[🇧🇩] Insurgencies in Myanmar. Implications for Bangladesh

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Major Myanmar ethnic rebel group says ready for talks

A major Myanmar ethnic rebel group said on Monday it was ready for talks with the junta to end more than a year of renewed fighting that has ravaged areas along the China border...

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Major Myanmar ethnic rebel group says ready for talks
Agence France-Presse . Bangkok 26 November, 2024, 00:44

A major Myanmar ethnic rebel group said on Monday it was ready for talks with the junta to end more than a year of renewed fighting that has ravaged areas along the China border.

The Ta’ang National Liberation Army can call on around 7,000 fighters and has fought the Myanmar military for over a decade for autonomy for the Palaung ethnic minority in northern Shan state.

Last year the TNLA and two other allied rebel groups launched an offensive against the military that has seized swathes of Shan state, including ruby mines and a lucrative trade highway to China.

The military has repeatedly pounded territory it has lost with artillery and air strikes but a promised counter-offensive on the ground is yet to materialise.

‘We announce that we are ready to meet and discuss in order to end the military conflict from both sides,’ the TNLA said on its Telegram channel.

‘In the day-to-day fighting in our Ta’ang region the local people are suffering badly from the war.’

While it said it was ready for talks, it also added that it would reserve the ‘right to defend ourselves.’

‘We will talk, but we will not give territory,’ the TNLA’s General Tar Bhone Kyaw said.

AFP was unable to reach a junta spokesman for comment.

Myanmar’s embattled junta in September made an unprecedented invitation to its enemies to start talks, a bid dismissed at the time by rebel groups.

Analysts say Beijing has pressured the TNLA and its ally the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army to halt their operations against the junta.

China is a major ally and arms supplier of the junta, but also maintains ties with ethnic minority armed groups that hold territory near its border.

It has repeatedly called for fighting to stop in Shan state, a key link in its trillion-dollar Belt and Road initiative.

Last week Beijing said that the head of the MNDAA had come to China for ‘medical care’, after news reports in Myanmar said he had been arrested on China’s orders

In its statement Monday the TNLA said it ‘respects and recognises the efforts of the Chinese government to intervene in the border stabilisation and the cessation of hostilities.’

Myanmar is home to around a dozen ethnic armed rebel groups that have battled the military for decades for autonomy and control of lucrative resources including jade, timber and opium.

Some, including the TNLA, have given shelter and training to newer ‘People’s Defence Forces’ that sprung up to battle the military after it seized power in a 2021 coup.​

 

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ICC prosecutor seeks arrest warrant for Myanmar junta chief

The International Criminal Court's chief prosecutor on Wednesday asked judges to grant an arrest warrant for Myanmar's junta chief Min Aung Hlaing over alleged crimes against humanity committed against Rohingya Muslims.

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ICC prosecutor seeks arrest warrant for Myanmar junta chief
AFP
The Hague
Published: 27 Nov 2024, 20: 43

Myanmar's junta chief Min Aung Hlaing Reuters file photo

The International Criminal Court's chief prosecutor on Wednesday asked judges to grant an arrest warrant for Myanmar's junta chief Min Aung Hlaing over alleged crimes against humanity committed against Rohingya Muslims.

Karim Khan's request to the court's Hague-based judges is the first application for an arrest warrant against a high-level Myanmar government official in connection with abuses against the Rohingya people.

"After an extensive, independent and impartial investigation, my office has concluded that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Senior General and Acting President Min Aung Hlaing... bears criminal responsibility for crimes against humanity," Khan said in a statement.

This included crimes of deportation and persecution, allegedly committed between 25 August and 31 December 2017, Khan added.

Myanmar's junta rejected the prosecutor's move, saying that as the country is not a member of the court, "the statements of the ICC have never been recognised."

The ICC prosecutor in 2019 opened a probe into suspected crimes committed against the Rohingya in Myanmar's restive Rakhine state in 2016 and 2017, that prompted the exodus of 750,000 of the Muslim minority in the southeast Asian country to neighbouring Bangladesh.

About one million Rohingya now live in sprawling camps near the Bangladesh border city of Cox's Bazaar. Many of those who left accuse the Myanmar military of mass killings and rapes.

'More will follow'

Khan said the alleged crimes were committed by Myanmar's armed forces, the Tatmadaw, supported by the national and border police "as well as non-Rohingya citizens."

"This is the first application for an arrest warrant against a high-level Myanmar government official," Khan said.

"More will follow," warned the prosecutor.

Myanmar has been racked by conflict between the military and various armed groups opposed to its rule since the army ousted Aung San Suu Kyi's elected government in February 2021.

The junta is reeling from a major rebel offensive last year that seized a large area of territory, much of it near the border with China.

Earlier this month, Min Aung Hlaing told China's Premier Li Qiang that the military was ready for peace if armed groups would engage, according to an account of the meeting in Myanmar state media.

'Cycle of abuses'

A military crackdown in Myanmar in 2017 sent hundreds of thousands of Rohingya fleeing into neighbouring Bangladesh, many with harrowing stories of murder, rape and arson.

Rohingya who remain in Myanmar are denied citizenship and access to healthcare and require permission to travel outside their townships.

Min Aung Hlaing -- who was head of the army during the crackdown -- has dismissed the term Rohingya as "imaginary".

ICC judges must now decide whether to grant the arrest warrants. If granted, the 124 members of the ICC would theoretically be obliged to arrest the junta chief if he travelled to their country.

China, a major ally and arms supplier of Myanmar's ruling junta, is not an ICC member.

Khan's request comes just days after the ICC issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, his ex defence minister and a top Hamas leader over the war in Gaza.

Rights groups applauded Khan's Myanmar move, saying it was "an important step toward breaking the cycle of abuses and impunity that has long been a key factor in fuelling the military's mass violations."

"The judges will rule on the prosecutor's request, but ICC member countries should recognise this action as a reminder of the court's critical role when other doors to justice are closed," said Maria Elena Vignoli, a senior international lawyer Human Rights Watch.

Opening its doors in 2002, the Hague-based ICC is an independent court, set up to investigate and prosecute those accused of the world's worst crimes.​

 

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Hope for justice for Rohingyas

THE public statement of ICC prosecutor Karim Khan KC on the arrest warrant application against General Min Aung Hlaing during his recent visit to Bangladesh is a long-awaited but anticipated development in the ICC’s quest to ensure justice for the deported Rohingya population currently taking...

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Hope for justice for Rohingyas
Quazi Omar Foysal 28 November, 2024, 21:35

Agence France-Presse

THE public statement of ICC prosecutor Karim Khan KC on the arrest warrant application against General Min Aung Hlaing during his recent visit to Bangladesh is a long-awaited but anticipated development in the ICC’s quest to ensure justice for the deported Rohingya population currently taking shelter in Bangladeshi refugee camps.

It is alleged that the acting president of Myanmar and commander-in-chief of the Myanmar Defence Services bears criminal responsibility for the crimes against humanity of deportation and persecution of the Rohingya. Now, the matter is pending final determination before a pre-trial chamber of the ICC. The ICC prosecutor further indicated that he may come up with more arrest warrant applications against top-ranked Burmese leaders in the Bangladesh-Myanmar situation.

The arrest warrant application resulted from the five-year-long investigation of the ICC’s Office of the Prosecutor. This development surfaced at a time when the ICC has been struggling with the fallout of its activities in other situations, notably the Palestine situation. Though the Office of the Prosecutor began its formal investigation in November 2019 following the authorisation of the pre-trial chamber, its procrastination in issuing arrest warrants against alleged Myanmar accused, despite mounting evidence, was widely criticised by the international community.

The Bangladesh/Myanmar situation is noted for its unique procedural history. The ICC, being a treaty-based international court, can generally exercise its jurisdiction over its member states. It was initially believed that the ICC did not enjoy any jurisdiction over the Rohingya situation due to Myanmar’s status as a non-party state to the Rome Statute.

Nevertheless, given the transboundary nature of the Rohingya deportation and Bangladesh’s status as a party to the Rome Statute, the then ICC prosecutor Fatou Bensouda took the unbeaten path to request the pre-trial chamber for a ruling to confirm the ICC’s jurisdiction over the deportation. Finally, the chamber confirmed the ICC’s jurisdiction over the Rohingya deportation on September 6, 2018 since the alleged crimes commenced in Myanmar but were completed in Bangladesh. However, the ICC does not enjoy jurisdiction over all the crimes committed completely in Myanmar for the same.

In the aftermath of the ICC’s confirmation of jurisdiction over the Rohingya deportation and persecution, the erstwhile prosecutor commenced the preliminary examination on the basis of her proprio motu power. She subsequently requested authorisation for an investigation before the pre-trial chamber on June 12, 2019, which was duly confirmed on November 14, 2019. As mentioned earlier, the prosecutor finally filed an arrest warrant application against General Hlaing on November 27, 2024.

This complex and time-consuming procedural patchwork is important to understand the nature of the arrest warrant application and its prospects. In fact, the ICC is reputed for its lengthy procedural timelines. It has been evident that the Office of the Prosecutor was relatively abrupt in commencing its investigation. On the contrary, it took an unusually lengthy time to proceed to the arrest warrant application despite having a wealth of incriminating evidence at its disposal, primarily collected by UN investigative bodies and subsequently by the Office of the Prosecutor itself.

While the ICC was deeply involved in the Ukraine and Palestine situations with investigations and arrest warrant applications in the last three years, its omission to shed light on the Bangladesh/Myanmar situation was marked by dismay among the Rohingya community. Ultimately, the prosecutor’s announcement of the arrest warrant application while standing in the Rohingya refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar is really significant for the Rohingya community.

The arrest warrant application has both symbolic and legal value. Legally, the application is subject to confirmation by a pre-trial chamber. It is very unlikely that the pre-trial chamber will decline to confirm the same. Very recently, the ICC issued arrest warrants against Russian president Vladimir Putin and Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu despite their political sensitivity. Though the Myanmar leadership has some politically powerful allies, including China, the fact that the president of a permanent member of the UN Security Council has been subject to an ICC arrest warrant indicates that the ICC will rely on legal considerations rather than political repercussions while ruling on the arrest warrant.

The arrest warrant application against General Hlaing invites some inevitable legal complications. Most importantly, the Rome Statute does not provide for trials in absentia. Consequently, the issue of producing General Hlaing comes to the forefront. At this instance, his status as the head of state will be a hurdle in securing his presence before the ICC. This is due to the question of the immunity of high-ranking government officials, which is alleged to be unsettled in international law.

The ICC has been struggling to arrest several incumbent heads of state and heads of government of non-party states to the ICC. It has been an issue of legal and political discontent between the ICC and a number of ICC member states. These include Omar al-Bashir, Vladimir Putin, and, very recently, Benjamin Netanyahu. The arrest warrant application against General Hlaing, if ultimately issued, will resurface the same issue.

The absence of the accused before the ICC means the halt of the proceedings of a case. In that case, General Hlaing may succeed in escaping ICC proceedings by avoiding the arrest warrant. But it will not prevent him from facing the political consequences. He will be forced to rethink his international travel routes for the rest of his life. Global leaders will also reconsider their political and financial dealings with an ICC accused like him.

It has been seen in the past that arrest warrants issued by international criminal courts and tribunals have also impacted the ground realities of conflicts. When Myanmar is struggling in its domestic war theatre against rebels, this arrest warrant application, coupled with the prosecutor’s intention to lodge additional applications, will certainly affect the morale of the Myanmar military leadership. It will not be completely surprising if this arrest warrant application impacts the overall conflict situation in Myanmar.

The arrest warrant application can also be seen as a symbolic victory for the Rohingya community. It has already been seven years since the Rohingya were deported from their homeland to Bangladesh. Despite the hope for justice brought by the ICC in the early days of its investigation back in 2019, its delay in issuing arrest warrants despite two rounds of visits by prosecutor Karim Khan to Bangladesh raised questions about the effectiveness of the ICC itself. With this arrest warrant application in place, the Rohingya community will regain the moral strength to rethink their quest for justice and accountability.

This arrest warrant application also coincides with Myanmar’s application for extending the deadline for submitting its response to The Gambia’s allegation of the Rohingya genocide before the International Court of Justice, ICJ. It indicates that the junta-led Myanmar government will contest the ICJ case. It was speculated that Myanmar might opt to remain absent in the merits stage before the ICJ after its defeat in the preliminary objections stage. However, the indication that Myanmar will participate in the ICJ proceedings should be welcomed by the Rohingya community because it is preferable to have a hard-won legal battle than an overwhelming ex parte judgement.

Bangladesh should also take this moment to reinforce its diplomatic efforts to secure the safe and dignified repatriation of the Rohingya community at both bilateral and multilateral levels. At the same time, Bangladesh should reconsider intervening in the Rohingya genocide case before the ICJ.

Quazi Omar Foysal is an international law expert. He was part of the amicus curiae observation submitted by Bangladeshi non-government representatives in support of the ICC Prosecution’s request for jurisdiction over the Rohingya deportation.​

 

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Another rebel group calls for talks with junta

A second major Myanmar ethnic rebel group has said it is ready for Beijing-mediated talks with the junta to end more than a year of renewed fighting that has ravaged areas along the Chinese border.

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Another rebel group calls for talks with junta

A second major Myanmar ethnic rebel group has said it is ready for Beijing-mediated talks with the junta to end more than a year of renewed fighting that has ravaged areas along the Chinese border.

The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), with about 8,000 available fighters, has fought the Myanmar military for more than a decade for autonomy for the Kokang ethnic minority in northern Shan state.

Last year, it and two other allied rebel groups launched an offensive against the military and seized swathes of Shan state, including ruby mines and a lucrative trade highway to China.

Last week, MNDAA ally the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) said it was ready for talks with the military.

The Arakan Army (AA), the third group in the rebel alliance, is still fighting the military in coastal Rakhine state in Myanmar's west.​

 

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Yunus’s UN proposal to resolve Rohingya crisis

UPON publication of the report by the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State led by former UN secretary general Kofi Annan in August 2017, there should not have been any debate over the Rohingya people’s nationality and citizenship issues. According to media reports, in 2017, Myanmar and...

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Yunus’s UN proposal to resolve Rohingya crisis
Sorowar Chowdhury 05 December, 2024, 21:27

New Age

UPON publication of the report by the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State led by former UN secretary general Kofi Annan in August 2017, there should not have been any debate over the Rohingya people’s nationality and citizenship issues. According to media reports, in 2017, Myanmar and Bangladesh signed an agreement regarding the repatriation of the stranded Rohingya people, which was supposed to start from January 2018. In contrast to Bangladesh’s proposal of 15,000 Rohingya repatriations per week, Myanmar agreed to accept 1,500 initially and to increase the rate at a three-month review, with the repatriation of 740,000 Rohingyas, who had taken shelter in Bangladesh in 2016 and 2017, supposed to have been completed within two years. Little progress has been made so far, however.

Considering this backdrop, the chief adviser to Bangladesh’s interim government, Professor Yunus, should be commended for his recent appeal to the United Nations. On September 24, 2024, requesting a pragmatic solution to the Rohingya crisis, he presented a three-point proposal at the UN General Assembly’s sideline session. His first proposal requested that the UN Secretary-General organise a conference on the Rohingya crisis, inviting all stakeholders at the soonest possible opportunity. In this regard, Myanmar’s obligation to uphold the rights of the Rohingya people warrants further discussion.

Firstly, the Rohingya people have been living in Myanmar for at least several generations. They should not be considered stateless. Rather, they should be regarded with honour and dignity. Articles 1, 2, 3, 5 and 15 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) ensure every person’s basic human rights, including living with dignity, freedom and non-coercion. Moreover, Article 15 of the same declaration affirms that every person has the right to a nationality and that no one can be arbitrarily denied this. Myanmar was one of the first 48 countries that voted in support of that declaration in 1948.

Secondly, even if considered stateless, as they have been rendered by Myanmar’s 1982 citizenship law, the Rohingya people cannot remain the victims of discrimination. In this respect, the UN Conventions on Statelessness (1954) and the Reduction of Statelessness (1961) may be mentioned. Article 3 of the 1954 Convention ensures non-discrimination and Article 1 of the 1961 Convention ensures ‘citizenship at birth’ to a child who would ‘otherwise be stateless’. Although Myanmar is not a party to either of these two conventions, being a UN member state, Myanmar does need to comply with the ‘non-discrimination’ terms of the UN Declaration (1948) mentioned above. Further, it also needs to comply with the ‘citizenship at birth’ terms, which fall under the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (mentioned later).

Thirdly, Myanmar has ratified and/or accessed (both have the same legal effect) several other UN conventions and/or protocols relevant to today’s discussion. For example, the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the 2000 Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children, and the International Labour Organisation’s Forced Labour Convention (1930). Researchers and historians mention that the Rohingya people are the victims of forced labour, and many of the women are the victims of abuse. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime defines human trafficking as involving three key components: the ‘what’ (such as recruitment, transportation, and transfer), the ‘how’ (which includes methods like threat, coercion, or abduction), and the ‘why’ (typically for purposes such as sexual exploitation or forced labour). In light of these elements, the treatment of the Rohingya people, both in the recent past and historical contexts, can be classified as trafficking in persons. This treatment represents a violation of multiple international conventions, specifically non-compliance with Article 6 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, Article 1.1 of the Forced Labour Convention, and the failure to conform to the objectives outlined in Article 2a and 2b of the Trafficking in Persons Protocol. In principle, Myanmar is obligated under these international agreements to treat the Rohingya people in a manner consistent with the protections established by these conventions.

Additionally, Myanmar is a state party to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1951). The UN and leading international rights bodies, including Amnesty International and Fortify Rights, termed the 2017 killing of the Rohingya as ethnic cleansing and/or genocide. Global humanitarian and state actors may therefore take necessary steps to ensure Myanmar follows its obligations in compliance with Article 1 of this convention and thereby prevents genocide. It is Myanmar’s responsibility to establish conditions that encourage the Rohingya people living in Bangladeshi camps to opt for voluntary repatriation.

Finally, considering the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC, 1989), children should in no way be the victims of any persecution. It was made evident by the media that the dead bodies of innocent children were floating on the Naf River during the 2017 massacre carried out by the Myanmar army. The UNCRC Articles 7 and 8 ensure every child’s identity, protection, and nationality ‘immediately after birth’. Myanmar became a state party to the UNCRC in 1991. Additionally, Article 7 asserts that the national law of signatory states should be guided by relevant international instruments, especially when there is the possibility of a child ‘otherwise becom[ing] stateless’. This convention makes it clear that states do not need to wait for the child to attain adulthood to claim citizenship.

On behalf of the people of Bangladesh, we would urge the UN Secretary-General to honour Professor Yunus’ call and take necessary measures to organise an all-stakeholders’ conference at the soonest possible time. Indeed, the conference could bring a ground-breaking opportunity to resolve this protracted crisis by converging refugee and non-refugee actors and ensuring healthy debates among all. Furthermore, it would facilitate the creation of Rohingya leadership, who could be the most active and agile advocates to make their voices heard in bringing the crisis to an end.

We would like to see the UN’s effective facilitating role in revitalising the repatriation deal from Myanmar’s side. We also expect that the Rohingya people will be treated in compliance with the relevant UN conventions. We do believe that these people’s human rights should be upheld and that they should thereby be able to live with freedom and dignity, whether living in Myanmar or returning from Bangladesh under the repatriation process.

Sorowar Chowdhury is a Rohingya researcher and a doctoral candidate at Auckland University of Technology, New Zealand.​

 

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Security concerns for Bangladesh

SINCE its independence, Myanmar has been plagued by instability and ethnic conflicts, particularly in the Arakan (Rakhine) state, home to two major communities: the Rohingya Muslims and the...

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Security concerns for Bangladesh
by Abu Ahmed Farid 07 December, 2024, 00:00

New Age

SINCE its independence, Myanmar has been plagued by instability and ethnic conflicts, particularly in the Arakan (Rakhine) state, home to two major communities: the Rohingya Muslims and the Rakhine Buddhists. The military-dominated central government has consistently demonstrated harshness, discrimination, racism, and misuse of power, particularly against people of diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds. This enduring dynamic has left Myanmar entrenched in backwardness, instability, and unrest compared to other nations in the region.

These conditions have placed neighbouring Bangladesh in a precarious security position. Myanmar’s military actions, ethnic conflicts, cross-border trafficking, smuggling, and insurgent activities — notably those of the Arakan Army — have further intensified the crisis. Bangladesh has responded with a humanitarian approach, hosting over a million Rohingya refugees who fled Arakan to escape the junta’s brutal crackdown. However, Myanmar’s ongoing unrest has forced Bangladesh to grapple with significant security, social, and economic challenges.

Risk of extremism and radicalisation

THE prolonged displacement of the Rohingya people, spanning multiple generations in camps, has left them in deeply inadequate living conditions. The overcrowded and impoverished camps are breeding grounds for frustration and despair, especially among young people who lack access to education and livelihoods. These conditions make them vulnerable to exploitation by extremist elements. Myanmar’s junta could also covertly manipulate the situation to sow discord among the Rohingya and prevent unified efforts to reclaim their rights. Furthermore, Myanmar has often covertly tarnished the image of the Rohingya to discredit them in host countries worldwide.

This displacement and lack of opportunity create a recipe for potential radicalization. Transnational militant groups have reportedly identified the Rohingya population as a vulnerable pool for recruitment, exploiting the chaos to lure individuals with promises of empowerment, retribution, or a better future. This exploitation could unintentionally entrap the Rohingya in dangerous activities.

Cross-border violence and diplomatic strain

BANGLADESH faces escalating risks from Myanmar’s internal conflicts, as frequent cross-border incidents strain bilateral relations. Clashes between Myanmar’s military and rebel groups often spill into Bangladeshi territory, with stray bullets and artillery shells landing in border areas. Such incursions instill fear among local residents and pose a direct threat to innocent lives.

Myanmar’s deployment of landmines along the border adds to these risks, endangering refugees and local communities. Reports of injuries and fatalities, particularly among children, are disturbingly frequent. Experts describe this as a ‘silent catastrophe,’ highlighting the severe human cost and escalating tensions in the region. Additionally, violations of the sanctity of the border by Myanmar troops have become the norm.

Myanmar’s security forces have repeatedly undermined peaceful coexistence between the two nations by engaging in aggressive actions along the border. These include attacks on Bangladeshi border security guards, abductions of Bangladeshi fishermen from within Bangladesh’s territorial waters, and theft of property belonging to Bangladeshi citizens. Furthermore, they have consistently violated the no-man’s-land regulations, escalating tensions and straining bilateral relations.

Drug trafficking and organised crimes

MYANMAR’S position as one of the world’s largest producers of methamphetamines (commonly referred to as Yaba tablets) poses a grave security risk for Bangladesh. The porous border is exploited for smuggling these drugs, particularly into vulnerable border communities, fuelling rising addiction rates and escalating crime. Local law enforcement faces immense challenges in combating the methamphetamine trade, which has grown significantly in recent years.

The broader security implications are alarming. Drug trafficking is intertwined with organised crime, leading to increased violence and straining Bangladesh’s law enforcement resources.

Reports also suggest Myanmar’s security forces are complicit in trafficking activities. The Arakan Army, which gains significant income from the illegal drug trade and other illicit activities, has intensified this threat by leveraging its control over border areas.

Human trafficking networks

HUMAN trafficking has emerged as another grave concern along the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, exploiting the vulnerability of Rohingya refugees. Criminal networks prey on desperate individuals, particularly women and children, luring them with false promises only to subject them to forced labour and exploitation. Security experts emphasise that these operations involve sophisticated transnational criminal networks.

Reports suggest that Myanmar’s border guards facilitate trafficking operations, coercing Rohingyas onto smuggler boats to drive them further from their homeland. This not only worsens the refugee crisis but also heightens regional instability.

Insurgent alliances and cross-border militancy

THE Arakan Army’s control over border areas raises serious concerns about potential alliances with insurgent and separatist groups in Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts. Such alliances could increase cross-border militant activities and arms smuggling, destabilising Bangladesh’s internal security.

Insurgents holding dual citizenship and maintaining networks on both sides of the border further complicated efforts to address this threat. The interplay of these factors presents a multidimensional security risk that could undermine regional stability. Many members of these groups have reportedly settled in remote areas on both sides of the border, especially after the Rohingya people were forcibly displaced under gun threats and death threats.

Diplomatic stalemate

BANGLADESH’S efforts to resolve the Rohingya crisis through diplomatic channels have faced consistent resistance from Myanmar. Despite repeated attempts, Myanmar refuses to take responsibility or facilitate the safe repatriation of the Rohingyas.

Myanmar’s strategic alliances with influential powers, including China, India, and Russia, complicate global intervention. These alliances reduce the urgency for international action, leaving Bangladesh to shoulder the burden.

Refugee influx and consequences

THE influx of Rohingya refugees has overwhelmed Bangladesh’s infrastructure, social services, and public utilities, particularly in Cox’s Bazar. Facilities originally designed for local populations are now overstretched, fuelling tensions between refugees and host communities.

The environmental impact of hosting refugees has been severe. Forests in Cox’s Bazar have been cleared to accommodate camps, leading to deforestation, soil erosion, and water scarcity. These challenges disrupt local agriculture and fisheries, critical to the livelihoods of nearby communities, exacerbating tensions and social instability. Sustainable resource management and international collaboration are crucial to mitigate these long-term risks.

Lack of accountability for Myanmar actions

THE absence of meaningful international sanctions against Myanmar has emboldened its military and government to persist in their aggressive policies, disregarding human rights and border safety, and directly threatening Bangladesh’s security. A unified international response is critical to ensure Myanmar faces consequences for its actions. Furthermore, Myanmar’s repeated allegations that the Rohingyas are Bengalis not only deepen the oppression of the Rohingyas but also directly challenge Bangladesh’s sovereignty and security.

These accusations suggest that Myanmar has no genuine intention of resolving the crisis. Instead, it appears to be deliberately prolonging the conflict, with the aim of driving the remaining Rohingya population into Bangladesh — an agenda seemingly shared by both the Myanmar government and the Arakan Army.

Volatile path ahead

THE convergence of challenges — extremism, cross-border violence, trafficking, strained diplomacy, environmental degradation, and geopolitical complexities — has created a highly volatile situation for Bangladesh. The Rohingya crisis has placed immense pressure on the nation, stretching resources to their limits and testing its resilience. Without decisive international action, enhanced regional cooperation, and a robust, comprehensive national policy on border security and crisis management, the crisis risks further destabilising Bangladesh, with serious implications for its security and future. Addressing these issues requires a comprehensive national strategy and global collaboration. Bangladesh must lead regional efforts to ensure Myanmar’s accountability while strengthening its internal resilience. With decisive action, the nation can transform this crisis into an opportunity for regional stability and humanitarian leadership.

Abu Ahmed Farid is an entrepreneur, CEO and founder of Dakwa Corner Bookstore, Malaysia.​

 

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Border residents panic as explosions rock Teknaf

The sound of explosions in Myanmar's Rakhine state's Mongdu Township rocks the border areas of Teknaf, Cox's Bazar. Residents of Teknaf municipality, Sadar, Subrang, and Shah Porir Dwip have been spending sleepless nights due to the deafening explosions. Sounds of explosions are heard one...

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Border residents panic as explosions rock Teknaf
Gazi Firoz
from Teknaf border
Published: 07 Dec 2024, 19: 42

Myanmar's Rakhine state's Maungdaw on one side of Naf river,Teknaf on this side File photo

The sound of explosions in Myanmar's Rakhine state's Maungdaw township rocks the border areas of Teknaf, Cox's Bazar.

Residents of Teknaf municipality, Sadar, Subrang, and Shah Porir Dwip have been spending sleepless nights due to the deafening explosions.
Sounds of explosions are heard one after another from from 4:00am to 11:00pm.

Earlier, continuous loud explosions were heard from Thursday evening until midnight on Friday.

During this time, planes were also seen circling in Myanmar’s sky. It is believed that the explosions are airstrikes aimed at the positions of the Arakan Army, which has taken control of Maungdaw Township.

Teknaf upazila nirbahi officer (UNO) Sheikh Ehsan Uddin confirmed this to Prothom Alo.

He said, "At first, the loud sounds and the shaking of houses terrified us. Later, I found out that the explosions were caused by bombs being dropped during clashes between Myanmar's government forces and rebel groups, causing the ground in Teknaf to shake. On the first day, I had to spend a sleepless night in Teknaf. I don’t know how people have been living with this for so long."

According to border residents, areas south of Maungdaw, including Ukilpara, Faizipara, Sikdarpara, Haripara, and Fatangja, have been in conflict for over a year. Most of Rakhine state is now under the control of the Arakan Army.

Myanmar’s government forces are conducting airstrikes, while several armed groups of Rohingyas have also joined the fight on the ground against the Arakan Army.

Mohammad Islam, a resident of Nayapara in Subrang union, said, "Many people spent the night outside their homes due to the sound of artillery from Myanmar. The house shakes every time there’s a blast. We are scared it might collapse any moment."

UNO Sheikh Ehsan Uddin said he talked to the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) and the Coast Guard.

Extra vigilance and patrols have been increased along the border to prevent any illegal border crossings into Bangladesh, he added.​

 

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Global consensus urgent for Rohingya repatriation

Says CA's high representative on Rohingya issue

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Global consensus urgent for Rohingya repatriation
Says CA's high representative on Rohingya issue

Global consensus is urgent for the Rohingya repatriation to Myanmar from Bangladesh, said Dr Khalilur Rahman, the high representative of the chief adviser for Rohingya and priority affairs.

He made the comment at a session on "Bangladesh in Crossroad: Governance, Democratic Reforms and the Roadmap post Sheikh Hasina" at the Doha Forum being held in Qatar.

In his six-minute video address, Dr Khalilur Rahman said Bangladesh has been providing shelter to nearly 12 lakh Rohingya for the last seven years only for the cause of humanity, despite many limitations.

"It has become challenging to continue this support without more support from the international community," he told the session.

The High Representative said an all-stakeholders' conference is being organised by the UN, and it is expected that the conference will facilitate the repatriation of the Rohingyas.

Dr Khalilur Rahman also presented the context of the July-August uprising in Bangladesh, saying how the Awami League regime killed people and injured thousands of them.

Now, there is a great opportunity for building a country based on democracy and equality.

"We can say that the reforms done were good when we will see that a farmer, worker or the children of marginalised groups can dream of leading the country. The interim government is working towards that end," Khalilur Rahman said.

He also said the interim government is being affected by the concerted, false and baseless news.

He expects more responsible and neighbourly cooperation from India for Bangladesh's transition from fascism to democracy.​