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[🇧🇩] Insurgencies in Myanmar. Implications for Bangladesh

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[🇧🇩] Insurgencies in Myanmar. Implications for Bangladesh
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Myanmar armed group takes over rare earth mining hub

An armed group fighting Myanmar's ruling military said it has taken control of a mining hub that is a major supplier of rare earth oxides to China, likely disrupting shipments of elements used in clean energy and other technologies.

Rare earth mining in Myanmar is concentrated in Kachin state around the towns of Panwa and Chipwe, adjacent to southwestern China's Yunnan province.

The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) took control of Panwa on Oct. 19, spokesperson Colonel Naw Bu told Reuters on Tuesday. It had previously captured Chipwe, according to local Myanmar media. Reuters was not able to independently verify the status of both towns.

The KIA is focused on managing the town of Panwa and has no current plans for rare earths or other economic issues, Naw Bu said.

He did not respond when asked whether the KIA is open to working with China on rare earths.

Previously, rare earth mining areas in Kachin state were under the control of militia group NDA-K, which is allied with Myanmar's junta government and welcomed payments from Chinese companies looking to establish mines.

Last year, Myanmar supplied China with about 50,000 metric tons of rare earth oxides (REOs) from ion-adsorption clays (IACs), eclipsing China's domestic IAC mining quota of 19,000 tons and making it the world's top exporter of heavy REOs, according to broker Ord Minnett.

"Rebel control of these mining sites could potentially disrupt rare earth concentrate shipments into China, which have declined for four months straight owing to the monsoon season and other challenges," research firm Adamas Intelligence said in a note on Monday.

China is the world's biggest consumer and importer of rare earth ores and compounds, which it uses to produce refined rare earth and magnets, industries it dominates.

Last month, China halted rare earth imports from Myanmar and suspended exports of ammonium sulphate used to leach rare earths there due to the conflict, said Ord Minnett analyst Matthew Hope.

"I expect the KIA plans to resume the REO business provided China is prepared to accept the exports and supply the technicians and ammonium sulphate. But I reckon it will expect payments before letting the companies do so," Hope said.

"Once the conflict passes, we expect financial deals with Chinese miners will be renegotiated, likely delaying restarts until early-2025," he said, adding that prices for REOs used in magnets are likely to rise as supply tightens.​
 

WFP's Rohingya response receives major funding boost from the US
Prothom Alo English Desk
Dhaka
Published: 24 Oct 2024, 13: 44

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A Rohingya woman leaves a WFP e-voucher outlet after purchasing food for her family in Cox’s Bazar. Since August, all Rohingya in the Cox’s Bazar camps have received their full food assistance, amounting to USD 12.50 per person per month. Courtesy of WFP

The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) has received a substantial new contribution from USAID’s Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance to support its humanitarian response to the Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh, stated a press release.

Valued at USD 121 million, the latest US contribution includes both in-kind and financial support for Rohingya refugees and host communities in Bangladesh. The funds will be used to provide lifesaving food and nutrition assistance, and support resilience-building and disaster risk reduction in the camps. Children and pregnant and breastfeeding women in host communities will also receive assistance to prevent and treat malnutrition.

The US funding will additionally enable WFP to provide immediate food needs during emergencies (hot meals and fortified biscuits) for Rohingya families affected by sudden crises such as cyclones, floods, landslides, and fire incidents.

“The United States continues to lead the way in funding this crucial humanitarian response for more than 1 million Rohingya refugees. Our commitment remains unwavering. Their needs, along with those of their generous host communities, should remain a priority for the international community,” said Reed Aeschliman, USAID mission director in Bangladesh.

Now entering the eighth year of the crisis, the Rohingya population in Bangladesh remains in a precarious situation, facing movement restrictions, a lack of job opportunities, and increasing security threats.

In 2023, reduced funding forced WFP to cut food rations from USD 12 to USD 10, and then to USD 8. Monitoring showed a sharp decline in food consumption among Rohingya families in the camps, with global acute malnutrition (GAM) rising to 15.1 per cent, above the 15 per cent emergency threshold per WHO classification, marking the worst level since the 2017 influx.

The US contributions played a pivotal role in helping WFP restore food rations in Cox’s Bazar. Beginning in early 2024, WFP was able to increase the ration and, by August, restore the full amount to USD 12.50 per person per month.

For the first time, fortified rice was added to the assistance package. However, to sustain the full ration and continue operations into next year, WFP urgently requires nearly USD 80 million in additional funding.

“We are deeply grateful to the United States for their longstanding and unwavering support to the Rohingya population. I hope other humanitarian and development partners will follow their example. Only by working together can we meet the basic needs of Rohingya families until they can safely be repatriated to Myanmar,” said Dom Scalpelli, WFP country director in Bangladesh.​
 

UN proposal for a ‘safe zone’
Ishrat Zakia Sultana and Mohammad Habib Ullah 29 October, 2024, 00:00

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Rohingya refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. | Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha

THE war and conflicts between Russia and Ukraine, Palestine and Israel, and others —Bangladesh’s own political situation for the last couple of months, as it appears — turned the Rohingya refugee crisis a ‘less important’ concern. But the situation of the Rohingyas in Cox’s Bazar is dire. On the one hand, the number of Rohingya has been increasing. On the other hand, none of the three conventional solutions — repatriation, resettlement, and reintegration — has been found useful until now. The chief advisor recently termed the Rohingya crisis a ‘time bomb’. Has there been any effective steps taken to neutralise the time bomb safely?

Although in 2022–2023 some forms of dialogue and visits took place between Bangladesh and Myanmar to initiate the ‘Chinese model’ of Rohingya repatriation, it did not yield any result. Indeed, internal conflicts in Myanmar are one of the key reasons. The ongoing conflict between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army has led to violence, mass displacement, and human rights abuses against the Rohingya population. The situation for the Rohingya in the northern Rakhine State of Myanmar remains dire and highly volatile. How long such violence and killings will continue is uncertain. But would it be wise for Bangladesh to wait for this conflict to end so it could start talking about the Rohingya crisis, or should it take the necessary initiative proactively?

In 2017, Bangladesh raised a proposal for creating an UN-supervised ‘safe zone’ for the Rohingya in the Northern Rakhine, but the proposal never moved forward because of the pressure of India. Now that the domestic political climate in Bangladesh has changed, this is perhaps the right time to take this idea forward. The chief advisor has already raised the issue in his recent meeting with the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar. However, the establishment of a safe space is beyond the control of Bangladesh. The key players in this negotiation are China, India, and Myanmar. Most importantly, the West as well as the UN Security Council must endorse the idea of a safe space. Can Bangladeshi orthodoxy and fragile diplomacy effectively negotiate and convince all parties to support the UN-backed safe zone idea?

This safe zone would aim to provide protection and humanitarian aid to the Rohingyas. Hence, it needs to be demilitarised. Creating a safe zone for the Rohingya in northern Rakhine state involves establishing a secured area where the Rohingyas can live without fear of violence and persecution — a life with safety, dignity, and rights for the Rohingya population.

Since the safe zone is located within Myanmar, along with demilitarisation, attention should be given to establishing an UN-authorised international stabilisation force. Humanitarian organisations access to the zone is necessary for supplying necessary aid, including food, medical care, etc., guaranteeing fundamental human rights, including the right to life, freedom from torture, and personal security, and most importantly, enabling a legal process to grant citizenship or legal status, ensuring freedom of movement and access to education, health care, and employment.

Creating a safe zone for the Rohingya within Myanmar, however, is not free from challenges and obstacles. The Myanmar government has been historically unwilling to create conditions conducive to the safe return of the Rohingya. Bangladesh needs to strategize how, with the support of the superpowers, this resistance can be removed. There are geostrategic and geopolitical concerns that include the Siliguri Corridor (Chicken Neck), China’s renaming of 30 places of northeastern India, China’s territorial claim on Tibbet and Taiwan, etc. heavily shape the patterns of regional cooperation on the Rohingya issue. Moreover, the diplomatic efforts of Bangladesh have always been ineffective on the Rohingya issue. Can Bangladesh utilise its changed political regime to intervene and negotiate on some of the above issues? Establishing and maintaining a safe zone involves complex logistics and security challenges. It requires a well-coordinated international effort to deploy peacekeeping forces, build infrastructure, and provide continuous support to the inhabitants. Will UNHCR take responsibility for building this infrastructure?

Implementing a safe zone for the Rohingya in Northern Rakhine State requires careful planning, diplomacy, and coordination among multiple stakeholders. Leverage support from regional powers like China can significantly influence Myanmar’s decision to join the conversation with Bangladesh. Bangladesh never actively utilised the regional bodies to solve the Rohingya crisis. Therefore, Bangladesh should explore the regional platforms such as ASEAN, OIC, and SAARC to advocate for the protection of the Rohingya and the establishment of a safe zone.

The world has already witnessed that Russia and China give veto in the UN when it comes to the Rohingya issue, and the USA gives veto when it comes to the issue of the Palestinians. Yet, it is Bangladesh that needs to convince all the big powers—the USA, Russia, and China — as Bangladesh has been strengthening bilateral relationships with these countries through trade, ‘man’power supply, etc. At the same time, Bangladesh should also work through the UN General Assembly and Security Council to build a consensus and secure a resolution supporting the creation of a safe zone. In addition, collaborating with international human rights organisations to raise awareness in favour of the safe zone and pressure Myanmar for action is necessary for Bangladesh.

Learning from successful regional interventions, such as the African Union’s peacekeeping missions, can also be helpful to move ahead with the idea of a safe zone for the Rohingya in Myanmar. Until the safe zone project begins, the ongoing resettlement may seem like a good option for the Rohingya, which has already been emphasised by the interim government of Bangladesh. The huge acceptability of the chief advisor of the interim government of the country can be an asset to mobilise positive support from the US, Canada, and other countries that support the current political regime of Bangladesh and, to some extent, support the resettlement process.

However, we must remember that resettlement cannot be a logical response to the brutal and naked genocide committed against the Rohingya. Therefore, lobbying with ICJ should be a high priority. Last year, Myanmar requested an extension of the time limit to submit its report, and this year it is scheduled to send its counterarguments in response to Gambia’s argument by December 16, 2024. Ensuring a just resolution of the Rohingya genocide case at the ICJ requires fierce advocacy and lobbying from Bangladesh.

Arranging resettlement to a third country and establishing a safe zone within Myanmar are possible ways out of the Rohingya crisis, and Bangladesh must pursue both options simultaneously. By addressing the security, legal, and humanitarian needs of the Rohingya, a safe zone can provide a secure environment for their rehabilitation and pave the way for a more stable and peaceful future in the region.

Dr Ishrat Zakia Sultana is a faculty member of North South University, and Dr Mohammad Habib Ullah is general secretary of the Arakan Rohingya National Organisation, USA.​
 

UK, EU, Canada unveil new sanctions on Myanmar
Agence France-Presse . London 30 October, 2024, 00:02

The EU, UK, and Canada on Tuesday announced fresh sanctions targeting the Myanmar junta’s access to ‘military materiel, equipment and funds’.

The new curbs, against entities supplying aviation fuel and equipment to Myanmar’s military, were aimed at constraining its ‘ability to conduct airstrikes on civilians’, according to Britain.

It said the month of August saw the highest number of airstrikes on record by the Myanmar military, killing dozens of civilians and amounting to ‘gross human rights violations’.

The sanctions — the latest by Western countries since a February 2021 military coup ousted Aung San Suu Kyi’s government — target six entities involved in providing aviation fuel or restricted goods to the junta.

They bolster several previous rounds of curbs against suppliers of aviation fuel to the military and arms dealers in 2023.

‘The human rights violations taking place across Myanmar, including airstrikes on civilian infrastructure, by the Myanmar military is unacceptable and the impact on innocent civilians is intolerable,’ junior UK foreign minister Catherine West said.

‘That is why today the UK is announcing fresh sanctions targeting the suppliers of equipment and aviation fuel to the Myanmar military.

‘Alongside the EU and Canada, we are today further constraining the military’s access to funds, equipment and resources.’

West added the UK remained ‘steadfast in our support for the Myanmar people and their aspirations for a peaceful and democratic future’.

The UK’s Foreign Office in London said Britain had provided more than £150 million ($195 million) in humanitarian assistance, healthcare, education and support for civil society and local communities in Myanmar since the 2021 coup.

Over 3.4 million people have been displaced by the fighting, over 18 million are in need of humanitarian assistance, and Myanmar is now seeing ‘a proliferation in serious and organised crime’, it added.

The latest sanctions come as ethnic minority rebels and ‘People’s Defence Forces’ battling to overturn the junta’s coup are riding the wave of a huge year-long offensive.

It has ejected the junta from around 50,000 square kilometres — an area roughly the size of Bosnia — according to analysts and an AFP tally, putting the rebels in sight of the former royal capital, Mandalay.​
 

Another 506 Rohingya refugees relocated to Bhasan Char
Published :
Oct 29, 2024 21:11
Updated :
Oct 29, 2024 21:12

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An aerial view of Bhasan Char Rohingya camp — File photo

Another 506 Rohingya refugees were relocated to Bhasan Char in Noakhali district on Tuesday from different refugee camps in Cox's Bazar.

This is the 25th relocation of Rohingya refugees at Bhasan Char Island in Hatiya.

Earlier, 406 Rohingya refugees who fled from Bhasan Char were shifted there again today by the 'Go and See' programme. All the 912 Rohingya men left Patenga at about 7:45 am boarding three vessels and reached Bhasan Char in Noakhali around 11:00 am.

Officer-in-Charge (OC) of Bhasan Char Police Station Abu Jafor confirmed to BSS news agency.

The Rohingya began to move to the island in phases from December 4, 2020.​
 

UN envoy slams ‘zero-sum mentality’ in Myanmar conflict

The UN's special envoy to Myanmar on Tuesday denounced what she called a "zero-sum mentality" among those involved in the long-simmering conflict there, saying that only a stop to the violence would open the door to reconciliation.

Julie Bishop made the comments in her first address to a UN General Assembly committee since being named to the position in April.

Myanmar's military, which seized power in a 2021 coup, has faced intensified fighting for the past year from armed groups across the Southeast Asian nation, especially an alliance of ethnic rebel groups.

"Myanmar actors must move beyond the current zero-sum mentality. There can be little progress on addressing the needs of the people while armed conflict continues across the country," Bishop said.

"Any pathway to reconciliation requires an end to violence, accountability and unfettered access for the UN and its partners," especially marginalized groups such as the mostly Muslim ethnic Rohingya, she added.

"The Myanmar conflict risks becoming a forgotten crisis. The people of Myanmar, having suffered so much, deserve better."

Bishop, a former Australian foreign minister, said everyone involved in the conflict agrees that "the human suffering has reached unprecedented levels," highlighting the plight of the 3.4 million people displaced by the fighting. The UN envoy said she had been able to visit Myanmar, and met with junta chief Min Aung Hlaing.

Bishop also met with representatives of ethnic rebel groups and various political parties, including that of jailed Aung San Suu Kyi.​
 

Myanmar junta chief visits key ally China
Agence France-Presse . Yangon 06 November, 2024, 01:22

Myanmar’s embattled junta chief arrived in China Tuesday — his first reported visit since leading a coup in 2021 — but analysts say the invitation is only a lukewarm endorsement from his key ally and could backfire.

Min Aung Hlaing was in the southwestern city of Kunming for a summit of the Greater Mekong Subregion — a group including China, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia — starting Wednesday.

The junta shared photos of the senior general addressing a gathering of Chinese business leaders, and he is also expected to hold talks with officials.

When the military ousted Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected civilian government in 2021, Chinese state media refused to describe it as a coup, preferring ‘major cabinet reshuffle’.

China has stood by the junta since, even as others shun the generals over their brutal crackdown on dissent which opponents say includes massacring of civilians, razing villages with air and artillery strikes.

Richard Horsey, Crisis Group’s senior Myanmar adviser, said Min Aung Hlaing had been lobbying for an official invitation ever since the coup, as a public show of support. But Beijing has stressed the regional focus of the Kunming gathering, saying it wanted to consult ‘all sides’ against ‘a background of a weakening global recovery and geopolitical turbulence’.

‘While this (invitation to the summit) still implies recognition as head of state, it does not have the same diplomatic weight as a bilateral invitation to visit Beijing,’ Horsey said.

Ming Aung Hlaing’s trip comes with the junta reeling from a devastating rebel offensive last year that seized an area roughly the size of Bosnia — much of it near the border with China.

Analysts say Beijing is worried about the possibility of the junta falling and suspicious of western influence among some of pro-democracy armed groups battling the military.

Myanmar is a vital part of Beijing’s trillion-dollar Belt and Road initiative, with railways and pipelines to link China’s landlocked southwest to the Indian Ocean.

‘Beijing has now made clear its intentions for the Myanmar military to succeed,’ said Jason Tower of the United States Institute of Peace.

China has been reluctant to give a clear show of official recognition since the coup, Crisis Group’s Horsey said, but this may be changing.

‘China has pivoted to greater support for the regime — not because it is better disposed with the regime or its leader, but out of concern at a disorderly collapse of power in Naypyidaw,’ he said.

But the relationship is wracked by longstanding mistrust.

The junta’s top brass are wary of China, insiders say — stemming from Beijing’s support for an insurgency waged by the Communist Party of Burma in the 1960s and 1970s.

China gave its tacit backing to last year’s rebel offensive, military supporters say, in return for the rebels dismantling online scam compounds in territory they captured.

Those compounds were run by and targeting Chinese citizens in a billion-dollar industry and major embarrassment for Beijing.

But the rebels pushed further and in August captured the city of Lashio — miles from the scam compound heartland and home to a regional military command.

The fall of Lashio, home to around 1,50,000 people to the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army was a step too far for Beijing, said Tower.

China has since cut electricity, water and internet services to the MNDAA’s traditional homeland on the border with Yunnan province, a source close to the group said.

A visit to China is ‘unlikely to resolve Min Aung Hlaing’s internal troubles,’ said Tower.

‘If anything, it could create new problems, as the general is likely to be perceived as making major economic and geo-strategic concessions to Beijing in exchange for Chinese assistance,’ he said.

One demand from Beijing will be speeding up elections the junta has promised to hold, said Tower — polls China’s foreign minister announced Beijing’s backing for in August.

Opponents of the polls say they will be neither free nor fair while clashes continues across the country and with most of the popular political parties banned.​
 

Arakan Army capture 20 Bangladeshi fishermen from Naf River
UNB
Published :
Nov 05, 2024 23:54
Updated :
Nov 05, 2024 23:54

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Myanmar's insurgent Arakan Army allegedly took 20 Bangladeshi fishermen hostage from the Naf River while they were fishing on Tuesday evening, said authorities.

Moreover, 15 small wooden boats from the estuary of the river near Naikhongdia of Teknaf upazila were captured.

Local Union Parishad (UP) member Abdus Salam confirmed the matter saying that the fishermen from Shahparir Island, who were fishing near Naikhongdia with about 15 boats, were taken hostage at gunpoint by the Arakan Army.

All the fishermen are residents of Teknaf, he said, adding that they have already informed the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) about the matter.

Lt. Col Mohiuddin Ahmed, commander of Teknaf-2 BGB, said they are in contact with Myanmar authorities to negotiate their release and are making efforts to bring them back.

Earlier on October 9, Myanmar's Navy took away 58 fishermen from the Bangladesh side of the Bay of Bengal, near Saint Martin's Island.

One fisherman was killed and two others were injured when Myanmar Navy opened fire on them.

On the next day, Myanmar authorities returned the fishermen in two separate groups, along with the body of one of the deceased.
 

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