of freedom fighters is prepared, the number of valiant freedom fighters will normally drop. The ministry, however, could not specify the reduced number.

Liberation War Affairs Adviser Faruk E Azam told Prothom Alo at his office on 23 March, “In fact, those who fought the battle on the ground, only they will be recognised as freedom fighters. Those who participated in the war from various points of view, like some people cooperated diplomatically or some sang for the war, will be the associates of freedom fighters.”

How the previous government decided to recognise political leaders as valiant freedom fighters raised questions to a large extent, but how they are being relegated to the associate category would raise further debate---Mohammad Sazzadur Rahaman, a PhD researcher at Clark University, in the US.

He said the draft ordinance of the JAMUKA Amendment Act was sent to the cabinet, and they gave several observations, now those are being incorporated.

Replying to a query, Adviser Faruk E Azam said those who were in the government of Bangladesh (Mujibnagar government) formed during the Liberation War will be considered as valiant freedom fighters. The draft ordinance first mulled recognising them as the associates of freedom fighters, but it is being amended now.

Spirit of Liberation War

A new section (14) on the spirit of Liberation War was incorporated into the draft ordinance. It states the ‘spirit of Liberation War’ means “The spirit to ensure equity, human dignity, and social justice of the people of Bangladesh as stated in the Proclamation of Independence by the Mujibnagar government on behalf of the constituent assembly on 10 April 1971.”

Speaking to Prothom Alo, Mohammad Sazzadur Rahaman, a PhD researcher at Clark University, in the US, said there was no debate after the Liberation War over defining the frontline fighters as freedom fighters. The interim government’s decision seems to be an attempt to return to the actual definition of freedom fighters.

How the Awami League expanded the extent of the definition of freedom fighters, expatriates also started getting certification of freedom fighters, he stated.

This government wants to check this rush, he remarked.

Sazzadur Rahaman also said that how the previous government decided to recognise political leaders as valiant freedom fighters raised questions to a large extent, but how they are being relegated to the associate category would raise further debate.

Since the Liberation War is said to be the war of the people, it would not be considerate to give state recognition and facilities separately to various kinds of associates, he argued.

* This report appeared in the print and online editions of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten in English by Hasanul Banna​