[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

[Saif]

The reform drive must continue apace

The first round of reform talks produced a wide range of agreements and disagreements

www.thedailystar.net

The reform drive must continue apace
The first round of reform talks produced a wide range of agreements and disagreements

VISUAL: STAR

It is reassuring to see the conclusion of the first round of talks between the National Consensus Commission (NCC) and political parties over reforms meant to lay the groundwork for a more accountable and transparent system of governance. In a country where political deadlock is more common than consensus, the achievement of common ground across a wide spectrum of issues marks a departure worth noting. The first round—which covered 166 key reform proposals over 45 sessions—produced agreements in several major areas, but also disagreements in others, setting the stage for the second round of talks expected to begin within days. While this process goes on, the NCC plans to engage the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics to conduct a survey to gather public feedback on key proposals and finalise a "National Charter" based on broader consensus by July.

Thanks to the structured and publicly accessible manner in which the discussions were held, we now know the areas where the parties agreed, partially agreed, or disagreed. For instance, all parties agreed to reinstate the non-partisan caretaker government system to oversee elections, but disputes remain over its formation, tenure, and the mechanism for appointing a chief adviser. Similarly, while there is support for a bicameral legislature and empowering the opposition through the deputy speaker's post, disagreements remain over how members of the proposed upper house should be elected. Another crucial sticking point is the proposal to limit the prime minister's authority—particularly preventing one from simultaneously holding the posts of PM, party chief, and leader of the House. Proposals to impose term limits on PM and reform the process of electing the president have also proven divisive. Sharp divisions remain over the proposed formation of a National Constitutional Council to oversee key appointments and uphold legal standards.

That said, the areas of consensus are significant in their own right. Parties have collectively endorsed vital judicial reforms, including the creation of a separate Supreme Court Secretariat, curbing executive control over judicial appointments, and introducing accountability mechanisms to discipline judges exhibiting political bias. There is also agreement on placing key parliamentary committees—such as those on public accounts, estimates, and government undertakings—under opposition control. On anti-corruption, all parties supported granting the Anti-Corruption Commission constitutional status, and ensuring its independence and accountability. Electoral reforms have also made notable progress. In public administration, there is strong support for automating public services, revising outdated laws such as the Official Secrets Act, and modernising the Right to Information Act.

While full consensus on all unresolved issues is unlikely, as Prof Ali Riaz, co-chair of the NCC, has also acknowledged, we hope that political parties will engage sincerely in the remaining talks. Otherwise, the push for critical reforms may stall. At the same time, we must keep in mind the challenges of implementing reforms. The protests following the dissolution of the National Board of Revenue and the introduction of the Public Service (Amendment) Ordinance, 2025 show that real change will depend on our collective resolve to follow through despite the resistance these changes may provoke. All stakeholders must, therefore, rise above partisan or group interests, and act from a place of national responsibility.​

 

[Saif]

EU urges democratic reforms in Bangladesh’s political transition

The European Union (EU) has said the regional grouping has consistently supported Bangladesh’s political transition, calling for it to be underpinned by the rule of law, fundamental rights and lead to democratic elections. “This is a pivotal moment,” said the EU Embassy in Dhaka

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

EU urges democratic reforms in Bangladesh’s political transition

FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Jun 06, 2025 23:46
Updated :
Jun 07, 2025 00:35

The European Union (EU) has said the regional grouping has consistently supported Bangladesh’s political transition, calling for it to be underpinned by the rule of law, fundamental rights and lead to democratic elections.

“This is a pivotal moment,” said the EU Embassy in Dhaka as Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, in a televised address to the nation, announced a timeline leading to elections.

The EU Delegation called on all stakeholders to engage constructively in this process and to take forward work to define an ambitious reform agenda that will lead to a more stable, more prosperous and democratic Bangladesh, according to a UNB report.

Chief Adviser Prof Yunus on Friday announced that the next national election will be held sometime in the first half of April 2026, reaffirming the government’s commitment to reform, justice, and democratic progress.

“After reviewing the ongoing reforms in justice, governance and the electoral process, I am announcing today that the next national election will be held in the first half of April 2026,” he said in a televised address to the nation in the evening.

Based on this announcement, Prof Yunus, the Election Commission, will provide a detailed roadmap for the election at an appropriate time.

He said they want an election that will satisfy the souls of the martyrs of the uprising and bring peace to their souls.​

 

[Saif]

Reforms are heard of everywhere, but nothing to be seen

Instead of undertaking necessary reforms, the government is making decisions that show no sign of initiating change. The consequences are seen in economy, politics, society.

en.prothomalo.com

Reforms are heard of everywhere, but nothing to be seen
We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated. The government could have started by scrapping the environmentally destructive projects, but we are witnessing the opposite.

Reforms were our biggest expectation from the post-uprising government. The government and persons associated with the government continually talk about carrying out reforms. But what do we actually see?

Till now they haven't made it clear what exactly are the reforms they want to carry out in the areas of politics and the economy. Many of the reform commission have submitted those reports, but we see no tangible action about even the implementable recommendations in those reports. In fact, we see a continuance of lot of past trends.

Reforms are in the offing, we hear, but the matter remains hazy. The issue of reforms is being discussed, true, but the people have no idea how these reforms are going to be implemented.Which areas should be prioritised for reforms by the government which we got through the mass uprising? Education, healthcare, and employment for unemployed workers along with their safety in the industrial zones. But so far, we have not seen any sign of change in the education and health sectors.

In fact, the allocations for education and health were already inadequate in the last budget, and in the revised budget these been reduced further. There has long been a demand in Bangladesh that the allocation for education should be increased to 6 per cent or 7 per cent of the GDP. But we have consistently seen it remain within the range of 1 to 2 per cent. The current budget shows no change in this regard either.

It wasn't just about increasing the amount of funding. There was also a demand for qualitative improvements. To ensure that education and healthcare fall within the scope of citizens' rights, institutional capacity and other qualitative reforms were essential, but no such initiatives have begun in the past ten months.

We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated
Workers still have to protest to claim their unpaid wages. The government signed an 18-point agreement with workers, but it has not been implemented. The most alarming issue is that, due to the government's announcement of the closure of many factories, nearly a hundred thousand workers have lost their jobs. Those who were employed have lost their employment, and no new job opportunities have been created. Based on this, it can be said that unemployment has increased over the past ten months.

Due to inflation, a new class of poor has emerged. Hundreds of thousands more have fallen below the poverty line.

All this is happening because there is no focus on what the focus of reforms should be. Priority hasn't been given where due. Then there is the matter of institutional capacity. During the last government's rule we saw that all the institutions were run on orders, not by increasing the institutional capacity. In other words, the orders were impose from above and that was how the institutions would run. The inherent dynamism and strength of the institutions were destroyed.

During the time of the now ousted fascist government, this weakness had developed across all institutions - universities, the judiciary, the police, the administration, and both public and private sectors. This was made possible due to a few submissive and spineless groups. There were expectations from this government. There was significant scope for reforms, to enhance the institutional activity of these institutions, to build their capabilities and bring transparency to processes ranging from recruitment to other areas. But even in these aspects, we are seeing no change. What we are seeing instead is people being forcibly appointed or removed.

The judicial system, too, is carrying on as before. The same sorts of cases are being filed. Indiscriminate arrests and remand orders are being made. Some are being given bail, some not. We are also seeing the process of proving war criminals to be innocent. Overall, the problems that existed in the institutional powers, independence and capacity of judicial system, the administration, and in the universities, still persist.

Enhancing the institutional capacity of the energy and power sectors was another major expectation of the people. We have always said that if national capacity in these sectors is strengthened, then subsidies would not be necessary. We will be able to get gas at a much lower cost. We will get renewable energy at a much lower cost. We will get electricity at a much lower cost. And the environment will not be harmed. This transformation is certainly possible if national capacity is developed.

We are witnessing the rise of hate-driven, discriminatory groups, which gives the impression that a new fascist force is gradually gaining strength.

The previous government did not do that. Instead, they made foreign loans, foreign projects, and import dependency the core of their policy. Certain groups were given undue advantages.

We had hoped that the current government would focus on enhancing national capacity. But to do that, changes in budget allocations and policy frameworks are essential. No such changes appear to have been initiated. The government could have started by scrapping the environmentally destructive projects, but we are witnessing the opposite.

Rather than building national capacity, the government is moving toward handing over the management of Chattogram Port and the exploration of oil and gas to foreign companies. This means the same trend continues: dependency on imports, foreign investment, foreign companies, and foreign loans.

In the social sphere, too, we are witnessing several problems. For example, persecution of minority communities and ethnic groups has not stopped. This is deeply painful for us. Many members of the Bom ethnic group have been detained. Among them are women and children. None of them are being granted bail. A Bom man suffering from cancer was granted bail only a day before his death. He had become just skin and bone, but he was still denied bail. He received no proper medical treatment in custody, and he died in pain.

At the same time, we still see attempts to silence women who are becoming vocal in society or who were active during mass uprisings. Certain groups continue their efforts, through threats, intimidation, and smear campaigns, to suppress them. We’ve seen such incidents in the case of college teacher Nadira Yasmin in Narsingdi and in various other places.

The government’s indifference to these issues is a matter of serious concern. There ostensibly is a silent endorsement of those groups. Even now, incidents of attacks, vandalism, coercion, and mob violence are taking place in various parts of the country. We are witnessing the rise of hate-driven, discriminatory groups, which gives the impression that a new fascist force is gradually gaining strength.

Instead of undertaking the necessary reforms, the government is making decisions and adopting policies that show no sign of initiating real change. And we are seeing the consequences of this not only in the economy but also in politics and society.

That is why, for those who have dreamed of a Bangladesh free of inequality, it remains absolutely vital to stay alert, vigilant, and active.

* Anu Muhammad is an economist, editor of Sarbajankatha, and member of the Committee for Democratic Rights

** This column appeared in the print an online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir​

 

[Saif]

Govt, BNP should also give road maps to justice, reforms

THE chief adviser to the interim government Muhammad Yunus in an address to the nation on the eve of Eid-ul-Azha has announced that the general elections would be held any day in the first quarter of April 2026, noting that the Election Commission would announce a road map to the elections at an...

www.newagebd.net

Govt, BNP should also give road maps to justice, reforms
11 June, 2025, 00:00

THE chief adviser to the interim government Muhammad Yunus in an address to the nation on the eve of Eid-ul-Azha has announced that the general elections would be held any day in the first quarter of April 2026, noting that the Election Commission would announce a road map to the elections at an appropriate time. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party, the major political organisation of the country, had earlier held brief for the elections by this December whilst the government stood its ground for the elections between this December and June 2026. Although the announcement is viewed as an effort to reach a middle ground, the announcement has elicited mixed reactions, some saying that this is logical given the time required for democratic reforms and the trial of individuals associated with the deposed Awami League and some others saying that this is illogical as the announcement has failed to reflect people’s expectations and impractical as Ramadan would span from mid-February to mid-March, not to mention the government’s visible failures to effect any effective reforms so far. There could also be weather challenges and public examinations. But the announcement has created resentment in the BNP camp which has become evident in its reaction to the announcement, noting that the period would be inconvenient for national elections.Bangladeshi cuisine recipes

Behind-the-scenes ministrations have, however, come up and the results are yet to be forthcoming. The chief adviser to the interim government has said that it has assumed the responsibility to run the affairs of the state on three mandates: reforms, justice and elections. But his address has only spoken of elections, which are essential and pressing, somewhat setting aside reforms and justice. Only a road map to the national elections would hardly work for a meaningful transition to a democratic polity unless reforms and justice also have road maps for implementation. Muhammad Yunus, or the interim government for that matter, should also announce effective road maps to justice and accountability for the crimes that the Awami League regime had committed for a decade and a half and to reforms, which would ensure a sustainable transition. The interim government should put to effect all the three mandates that Muhammad Yunus has talked about. On the other side, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which talks about only elections, setting aside the issues of reforms and justice, should also announce meaningful road maps to both justice and accountability of the crimes committed during the July–August 2024 uprising and to democratic reforms of the state which are essential when it comes to a democratic governance.Bangladeshi cuisine recipes

Whilst the interim government should work out road maps to reforms and justice, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party should also make public road maps to reforms and justice for a democratic reconstruction post the August 2024 political changeover.​

 

[Saif]

CA informs King Charles of Bangladesh’s reform initiatives

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Thursday held a private one-to-one meeting with King Charles III where the Bangladesh’s reform agendas were discussed. “At 11:20 am today, a one-to-one meeting was held between our Chief Adviser and King Charles III, which was a private o

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

CA informs King Charles of Bangladesh’s reform initiatives

FE Online Desk
Published :
Jun 12, 2025 20:24
Updated :
Jun 12, 2025 20:24

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on Thursday held a private one-to-one meeting with King Charles III where the Bangladesh’s reform agendas were discussed.

“At 11:20 am today, a one-to-one meeting was held between our Chief Adviser and King Charles III, which was a private one,” said Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam a press briefing about the outcome of the meeting.

During the meeting, he said, they discussed the massive transition in Bangladesh according to BSS report.

He said the Bangladesh Chief Adviser informed King Charles of the reform initiatives taken by his government in Bangladesh.

Claiming that the 30-minitue meeting was a cordial one, the press secretary said since King Charles knows Prof Yunus for a long, they discussed many issues.

“In this whole tour, I would say it was the most important event,” he added.

After the one-to-one meeting, Alam said, a gift having photo of the King and the Queen, signed by them, was presented to Prof Yunus, which was a very honour for the Chief Adviser.

King Charles welcomed Chief Adviser Prof Yunus at Buckingham Palace for a private audience.

In addition to their regular diplomatic and political Audiences, the Monarch also meets individuals who have made extraordinary achievements in their fields, particularly if they are taking up a Royal appointment or receiving a prize which is given in their name.

By meeting people privately, or ‘granting an Audience’, The King acknowledges the importance of certain individuals and their work, and creates an opportunity to learn more about them and to give them a memorable Royal experience.

An ‘Audience’ is simply a one-to-one meeting with The King.​

 

[Saif]

Risk-based reforms could cut food import delays by 80pc: Study

The average clearance time for food and agricultural imports in Bangladesh could be slashed by up to 80 per cent through targeted risk-management reforms, a new study has found. It said that quick release of such products would not only reduce port congestion but also ease prices for consumers in

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Risk-based reforms could cut food import delays by 80pc: Study
Blanket inspections at ports inflate costs, delay clearances

Doulot Akter Mala
Published :
Jun 15, 2025 00:12
Updated :
Jun 15, 2025 00:12

The average clearance time for food and agricultural imports in Bangladesh could be slashed by up to 80 per cent through targeted risk-management reforms, a new study has found.

It said that quick release of such products would not only reduce port congestion but also ease prices for consumers in the domestic market.

Currently, agro-based containers are subject to 100 per cent customs inspection as per the Import Policy Order, regardless of the type, nature, or risk profile of the products.

The study, titled "Quantifying the Benefits of Risk-Based Clearance for Imported Food and Agriculture Products in Bangladesh", was conducted under the USDA-funded Bangladesh Trade Facilitation (BTF) project and released recently.

Risk-based approaches can help reduce market prices of several food items, including milk powder, apples, and oranges.

Bangladesh has witnessed a sharp hike in food import expenditure, which surged from US$4.7 billion in 2014 to $11.85 billion in 2022.

During this period, the number of bills of entry (B/E) processed by customs more than tripled.

Despite this growth, the country continues to rely on a rigid clearance system that mandates 100 per cent inspection and testing of all food consignments, irrespective of their risk level.

"This blanket approach, applied without consideration of factors such as importer credibility, country of origin, or product type, has led to significant delays in the clearance process," the study report says.

Analysing seven food products, the study highlighted three critical areas for reform: policy and regulatory change, process improvements, and capacity building and awareness.

The products covered in the study include milk powder, fortified soybean oil, ketchup, chilled and frozen fish, apples, oranges, and animal feed ingredients.

"Overall, the average release time increased in 2024 to 7.1 days, up from 6.54 days in 2023. Notably, fortified soybean oil experienced a significant rise in clearance time, by nearly three days, suggesting the need for better handling and inspection processes," it said.

The report recommends amending the Import Policy Order and other relevant acts and rules to incorporate risk-based clearance procedures in line with international best practices.

Michael J. Parr, Chief of Party of the USDA-funded BTF Project, said the study aims to support evidence-based reforms that improve efficiency, transparency, and predictability in food and agricultural imports.

Currently, he noted, Bangladesh heavily relies on blanket inspection and testing of all consignments regardless of risk.

"Our goal is to provide empirical data showing how risk-based clearance, an internationally recognised best practice, can help Bangladesh optimise resources, reduce delays, and better target high-risk shipments," Parr said.

"The findings clearly show that structured risk management can cut clearance times by up to 80 per cent and significantly lower retail prices for consumers," he added.

He hopes the findings will guide government agencies in updating procedures to adopt risk-based clearance methods, align with global standards, and meet obligations under the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement.

Mohammad Borhan E-Sultan, President of the Bangladesh Foodstuff Importers & Suppliers Association (BAFISA), said obtaining clearance from BSTI and other agencies can take up to a month after import, often costing importers more than Tk 1.0 million per container in port demurrage and shipping charges. "Usually, consumers have to shoulder the additional costs due to the escalation of import expenditures," he added.

He also pointed out that clearance-issuing agencies remain closed two days a week, while ports operate 24/7, making fast responses impossible after shipments arrive.

Nipun Chakma, Deputy Commissioner of Customs and Technical Advisor (Risk Management) at the USDA-BTF Project, said applying risk management methods across all relevant cross-border agencies would expedite agricultural goods clearance without compromising national health and security priorities.

He noted that faster, more predictable, and transparent procedures would improve the overall trade environment.

"This enhanced trade environment is likely to attract both local and foreign investors, especially as lengthy and unpredictable clearance processes have long been a concern for international businesses operating in Bangladesh," he added.

Under current Import Policy Order obligations, every food and agro-based container must be certified by the Bangladesh Standards and Testing Institution (BSTI) and undergo plant quarantine procedures, even if sourced from compliant exporters.

Customs officials and importers argue that requiring time-consuming test reports for food products from reputed companies with no history of substandard shipments is unjustified.

Earlier, New Zealand raised concerns over the prolonged testing of imported powdered milk in Bangladesh, despite the country's strict radiation safety compliance.

Bangladesh imports food and agro-based items from long-standing partner countries, but every container still undergoes testing, causing delays and adding costs that trickle down to consumers.

The study recommended establishing institutional coordination mechanisms for risk management between regulatory bodies, particularly between customs and other government agencies (OGAs).

Currently, there is no structured risk management approach applied by any agency other than customs during the clearance process.​

 

[Saif]

Public universities' potential reforms

For the past few months the media have been replete with reports of mis-governance in public universities. They have focused on protests against abuse of authority, financial indiscipline, partisanship, politicisation and absence of a truly academic atmosphere. These revelations have been shocking

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Public universities' potential reforms

Muhammad Zamir
Published :
Jun 29, 2025 21:36
Updated :
Jun 29, 2025 21:36

A view of Dhaka University Photo : Collected Photo

For the past few months the media have been replete with reports of mis-governance in public universities. They have focused on protests against abuse of authority, financial indiscipline, partisanship, politicisation and absence of a truly academic atmosphere. These revelations have been shocking and prompted many within the civil society to stress the need for relevant authorities to carry out in-depth surveys about administrative discipline in different public universities.

In our societal structure, teachers, be it at the primary, secondary, college or university level, have a special place. They are admired and held with respect. As in other countries this profession is described as noble and one that is supposed to inspire trust and create confidence in the hearts and minds of both the students and their guardians.

I still remember my Metaphysics classes in Dhaka University with the late Professor G C Dev 58 years ago. I recall how he helped to instil in the minds of his students the need to be humane in their treatment of others and how to give importance to views that differed from one's own. I similarly remember with gratitude, the kindness and firmness with which important areas of our lives were addressed, and our queries answered in the tutorial classes supervised by late Professor Dr J Guhathakurta and late Professor K S Morshed. These teachers and many other educationists helped to open windows of our imagination and taught us to appreciate values. They were the standard bearers who outlined moral thresholds.

One needs to turn now to the painful situation that exists in most of our public universities today. In this context we have watched what has been happening in the Rajshahi University, Chittagong University, Khulna University and Jagannath University. The revelations of the difficulties faced in these educational institutions in different dimensions come to the surface because the media always follow the state of affairs in public universities with great interest. Consequently, it has been disturbing to read about what has been happening currently in some of these public institutions.

Charges are being alleged against several senior university faculty members and vice-chancellors of some institutions. These include a broad range of supposed irregularities -- questionable appointment of teachers and staff, drawing huge amounts against mobile phone bills, misuse of authority and unacceptable expenditure with regard to furniture and furnishings. The persons concerned have supposedly been aided and abetted by a small number of university officials.

Reports have emerged that some of these universities have been turned into personal fiefdoms, where rules of audit and accountability have been banished. The University Grants Commission (UGC) is apparently studying the problem carefully but is facing problems in finding educationists willing to take over as vice-chancellors, pro-vice-chancellors and treasurers in certain public universities.

Apparently, the cloud hanging over some of the public academic institutions and the controversies generated there have persuaded educationists from Dhaka University, the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUEST) and the Chittagong University of Engineering and Technology to turn down offers of appointment. This is indeed very serious, given the fact that we have nearly 30 public universities in Bangladesh and that many of them need the stern hands of reform.

However, teachers-cum-administrators not up to expectations are not the only problem in public universities. There are also other factors that are affecting the level of education, opportunities for education and the quality of education imparted in these institutions.

One has to touch on some of them. The current sorry state of affairs has emerged because of many reasons. It has infected even institutions like the Dhaka University -- the oldest among the public universities in Bangladesh. The Rajshahi University and the Chittagong University are also no exceptions. Meritocracy has been sacrificed in many cases to promote expediency. Administrative irregularities take place sometimes on non-academic considerations. Rules are followed more by neglect than by observance.

Partisanship in the selection of teachers, allotment of residential accommodation, approval of educational opportunities to continue further studies abroad, the process of granting leave (either to teach in private universities on higher pay or in the carrying out of consultancies) and failure to take the designated number of classes per week have all contributed to the weakening of the educational infrastructure. This has also affected accountability.

In addition, there is also the question of the continuous upgrading and being up to date among the teaching community. Unfortunately, incremental improvement appears to have receded to the background - particularly in dimensions related to digital education.

Professionalism requires that teachers carry out original research and publish their findings in well-known and recognised journals. This trend appears to have declined.

One way to enhance the importance of original research might be to link publications (subject to scrutiny by the Academic Council) with promotion for teachers. It would also be pertinent to note here about the extremely poor quality of the libraries of these institutions. Books and manuscripts are poorly maintained and rarely updated. Important professional journals published by different foreign institutions, which used to be available forty years ago, are not there anymore. The use of computers pertaining to digital availability is also not up to the mark in most public universities. This pertains most unfortunately with regard to obtaining details on certain Conventions pertaining to international law. There was a vacant stare in the eyes of those charged with the responsibility of maintaining records in the Dhaka University Library. Someone tried to salvage the situation by remarking that hard copies of legal magazines were no longer maintained because they were expensive and that I should try to download them from different web pages.

Though there was some merit in this argument, I asked if there were adequate computers with necessary connections for this purpose in the library for the use of students. I was informed that this was unfortunately not always available due to resource constraint. This is sad. It also underlined the need for capacity building (more computers and online facilities in each department of the University) and greater resource generation.

It is pertinent to remember that the Dhaka University Order, 1973 was originally framed consistent with the principles of Fabian socialism and based on a set of values that today is probably misused rather than observed in the spirit meant to be.

Some student politicians are taking their area of influence one step further with the connivance of some of those associated with the university administration. I am referring here to reports of influencing admission, allotment of seats in residential halls and participation of tenders for procurement of necessary supplies for the University. It is now commonly alleged that the required transparency is mostly absent in decision-making and corruption has replaced accountability.

One can only hope that there will be greater transparency in this process. This approach will then ensure accountability.

Time has come to undertake a positive and constructive engagement within the ambit of public universities. Those responsible within the matrix of the public universities need to set up, with the assistance of the University Grants Commission and the Ministry of Education, a Commission in each Public University to determine the existing flaws and deficiencies including housing and then chart out measures on how to remove them.

The Commission could be autonomous and constituted of educationists (including retired professors) respected for their commitment, wisdom and neutrality. The Commission could be given the mandate to complete their investigations within 90 days. This could include hearings, held in public, to ensure transparency. They could also initiate web portals where analysts might be able to express their opinions. Both students and guardians, in addition to teachers, could participate in this identification process.

This process, hopefully, will also come up with suitable recommendations with regard to the syllabus, teacher's training, criteria for promotion of teachers and a better uniform grading system.

What we require is the right will and better coordination between the Academic Council, the Senate and the Syndicate. It also needs making Vice-Chancellors of both public and private universities more responsible and accountable for their actions and decisions to the University Grants Commission and Accreditation Council in a meaningful manner. In this context it might be also a good idea to bring forth an interactive engagement between public and private universities so that least common denominators can be identified for moving forward.

Muhammad Zamir, a former Ambassador is an analyst specialised in foreign affairs, right to information and good governance.​

 

[Saif]

Political parties must not let reform opportunity slip away

The dismal prospect for reforms in areas such as governance, elections, administration and power structures, largely because of increasingly polarised positions of political parties, is disheartening. It is understandable that the political parties will not have similar stance on the issues, but...

www.newagebd.net

Political parties must not let reform opportunity slip away
01 July, 2025, 00:00

The dismal prospect for reforms in areas such as governance, elections, administration and power structures, largely because of increasingly polarised positions of political parties, is disheartening. It is understandable that the political parties will not have similar stance on the issues, but drastically polarised stances of the parties disregard the hopes and aspirations that have emerged in society after the July-August uprising. The national consensus commission, meant to deliberate on reforms commissions’ recommendations, appears to be struggling to reach a consensus on almost every major issue. The second round of the dialogue with political parties was adjourned until July 2 without any significant progress. The first round, where 166 points were discussed, also yielded little. After the first round, the commission has revised many of its proposals and reduced the number of issues in an attempt to bridge differences. Yet, the parties’ polarised positions have persisted. The commission has replaced its earlier proposal for a national constitutional council with a plan for a constitutional and statutory appointment committee tasked to transparently appoint top officials of constitutional and statutory bodies. But the parties have failed to agree.

The second round has also covered revised proposals on the electoral framework for a bicameral parliament, women’s representation, the prime minister’s term, parliamentary standing committee structure, the presidential election and Article 70 of the constitution, among others. A consensus has, however, remained largely elusive as several parties, especially the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, have opposed various provisions. A number of political parties and analysts have, meanwhile, blamed the BNP, presumably the largest political party, for rejecting most of the revised proposals, which are widely considered urgent for reforming governance and preventing power concentration. The BNP’s stance is particularly troubling as it runs counter to the hopes and aspirations that the uprising, which toppled the Awami League regime, has created. The BNP also appears inexplicably wedded to its pre-uprising 31-point structural reforms outline, unveiled in July 2023, despite many of the commission’s proposals aligning with its own reforms agenda. Its rejection of similar proposals, thus, appears contradictory. At the same time, the party, in demanding early national elections, has failed to rein in its leaders and activists, many of whom continue to make the headlines for criminal activities.

Since independence, Bangladesh has witnessed only a few rare moments when political parties appeared poised to reach a consensus on creating transparent and accountable governance. But once in power, the parties have consistently failed to deliver. The uprising has created the most promising moment for meaningful changes in decades. Political parties must not let this opportunity slip away.​