[🇧🇩] India's Water Terrorism Against Bangladesh

[Saif]

People want Teesta Master Plan implemented, not promises: Jamaat ameer

Opposition leader says northern Bangladesh has long been neglected and urges Teesta riverbank communities to build a movement for their rights

www.thedailystar.net

People want Teesta Master Plan implemented, not promises: Jamaat ameer

Opposition leader says northern Bangladesh has long been neglected and urges Teesta riverbank communities to build a movement for their rights

Our Correspondent, Lalmonirhat

Photo: Star

Opposition Leader in the parliament and Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman said today that people are tired of hearing promises about the Teesta Master Plan and now want to see it implemented.

“It is not enough to chant slogans like ‘Jago Bahe, Teesta Bachao’ only before elections. The people living along the Teesta are now awakened. They want their rights and legitimate demands fulfilled. The state must show sincerity towards their demands,” he said.

Shafiqur Rahman made the remarks while addressing a civic gathering, as the chief guest, at the Rangpur Shilpakala Auditorium. The event was organised by Jamaat leaders and activists from the Rangpur-Dinajpur region on Friday evening.

Shafiqur said, “The Rangpur region has long been neglected. The people here are victims of development disparity. The issues of agriculture, rivers, environment, and livelihoods in this region must receive greater national attention. For the overall development of the country, northern Bangladesh must be given priority.”

He said implementation of the Teesta Master Plan would bring positive changes to the lives and livelihoods of nearly 25 million people in northern Bangladesh.

Criticising the government’s development priorities, he said, “The government has approved the implementation of the Padma Barrage Project. The Padma Barrage is undoubtedly important, but the Teesta Master Plan should also receive equal importance. The life-and-death concerns of the people of northern Bangladesh should not be ignored.”

Calling on the people living along the Teesta to prepare for a movement, he said, “The Teesta Master Plan will not be implemented automatically. People must become organised and build a movement. Only when your voices reach parliament will the path to implementing the project become easier.”

He further said, “Before the election, we promised that if we form the government, we would prioritise implementing the Teesta Master Plan. Allah did not grant us that opportunity. Still, we have not stopped. Even from the opposition, we have raised the issue of the Teesta in the parliament and will continue to do so.”

Rejecting allegations that Jamaat had prior knowledge of the United States-Bangladesh reciprocal trade agreement signed during the interim government’s tenure, Shafiqur said, “No one from the interim government discussed this trade agreement with us in any form.”

Regarding local government elections, he said, “We are an election-oriented political party. We want a change in leadership through democratic means. Therefore, like every other election, we will participate this time as well. However, we remain concerned about whether the election will actually be free and fair.”

Referring to the political situation in India’s West Bengal and border killings, he said, “We condemn incidents of human rights violations taking place in West Bengal. Not only in West Bengal, but anywhere in the world where people are persecuted or attacked because of their religious identity, we protest against it.”

Speaking about the government’s role, he said, “If the government does good work, we will not only support it but also cooperate. But if the government engages in wrongdoing, corruption, or misdeeds, we will stand against it. We do not want politics of confrontation; we want politics based on trust.”

Alleging politically-motivated appointments in university administrations, he said, “Although universities are centres of knowledge, party loyalists are being appointed as vice-chancellors, pro-vice-chancellors, and proctors. There is no accountability regarding these matters. They think their plans are final. But the government must remember that no one’s plans are final.”

The event, chaired by Rangpur metropolitan Jamaat Ameer ATM Azam Khan, was also addressed by Jamaat Nayeb-e-Ameer ATM Azharul Islam, Assistant Secretary General Maulana Abdul Halim, and central executive council member and Rangpur-3 MP Mahbubar Rahman Belal, among others.​

 

[Saif]

Padma Barrage must have clear rationale

Extensive feasibility studies must be conducted before launching megaprojects like the Padma Barrage.

www.thedailystar.net

Padma Barrage must have clear rationale

Conduct extensive feasibility studies before launching megaprojects

VISUAL: STAR

The government’s recent approval of the Padma Barrage megaproject, touted as a solution to the water crisis in the country’s southwest and northwest regions, cannot be assessed solely through the lens of its promised benefits, especially at a time when economic austerity and fiscal prudence are paramount. The concerns raised by environment experts must be taken into consideration before its construction begins, estimated to cost Tk 34,497 crore just in the first phase.

According to media reports, the Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) will implement the project, aiming completion by 2033, initially without any foreign loans. A 2.1-km barrage and related infrastructure will be constructed in Rajbari’s Pangsha upazila, along with a reservoir with the capacity to store 2,900 million cubic metres of water in the Padma River, and a hydropower plant with the capacity to generate 113MW of electricity. The project will revive five river systems, and its first phase is expected to benefit 19 districts and 20 upazilas across four divisions, helping irrigation and boosting rice production.

In a way, the project is expected to solve the crisis created by upstream diversion at the Farakka Barrage. Many rivers, including the Gorai-Modhumati, the primary freshwater source for southwest Bangladesh, experience severe dry season depletion because of the Farakka Barrage. The 1996 Ganges Water Treaty, set to expire this December, failed to address this situation. The irony is that the success or failure of the Padma Barrage hinges, to a considerable extent, on a well-balanced, fair water-sharing treaty with India. The Farakka Barrage and the proposed Padma Barrage lie within the same river system—the former on the upstream stretch and the latter on the downstream stretch of the Ganges basin. Thus, Padma Barrage’s ability to store monsoon water for release during the dry season depends on India releasing water as expected. Therefore, a treaty that ensures Bangladesh will receive its fair share of water is essential before launching an ambitious downstream project. Experts are rightly concerned that the Padma Barrage could weaken our position in a new Ganges water-sharing treaty negotiation with India.

There are other environmental concerns. Experts say upstream siltation would raise the river bed between Pangsha and Rajshahi, leading to increased riverbank erosion and severe flooding. Moreover, Prof Nazrul Islam, founder of Bangladesh Environment Network, opines that the barrage would reduce water flow in some rivers in the central region of the country. It would not be wise to create more problems to solve one, especially when a large investment is required.

Therefore, we urge the government to revisit its decision and carry out an extensive feasibility study before allocating funds for the project. It is already grappling with huge domestic borrowing; funding this megaproject from our own coffers will further constrain the space for private sector borrowing and put increased pressure on taxpayers. Prudence and diplomatic engagement—not short-term political gains—should guide decisions on projects of such magnitude.​

 

[Saif]

Common river water fair share still a far cry

Today marks the 50th anniversary of the historic Farakka Long March, renewing Bangladesh’s call for a fair share of water from the transboundary rivers shared with India.

www.newagebd.net

Common river water fair share still a far cry
50th anniv of Farakka Long March today

Staff Correspondent 16 May, 2026, 00:49

File photo

Today marks the 50th anniversary of the historic Farakka Long March, renewing Bangladesh’s call for a fair share of water from the transboundary rivers shared with India.Bangladeshi Culture Course

On May 16, 1976, mass leader Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani led a massive long march from Rajshahi towards India’s Farakka Barrage, demanding its demolition.

The Indian government constructed the major water diversion structure in the state of West Bengal, about 16.5 kilometres from Bangladesh’s Chapainawabganj border, to divert water from the Ganges River into Indian territories.

Thousands of people had participated in the historic long march and staged a demonstration protesting at the construction of the barrage that has been affecting Bangladesh’s ecology since its commissioning in 1975 on the transboundary river flowing as the Padma River through Bangladesh.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir on Friday reiterated the party’s concern over the water-sharing issue on the eve of Farakka Long March Day, describing May 16 as a significant day in the country’s national movement.

In a statement sent to the media, Fakhrul said that thousands of people had joined the historic long march towards the Farakka Barrage at the call of Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani to demand Bangladesh’s rightful share of the Ganges water in line with international law.

He alleged that after India constructed the Farakka Barrage, the unilateral withdrawal of water from the shared river severely affected northwestern Bangladesh, causing environmental imbalance and ecological degradation.

Fakhrul, also the local government, rural development and cooperatives minister, claimed that the then Bangladesh Awami League government had allowed the barrage to operate on an experimental basis despite public opposition and humanitarian concerns.

He said that the barrage had since turned into a ‘death trap’, depriving Bangladesh of its fair share of water.

The BNP leader also alleged that dams and barrages built by India on 54 shared rivers without regard for international laws had disrupted natural river flow and posed a serious threat to Bangladesh’s environment and agriculture.

Different political parties and organisations have taken different programmes to observe Farakka Long March Day.

The Ganosamhati Andolan will hold a rally in front of the National Press Club in the capital Dhaka to mark the day at 11:00am today.

The chief coordinator of the political party, Dewan Abdur Rashid Nilu, and executive coordinator Abul Hassan Rubel will speak at the rally.

The Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani Parishad will hold a discussion in front of the National Museum at Shahbagh in the capital at 4:00pm today. Politicians and academics will speak at the event.

The Bhashani Onusari Parishad and the Bangladesh National Awami Party have chalked out programmes to observe the day.​

 

[Bilal9]

Padma Barrage must have clear rationale

Extensive feasibility studies must be conducted before launching megaprojects like the Padma Barrage.

www.thedailystar.net

Padma Barrage must have clear rationale

Conduct extensive feasibility studies before launching megaprojects

View attachment 26659
VISUAL: STAR

The government’s recent approval of the Padma Barrage megaproject, touted as a solution to the water crisis in the country’s southwest and northwest regions, cannot be assessed solely through the lens of its promised benefits, especially at a time when economic austerity and fiscal prudence are paramount. The concerns raised by environment experts must be taken into consideration before its construction begins, estimated to cost Tk 34,497 crore just in the first phase.

According to media reports, the Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) will implement the project, aiming completion by 2033, initially without any foreign loans. A 2.1-km barrage and related infrastructure will be constructed in Rajbari’s Pangsha upazila, along with a reservoir with the capacity to store 2,900 million cubic metres of water in the Padma River, and a hydropower plant with the capacity to generate 113MW of electricity. The project will revive five river systems, and its first phase is expected to benefit 19 districts and 20 upazilas across four divisions, helping irrigation and boosting rice production.

In a way, the project is expected to solve the crisis created by upstream diversion at the Farakka Barrage. Many rivers, including the Gorai-Modhumati, the primary freshwater source for southwest Bangladesh, experience severe dry season depletion because of the Farakka Barrage. The 1996 Ganges Water Treaty, set to expire this December, failed to address this situation. The irony is that the success or failure of the Padma Barrage hinges, to a considerable extent, on a well-balanced, fair water-sharing treaty with India. The Farakka Barrage and the proposed Padma Barrage lie within the same river system—the former on the upstream stretch and the latter on the downstream stretch of the Ganges basin. Thus, Padma Barrage’s ability to store monsoon water for release during the dry season depends on India releasing water as expected. Therefore, a treaty that ensures Bangladesh will receive its fair share of water is essential before launching an ambitious downstream project. Experts are rightly concerned that the Padma Barrage could weaken our position in a new Ganges water-sharing treaty negotiation with India.

There are other environmental concerns. Experts say upstream siltation would raise the river bed between Pangsha and Rajshahi, leading to increased riverbank erosion and severe flooding. Moreover, Prof Nazrul Islam, founder of Bangladesh Environment Network, opines that the barrage would reduce water flow in some rivers in the central region of the country. It would not be wise to create more problems to solve one, especially when a large investment is required.

Therefore, we urge the government to revisit its decision and carry out an extensive feasibility study before allocating funds for the project. It is already grappling with huge domestic borrowing; funding this megaproject from our own coffers will further constrain the space for private sector borrowing and put increased pressure on taxpayers. Prudence and diplomatic engagement—not short-term political gains—should guide decisions on projects of such magnitude.​

As usual - Delhi Star carrying out the diktat of its RAW masters to stop another project critical and necessary for Bangladesh interests.

These haramis deserve a second burning of their offices. Bunch of treasonous, betraying, traitorous suars.

 

[Saif]

As usual - Delhi Star carrying out the diktat of its RAW masters to stop another project critical and necessary for Bangladesh interests.

These haramis deserve a second burning of their offices. Bunch of treasonous, betraying, traitorous suars.

They don't have any love for Bangladesh. Akhand Bharat is their dream. But we the Bangladeshi people who believe in the independence and territorial integrity of Bangladesh will turn their dream into nightmare.

 

[Saif]

The Financial Express | First Financial Daily of Bangladesh

Get latest stock share market news, financial news, economy news, politics news, breaking news, Bangladesh economy news at The Financial Express.

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Teesta project: A source of rivalry or cooperation?

Serajul I Bhuiyan

Published :
May 17, 2026 00:05
Updated :
May 17, 2026 00:05

From time immemorial, rivers have meant much more to the people of Bangladesh than mere sources of water. The rivers system has made civilization possible and supported agricultural and livelihood activities, while also serving as the cultural and emotional centerpieces of a country that rests on its delta. Among 54 transboundary rivers, at least two -- the Padma (Ganges) and the Teesta -- have been of major political significance.

Today, the proposed Teesta River Comprehensive Management and Restoration Project with possible financial and technical backing from China has emerged as one of the most important infrastructure and geopolitical undertakings in recent years. The initiative aims to address the long-standing challenges, including water scarcity, severe river erosion, flood control issues, declining agricultural productivity, and ecological degradation across northern Bangladesh. However, beyond its engineering and environmental dimensions, the Teesta project has become deeply connected to regional diplomacy, strategic rivalry, and the broader future of Bangladesh-India relations.

In essence, the Teesta question reflects the wider South Asian dilemma of balancing development, sovereignty, environmental conservation, and collaboration amid a changing global context.

People in the northern parts of Bangladesh have suffered for years from the dual jeopardy of drought and flooding in the Teesta Basin. During the dry season, there is minimal water in the river due to upstream water diversion by India through the Gajoldoba barrage in West Bengal. Consequently, local farmers suffer from water shortages for irrigation, resulting in crop losses. However, with the onset of the monsoon, there is an unexpected release of water upstream, causing floods and river erosion.

The human consequences have been profound. Thousands of families have been displaced over the years by riverbank erosion, creating recurring cycles of poverty, migration, and social insecurity. Communities dependent on agriculture already vulnerable to the effects of climate change remain trapped between extremes of water scarcity during dry season and destructive flooding in the monsoon.

The project aims to alter the status quo by adopting an integrated river management approach that incorporates elements such as dredging, embankments, irrigation system improvements, river engineering, urban planning, land reclamation, economic zone development, tourism development, and ecological restoration. Clearly, the objective is to turn the basin into a sustainable economic zone for northern Bangladesh.

If implemented successfully, the initiative could become one of South Asia's most significant river management transformations.

China's involvement introduces an important geopolitical dimension to the project. Over the last decade, China has become one of Bangladesh's largest development partners, investing heavily in roads, bridges, ports, energy, telecommunications, and industrial infrastructure under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

Beijing's interest in the Teesta River project stems from its broader strategic goal of connectivity and relationship-building in South Asia. In the context of Bangladesh, it would give it the opportunity to carry out a difficult project, as it can do so with funding from China.

Proponents believe that, as a sovereign country, Bangladesh can freely choose the assistance it wants for its development, meaning Chinese involvement in such projects is nothing more than another form of economic diplomacy.

For the Indian capital of New Delhi, however, this project does not represent merely an issue of economic development. India is extremely wary of China's growing presence in neighboring states, especially those bordering its northeastern states.

The Teesta River originates in the Indian Himalayas and passes through the strategically vital Siliguri Corridor commonly referred to as the "Chicken's Neck" which links mainland India to its northeastern region. Any major Chinese involvement in infrastructure near this corridor naturally raises concerns within Indian security circles.

At the same time, the Teesta water-sharing dispute itself has remained unresolved for more than a decade despite repeated diplomatic efforts between Dhaka and New Delhi. Although a draft agreement was nearly finalized during former Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh's visit to Bangladesh in 2011, opposition from the West Bengal government prevented its implementation.

This prolonged delay has fueled frustration in Bangladesh. Many Bangladeshis see the Teesta issue as a measure of the sincerity and effectiveness of regional cooperation between the two neighboring countries. While Bangladesh has often addressed several of India's security concerns particularly regarding insurgency and regional connectivity, many in Dhaka feel that Bangladesh's own water concerns have not received the same urgency or attention.

Against this backdrop, China's willingness to support the Teesta project inevitably reshapes the diplomatic equation.

The Teesta project finds itself at an intersection within the emerging geopolitical landscape of South Asia. It is not only the competition between China and India that has shifted from territorial disputes to armed confrontation, but also into areas like infrastructure and development finance.

Bangladesh has become one of the most strategically significant countries within this competition because of its geographic location, economic growth, demographic strength, and access to the Bay of Bengal.

However, the nation faces an equally difficult task. Too much allegiance to one side would drive away the other. The key to Bangladesh's sustainability lies in striking a balance between its policies on the international stage and its development.

For this reason, the Teesta initiative demands exceptional diplomatic maturity from all parties involved.

If properly controlled and executed openly, the Teesta project would bring significant transformations in northern Bangladesh from economic and social perspectives.

In the past, the area was less developed industrially than other regions of Bangladesh. Improvements in irrigation would greatly increase productivity, alleviate poverty during certain seasons, and ensure food security. Moreover, restoring the rivers would help regain the lost lands due to erosion and protect against environmental threats.

In addition, the project is expected to offer job opportunities across various fields, including construction, engineering, agriculture, transportation, and environmental management. Increased access to the river basin will encourage investment, thereby integrating the region's economy.

Most importantly, successful implementation would strengthen Bangladesh's climate adaptation capacity at a time when the country remains among the world's most climate-vulnerable nations.

Nevertheless, success will depend on transparency, environmental protection, local participation, and financial accountability. Mega-projects often entail risks of displacement, ecological damage, debt dependency, and governance failures. Bangladesh must therefore ensure that national priorities -- not geopolitical symbolism remain at the center of decision-making.

In essence, the dispute over the Teesta goes beyond water management. It highlights the level of trust between Bangladesh and India.

Indeed, the bilateral relations between the two nations have a long history that is both emotional and strategic. India had a critical influence on Bangladesh when it gained its independence from Pakistan in 1971. Today, Bangladesh-India cooperation spans a range of areas, including commerce, energy security, regional connectivity, counterterrorism, and regional security.

However, enduring relationships require reciprocity and comprehension. An example of that is the very emotional issue of sharing water resources in Bangladesh. Thus, a proper agreement on the Teesta River will not only solve the problem but also reinforce the ethical dimension of the relationship.

The Teesta River can either become another flashpoint of geopolitical rivalry or emerge as a model for cooperative regional development. The choice ultimately depends not on the river itself, but on the political wisdom of those who govern around it.

As former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan once observed:

"Fierce competition for fresh water may well become a source of conflict and wars in the future. But it can also be a catalyst for cooperation."

Dr. Serajul I. Bhuiyan is a professor and former chair of the Department of Journalism and Mass Communications, Savannah State University, Savannah, GA USA.​

 

[Saif]

Farakka Day: Will Bangladesh receive fair share of water this time after expiry of 30-year deal?

Every year on 16 May, a name inevitably comes to the forefront—Farakka. It is not just the name of a barrage; it is a symbol of the enduring crisis in Bangladesh concerning rivers, agriculture, economy, and geopolitics. On this day, some discussions happen, some memories are recalled, and then...

en.prothomalo.com

Farakka Day: Will Bangladesh receive fair share of water this time after expiry of 30-year deal?

Subail Bin Alam
Published: 16 May 2026, 16: 59

How India withdraws water from the Ganges through the Farakka Barrage Collected

Every year on 16 May, a name inevitably comes to the forefront—Farakka. It is not just the name of a barrage; it is a symbol of the enduring crisis in Bangladesh concerning rivers, agriculture, economy, and geopolitics. On this day, some discussions happen, some memories are recalled, and then the issue goes into the shadows again. Yet, the dying rivers in the southwest, the increasing salinity in the Sundarbans, and the damage to agriculture are all somehow connected to Farakka.

This time the situation is more urgent. The 30-year-long Ganges Water Sharing Treaty of 1996 is set to expire in December. We stand at a historic juncture—a moment of opportunity, but there is no evidence of preparedness.

Bhasani’s Long March and an unfinished struggle
On 16 May 1976, 96-year-old Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani left his hospital bed and marched from Rajshahi towards Farakka with millions of people, with just one message—to give Bangladesh its fair share of water.
He said, "If the Farakka Barrage is not dismantled, Bangladesh will turn into a desert. If I don't come, you will come; if you don’t, your children will. ”

Fifty years later, it must be acknowledged that this prediction has partially come true. It was not just a political protest; it was a historic public uprising to reclaim the life-or-death river rights. That movement remains unfinished today.

News of the Farakka Long March in the Daily Azad on 18 May 1976.Courtesy: Notebook of Sangram

Why was the barrage built, and who suffered?
Construction of the Farakka Barrage began in 1961 and was formally inaugurated on 21 April 1975. At that time, a short-term understanding took place between India and Bangladesh (from 21 April to 31 May 1975). After the political upheaval in August 1975, India unilaterally started withdrawing water, leading to a crisis in 1976.

The Indian government claimed that the barrage was built to maintain the navigability of Kolkata Port and to revive the Hooghly River. In reality, the Farakka project diverted 40,000 cusecs of water from the Ganges to the Bhagirathi-Hooghly through a feeder canal, most of which was due to Bangladesh.

However, the goal was not fully achieved. The Kolkata Port has not been entirely freed from sediment problems. Instead, sediment accumulation upstream in the Ganges is causing severe floods in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh every year. Riverbank erosion in Malda-Murshidabad is unending. That is, this barrage has become a ''death trap'' not only for Bangladesh but for India too.

50 years of loss: Data and reality
Before the barrage was operational, the average flow of the Ganges at the Hardinge Bridge point during the dry season was about 65,000 cusecs. After the barrage became operational, in some years, it reduced to just 10,000 to 15,000 cusecs.

In the dry season of 2015, the flow at Farakka was only 25,000 cusecs; as per the treaty, Bangladesh should have received 12,500 cusecs, but it received even less. Post the 1996 treaty, studies show the minimum flow in the dry season has reduced by up to 75 per cent. Today, the Padma River is a vast desert.

Various studies show that in five decades, the direct and indirect financial losses for Bangladesh exceed hundreds of billions of US dollars. The number of affected people is over sixty million. Sediment flow through the Padma has decreased by 20 per cent compared to 1960.

Agriculture has suffered the most. In the Ganges-Kobadak irrigation project, over 121,000 hectares of land depend on this flow. But the water level has dropped so much that the pumps are either shut or operating at much less capacity.

Farmers in Kushtia-Chuadanga have become owners of single-crop lands during the dry season. In Rajshahi-Chapainawabganj, the first layer of groundwater, previously found at 8 to 10 feet, is now unreachable even at 15 feet. In many places, it has dropped 60 to 100 feet below, which seasonal rain fails to replenish.

Over a hundred rivers and canals throughout the country are nearly dead. Rivers like Kobadak, Bhairab, Nabaganga, Chitra now sound like names from history. Where there once was the raging Padma, now there are shoals. Where boats once sailed, people now walk.

The encroachment of salinity continues unabated. With the decline in freshwater flow, saline water from the Bay of Bengal has intruded 100 to 150 kilometers inland. The sundari trees in the Sundarbans are on the verge of extinction due to diseases caused by high salinity. Everything from the Bengal tiger's habitat to fish breeding is affected. This crisis coupled with climate change has created a sort of double impact. During winter, water supply ceases, yet without warning, gates are opened during monsoon. Two different attacks across two seasons stem from one source.

Before the barrage, the average flow of the Ganges during the dry season at Hardinge Bridge Point was about 65,000 cusecs. After the barrage, in some years, it has dropped to just 10,000 to 15,000 cusecs. File photo

History of the treaty: The account of receivables and non-receivables

In 1972, the Bangladesh-India Joint River Commission was formed. In 1977, the first five-year water-sharing treaty was signed. However, from 1988 to 1996, for eight years, there was no effective treaty. During that time, India unilaterally managed Farakka, the severe impact of which was observed in Bangladesh.

The 30-year treaty signed on 12 December 1996, was a milestone.

According to the agreement, if the flow at Farakka is 70,000 cusecs or less, both countries will share the water equally; if the flow is between 70,000 and 75,000 cusecs, Bangladesh is assured of receiving 35,000 cusecs, and the rest will go to India. If the flow exceeds 75,000 cusecs, India is assured of receiving 40, 000 cusecs, with the remainder going to Bangladesh. However, there is a condition that from 1 April to 10 May, over three ten-day cycles, both countries are assured of receiving 35,000 cusecs alternately.

Nevertheless, despite this treaty, Bangladesh often did not receive its rightful share. Due to internal uses within India and other upstream infrastructure, the water due to Bangladesh has frequently been reduced.
The term of this treaty ends in December 2026. No visible discussions have started yet between the two countries on a new treaty. If this inactivity continues, from 2027, Bangladesh might again fall victim to unilateral water management.

What needs to be done next

Stepping out of emotional politics, we must now move towards information-based diplomacy. Action is needed on several fronts.

Firstly, the opportunity in December 2026 must not be squandered. The new treaty should not only share water equitably but also include accountability processes for violations. Water-sharing formulas should be determined based on the principle of "equitable and reasonable use" under international river law. Strengthening the Joint River Commission and bringing it under third-party observation could be considered.

Secondly, Bangladesh has not yet ratified the United Nations International Watercourses Convention 1997. While discussions have occurred on this matter, no formal progress has been made. This convention provides a legal basis for downstream countries to claim their rightful share in transboundary rivers. Ratifying it will legally strengthen our position in international discussions. It could be the most effective tool in exerting diplomatic pressure on India.

Thirdly, not just Farakka but Teesta, Manu, Mahananda, and all 54 shared rivers need to be brought under a comprehensive river basin management. Negotiating separately reduces leverage. The Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna Basin’s overall management should include all upstream countries like Nepal, Bhutan, and China. The Danube Commission in Europe, the Nile Basin Initiative in Africa, or the Mekong River Commission have shown that viewing water-sharing as part of political, economic, and environmental security can lead to solutions.

Fourthly, a real-time data system must be developed for the entire Ganges-Padma Basin. Information such as incoming water amounts, areas of depletion, increasing salinity should be published internationally. Political statements alone won't suffice; data must be presented. We've approved the UN Water Convention 1992, hence we have the right to demand fair compensation.

Fifthly, there are voices within India against Farakka. Bihar and Uttar Pradesh blame the barrage for floods, while Malda-Murshidabad for river erosion. Building a connection with these internal voices could provide a strategic opportunity for Bangladesh. The water issue should be brought to the table through economic realities, not emotion. India too is now dependent on Bangladesh for its northeast, transit, and regional economy. Not using that card would be foolish.

Sixthly, domestic work must be done at home. Constructing a Padma Barrage at appropriate locations through studies to capture excess monsoon water for release in the southwest rivers during the dry season is now timely, and has been approved by ECNEC. Regular and planned dredging of the Padma's tributaries, rainwater conservation, controlling excessive withdrawal of groundwater, and wider cultivation of salt-tolerant paddy varieties like BRRI-47 and BRRI-67 must be expanded. Establishing a separate climate and water resilience zone for the southwest could also be considered.

A reality check

Himalayan glaciers are shrinking, and rainfall patterns are changing. In the next two decades, water will be the biggest geopolitical issue in South Asia. India too is under water pressure. In this reality, conflict is not sustainable; joint management is the only way forward.

Diplomatic achievements may take five to ten years, but domestic adaptation work can start now. Steps like ratifying the UN Convention can be taken as early as tomorrow.

Farakka Day should not only be a day to remember past grievances. It should be a day for crafting future water security strategies. Losing a river means not only losing water but also losing economy, agriculture, and habitations, ultimately risking the state's stability.

Bhasani marched alone. Today, the state needs a collective march—uniting diplomacy, law, and science.

Farakka Day should not just be a day of remembrance; it should be a day for creating future water security strategies. If the rivers survive, Bangladesh will survive.

#Subail Bin Alam is a writer on sustainable development​