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[🇧🇩] Insurgencies in Myanmar. Implications for Bangladesh
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Resolving the Rohingya crisis: Does Bangladesh need to shift gear?

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Rohingya refugees cross a bamboo-made bridge in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, on May 2, 2024. FILE PHOTO: REUTERS

Recent developments in Myanmar, tensions at the Bangladesh-Myanmar and Bangladesh-India borders, and even the return of Donald Trump as president in the US have dramatically affected geopolitics in the South Asian region. While 64,718 Rohingya entered Bangladesh in 2024, according to the foreign ministry, and they continue to enter Bangladesh in small groups every day, according to the Rohingya living in the camps in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh needs to shift gear from talking about repatriation and start focusing on finding ways to stop the influx.

Based on the recent domestic political changes in Bangladesh, as well as the global changes, some questions arise in this regard. For one, when there is no instance of strict border closure in the past, can we hope that Bangladesh will be able to stop the (ir)regular small- and large-scale influxes of the Rohingya people? Also, since the country has not been able to successfully repatriate the Rohingya after the 2017 exodus, is it considering better alternatives to repatriation? While the foreign ministry considers the Arakan Army (AA) as a "non-state actor," Bangladesh has, on occasions, been in contact with the AA. Has the government done enough homework on how to engage with the AA, if necessary?

The Awami League government did not focus on formulating the country's own legal instruments, such as a national policy, regarding the Rohingya issue. What about the interim government? Has it started developing a national refugee policy or a national policy for the Rohingya? With the emergence of "Arakan" in Rakhine, now controlled by the Arakan Army, have all the stakeholders in Bangladesh reached a consensus on what strategies to adopt to deal with the situation? Indeed, questions abound. However, at present, it is important to understand the motives and motivations of the AA.

Strangely, a fake message claiming AA asked Bangladesh for help was circulated by some individuals without realising the damages it might cause. Some speculate that the supply chain for AA's daily essentials may be linked to Bangladesh. The Myanmar junta may cut the internal supply chain anytime. Relying completely on India for a long time is surely not prudent because of the costs involved with it. This may make AA somewhat dependent on Bangladesh. Yet, because of their strength in arms and planning, they have reasons to create a fearful and threatening environment at the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, which is now under their control.

But at the same time, it is necessary to have experts and others study the nature of AA and its background characteristics to deal with them.

Let's consider the AA's statement, "We recognise the human rights and citizen rights of the Rohingyas" (by Maj Gen Twan Mrat Naing). It may seem quite promising, but the fact is, in less than three years after making this statement in an interview with Bangladeshi journalists, they appeared before the Rohingya people in Rakhine as an equally brutal entity as the Tatmadaw. As a result, the 2024 influx took place.

Despite the negative sides, AA knows that it may have to rely on Bangladesh to maintain the supply chain for their survival. In the past, Bangladesh failed to seize this opportunity to start negotiations on the Rohingya issue. Will it now leap into action, or keep waiting for "the right time" to raise the issue? Realistically, there is no such thing as "the right time" when it comes to the situation of refugees like the Rohingya. It is all about protecting the human rights of over a million stateless people and saving Bangladesh from irreparable social, economic, and environmental damage.

It is not difficult to understand that the Rohingya issue may destabilise the entire region of South Asia. This is known to the global community as well. But we must remember, all superpowers, no matter how friendly they are with Bangladesh, have their investments in Myanmar. China and India have their own geopolitical and geo-economic interests in Rakhine, which dictate their policies for the region. Regional platforms may also remain passive. And the UN has so far been ineffective at doing anything to help Bangladesh resolve the crisis. So what other options are available to us?

There does not seem to be any practical alternative to meeting the AA with a strategic agenda. Engaging with a non-state actor is not an endorsement. And engaging with the AA may not even be enough to break the stalemate. It alone does not guarantee success. Engaging with other national, regional, and international actors simultaneously is necessary to bring the AA to the negotiating table.

Dr Ishrat Zakia Sultana is assistant professor in the Department of Political Science and Sociology at North South University (NSU).

Dr Sk Tawfique M Haque is professor and Director of the South Asian Institute of Policy of Governance (SIPG) at NSU.​
 
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Arakan Army returns 29 Bangladeshi fishermen taken from Naf River
UNB
Published :
Feb 27, 2025 22:34
Updated :
Feb 27, 2025 22:34

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Twenty-nine Bangladeshi fishermen who were taken by Myanmar's Arakan Army, were returned by the group after a week.

The fishermen were brought back to Bangladesh on Thursday through the jetty at Shah Porir Dwip in Teknaf.

"The 29 fishermen, who were taken by the Arakan Army while fishing in the Naf River, have been brought back. Their health is being checked, and after the necessary procedures, they will be handed over to their families," said Teknaf Upazila Nirbahi Officer Sheikh Ehsan Uddin.

The return was facilitated by the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), who assisted in ensuring their safe passage back to the country.

Ten of the returning fishermen were identified as Md. Kala Mia (37), Md. Nurul Alam (39), Abdul Rahman (19), Md. Abul Kalam Ahmed (29), Md. Lalu (11), Md. Kabir Ahmed (43), Mohammad Yunus (23), Nurul Islam (34), Md. Lutfor Rahman (23), and Rahim Ullah (21). All are residents of Shah Porir Dwip, Majherpara. The names of the remaining fishermen were yet to be known.

According to local authorities, the group of 29 fishermen, who had accidentally crossed the border while fishing on February 11 and 20, were held by the Arakan Army. The fishermen had been aboard six motorised boats when they were captured by the group.​
 
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Arakan Army taking 'tariff' from border trade
Home adviser Jahangir Alam Chowdhury confirms

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Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury. Photo: Collected

Speculation over the Arakan Army's demand for "tariff" from the border trade between Bangladesh and Myanmar was confirmed by Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury yesterday.

At a briefing at the Cox's Bazar Deputy Commissioner's office following discussions with home and agriculture ministry officials, he elaborated on the scenario.

Replying to a question, he said, "First there is the Myanmar government which collects taxes for goods coming in from Sittwe. But, since the border is controlled by the Arakan Army, they too collect taxes. This is a difficult situation. A senior representative has been appointed to address the issue," he said.

He said Khalilur Rahman, special assistant to the chief adviser (equivalent to state minister), has been appointed as the liaison in this regard.

Chowdhury added that the government is maintaining communications with both the Myanmar government and the Arakan Army.

This is the first time a high-ranking government representative has publicly acknowledged the Arakan Army's intentions in a briefing with journalists.

On December 8 last year, the Arakan Army announced that it had seized control of the 271-kilometer border shared by Bangladesh and Myanmar after seizing a Border Guard Police's (BGP) base in Rakhine State.

In a statement, it imposed an indefinite ban on vessel movement in the Arakan waters of the Naf River. Since then, no cargo ships have arrived in Teknaf.

Businessmen based in Teknaf land port, on condition of anonymity, alleged that the Arakan Army was detaining cargo ships and demanding payments.

On January 16, the Arakan Army intercepted three cargo vessels, en route from Yangon to Teknaf, in the Naikhongdia area of the Naf River estuary. Four days later, two vessels were released, while the third was freed on February 1.

Most recently, on February 10, the Arakan Army chased down a timber-laden trawler near Golar Chor in Shah Porir Island using speedboats and seized it. The vessel has not yet been released.

Jasim Uddin, general manager of United Land Port in Teknaf, which is commonly known as Teknaf land port, said the last boat arrived at the port on February 1 after being released by the Arakan Army.

"It has been one month since there has been trade between Myanmar and Bangladesh through Teknaf Land Port," he said.

He also mentioned that the boat which arrived on February 1 is still at the port as they are unwilling to return to Yangon due to security concerns.

A businessman from Teknaf, who frequently imports goods from Myanmar, said on condition of anonymity that the Arakan Army released the three seized boats after it received the same amount of money that was paid as tax to the Myanmar government.

The exporters in Myanmar paid them off and charged it to Bangladeshi businessmen, he said.

He further said that after learning about the issue, the Myanmar government stopped trade with Bangladesh through Teknaf as they did not want the Arakan Army to benefit financially.

Shawkat Ali, a businessman at the port, said Teknaf is a more viable option for trading with Myanmar since using Chattogram significantly increases costs and time.

"Lead times to import goods from Myanmar through Teknaf is five to seven days while using Chattogram requires at least a month," he explained.

Import-export falling year after year

Due to the cross-border conflict, trade through Teknaf land port has experienced a significant downturn over the past two fiscal years, according to data from Teknaf Customs.

In FY23, 188,999 metric tonnes of goods, valued at approximately Tk 1,545 crore, were imported from Myanmar through the Teknaf land port, while Bangladesh exported 2,941 metric tonnes of goods worth Tk 6.72 crore.

However, in FY24, imports dropped sharply to 71,741 metric tonnes, valued at approximately Tk 808 crore. Exports also saw a significant decline, with only 704 metric tonnes of goods, valued at Tk 2.45 crore, shipped to Myanmar.

In the first six months of the current fiscal year, Bangladesh imported 11,129 metric tonnes of goods worth around Tk 113 crore. During the same period, 636 metric tonnes of goods valued at approximately Tk 64 lakh were exported to Myanmar.

The imported items primarily include dry fish, chilled fish, betel nuts, onions, ginger, coconuts, wood, and other goods. Bangladesh's main exports to Myanmar are cement and potatoes.​
 
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6 Rohingyas held en route to Jashore

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Illustration: Star Digital Graphics

Detective Branch has arrested six Rohingyas in Magura who were on their way to Jashore from Balukhali refugee camp in Cox's Bazar's Ukhiya.

The arrestees are Sanaullah, 38, of Balukhali refugee camp, Mohammad Ayub, 26, of Lambasia camp in Kutupalong, Razia Begum, 20, a camp in Ukhiya, Mohammad Arzu, 20, of Rohingya camp 17, and Mohammad Erfan, 25, of Rohingya camp 13. The other arrestee was a 15-year-old of Rohingya camp 5.

Based on a secret tip-off, they were arrested from Khulna-bound Soudia Paribahan and MR Paribahan buses in the Wapda Bus Stand area of Sreepur upazila of Magura, confirmed Magura Additional Superintendent of Police Crime Mohammad Mirajul Islam.

ASP Mirajul said Sanaullah concealed his identity and presented a Bangladeshi NID card which showed his current address in Tejgaon Industrial Area of Dhaka and Modrama Ghona village in Naikhangchhari area of Bandarban district as his permanent address.

During their interrogation, police found out that the five other Rohingya, led by Sanaullah, were going to Jashore to make Bangladeshi national identity cards.​
 
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EU vows pressure on Myanmar, pledges €68m for Rohingyas

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Photo: MoFA

Visiting EU Commissioner for Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management Hadja Lahbib yesterday assured that the European Union would impose political and economic pressure on Myanmar to resolve the Rohingya crisis.

She also announced that the EU will provide €68 million this year for Rohingyas and the Bangladeshi host community in Cox's Bazar.

Lahbib made the pledges during a meeting with Foreign Adviser Md Touhid Hossain at the foreign ministry, according to a ministry statement.

During the meeting, the EU commissioner shared her first-hand experience from visiting Rohingya camps in Cox's Bazar yesterday and lauded Bangladesh's generosity in hosting the forcibly displaced Rohingyas.

She also praised Bangladesh's initiative in organising the High-level Conference on Rohingyas, scheduled to be held in New York in October 2025.

Beyond the Rohingya issue, Lahbib expressed the EU's strong support for the interim government and its reform initiatives.

"It's a pivotal moment in the history of Bangladesh, which needs new partnerships and new cooperation," the ministry statement quoted her as saying.

The foreign adviser said Bangladesh's relationship with the EU remains strong.

He thanked the EU commissioner for her visit and expressed deep concern over Myanmar's political situation and its impact on the Rohingya crisis and regional security.

Emphasising that the ultimate solution lies in the repatriation of the Rohingyas to Myanmar, he urged the international community to take action.

Both sides also discussed disaster management, recognising the need for stronger collaboration in preparedness and response, given the increasing frequency of natural calamities in both Europe and Bangladesh.

The foreign adviser thanked the EU for its support and sought continued technical and financial assistance to further improve Bangladesh's disaster management capabilities.

Earlier, Commissioner Lahbib met Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.​
 
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Junta chief heads for meeting with key ally Putin

Myanmar's junta chief yesterday departed for talks with President Vladimir Putin in Russia, a key ally and arms supplier for the isolated state struggling to quell violent opposition to military rule.

Min Aung Hlaing, who seized power in a 2021 coup, left the capital Naypyidaw with a retinue of high-ranking officials, according the junta's information service, and is due to meet Putin today.

Analysts say Moscow's support has become vital to the military administration, particularly its air force, as it battles an array of ethnic minority armed groups and pro-democracy guerrillas on multiple fronts.

The junta suffered significant territorial losses after a 2023 rebel offensive but its air power has been pivotal to arresting the advance of opposition forces.

"Russia has been invaluable in helping them keep their air fleet afloat," Morgan Michaels, research fellow at the International Institute for Strategic Studies think tank, told AFP.​
 
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Upcoming visit of Guterres and Rohingya crisis
MIR MOSTAFIZUR RAHAMAN
Published :
Mar 03, 2025 22:21
Updated :
Mar 03, 2025 22:21

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United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres -- File Photo

The upcoming visit of United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres to Bangladesh, scheduled from March 13 to 16, 2025, comes at a pivotal moment in the protracted Rohingya refugee crisis. Since 2017 over one million Rohingya refugees have fled their homeland in Myanmar's Rakhine State, seeking sanctuary in neighboring Bangladesh. This mass exodus has not only created one of the largest humanitarian crises of our time but has also placed an immense socio-economic burden on Bangladesh, a country already grappling with its own developmental challenges. As the UN chief prepares to visit Dhaka, it is expected that the international community's attention will be once again drawn to the plight of the Rohingyas and the urgent need for a sustainable solution to this crisis.

The Rohingya crisis is a stark reminder of the failures of global governance and the inadequacies of international mechanisms to address forced displacement and ethnic persecution. Despite numerous high-level discussions, diplomatic efforts, and promises, not a single Rohingya refugee has been repatriated to Myanmar. The refugees continue to live in overcrowded camps in Cox's Bazar, enduring conditions that are nearly inhuman. The lack of adequate healthcare, education, and livelihood opportunities has left the Rohingya community in a state of despair, with many losing hope for a better future. The situation is further exacerbated by the ongoing civil war in Myanmar, where the ruling military junta is losing control over vast territories, including Rakhine State, which is now under the control of the Arakan Army, a rebel group fighting against the government.

Against this backdrop, the UN Secretary-General's visit to Bangladesh is seen as a critical opportunity to reinvigorate international efforts to resolve the Rohingya crisis. In a letter to Bangladesh's Chief Adviser, Dr. Muhammad Yunus, Mr. Guterres reiterated the importance of expediting the safe and voluntary repatriation of the Rohingya to their homeland. He pledged to work with all stakeholders, including regional actors and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to create conditions conducive to their return. This commitment is a welcome step, but it must be followed by concrete actions to address the root causes of the crisis and ensure the safety and dignity of the Rohingya people.

The Secretary-General's letter also highlighted the UN's efforts to mobilise international support for Bangladesh as the host country. He assured that the United Nations would continue to provide humanitarian aid and livelihood support to the Rohingya and other affected communities in Rakhine. Additionally, Mr. Guterres emphasised the importance of enabling safe, rapid, and unhindered humanitarian access to those in need in Rakhine and throughout Myanmar. These assurances are crucial, but they must be backed by sustained financial and political commitments from the international community.

One of the key challenges in resolving the Rohingya crisis is the lack of a unified and coordinated approach among global stakeholders. While Bangladesh has shown remarkable generosity in hosting the refugees, it cannot bear this burden alone. The international community must step up its efforts to share the responsibility and provide the necessary resources to support the Rohingya and their host country. The upcoming High-level Conference on the situation of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar, as mentioned by Mr. Guterres, could be a significant opportunity to galvanize global attention and develop a comprehensive plan of action. However, the success of this conference will depend on the willingness of member states to move beyond rhetoric and take concrete steps toward a political solution.

The Rohingya crisis is not just a humanitarian issue; it is also a threat to regional stability. Experts have long warned that the prolonged displacement of the Rohingya could lead to radicalization and exacerbate security challenges in the region. Reports of Rohingya involvement in criminal activities, including human trafficking, drug smuggling, and even terrorism, are deeply concerning. These issues underscore the urgent need for a holistic approach that addresses both the immediate humanitarian needs of the refugees and the long-term political and security implications of the crisis.

The visit of the UN Secretary-General to Bangladesh is an opportunity to put the Rohingya crisis back in the global spotlight. In recent years, the issue has been overshadowed by other refugee crises, such as those in Sudan, Gaza, and Ukraine. While these crises deserve equal attention, the world must not forget the plight of the Rohingya, who have been denied their basic rights and dignity for far too long. The international community must recognse that the Rohingya crisis is not just a regional problem but a global responsibility.

Another issue of grave concern is the decline in humanitarian aid to the Rohingya refugees. The UNSG also needs to highlight this angle of saving the lives of over a million people.

As Mr. Guterres prepares to engage with Bangladeshi leaders and other stakeholders during his visit, it is imperative that he uses his influence to push for a coordinated and inclusive approach to resolving the crisis. This includes engaging with Myanmar's military government, the Arakan Army, and other regional actors to create a conducive environment for the safe return of the Rohingya. It also requires addressing the root causes of the crisis, including the systemic discrimination and persecution faced by the Rohingya in Myanmar.

The UN Secretary-General's visit to Bangladesh is a reminder that the world cannot afford to turn a blind eye to the suffering of the Rohingya. The crisis is a test of the international community's commitment to human rights, justice, and the principles of the United Nations. As Mr. Guterres himself has acknowledged, the solution to the Rohingya crisis requires a political solution in Myanmar, supported by sustained international engagement and solidarity. The time for action is now. The Rohingya people have waited long enough for justice and a chance to return to their homeland with dignity and safety. The world must not fail them again.​
 
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