[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.

G Bangladesh Defense
[🇧🇩] Reforms carried out by the interim/future Govts.
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PRC suggests changing metropolitan police commissioner’s power in prohibiting rallies
BSS
Published :
Dec 08, 2024 23:46
Updated :
Dec 08, 2024 23:46

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The Police Reform Commission (PRC) has suggested restricting the authority of police commissioner to prohibit people’s right to hold assembly or procession as majority respondents in a survey have considered such right as vital for flourishing country’s democratic environment.

“Some 71.2 per cent respondents want to change this provision of the police administration to sustain the rights of holding assembly or procession to flourish the country’s democratic environment,” according to a recent public survey conducted by the PRC.

In accordance with the section 29 of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police Ordinance, 1976, the Police Commissioner may, by order in writing, prohibit any assembly or procession whenever and for so long as he considers such prohibition to be necessary for the preservation of the public peace or safety: provided that no such prohibition shall remain in force for more than thirty days without the sanction of the Government.

Although there is no provision of taking prior permission for holding assembly or procession in the ordinance, prior police permission is required to this respect.

As many as 24,442 individuals took part in the survey and 17,411 want amendment to the provision while 7031 (28.8 percent) do not want any change to the provision.

Some 51.8 percent respondents have considered taking prior permission for holding rallies from the Metropolitan Police Commissioner as an adversary of the basic rights as Article 37 of the Constitution has guaranteed holding assembly and procession as basic rights.

However, 37.4 respondents have expressed their disagreement while 10.8 percent are doubtful or hesitant about the opinion.

The public survey titled ‘What kind of police do we want (kemon police chai)’ was carried out in the wake of recent criticism in Bangladesh and around the world about the violent role of some police personnel in suppressing the anti-discrimination student movement.

To that end, the interim government formed the 'Police Reform Commission' to reform the police force.

In replying to a question on how the allegations of human rights violation and misusing of power by police should be investigated, 60 percent of 24,442 the people taking part in the survey, recommended forming a complete investigation commission to pursue the matter.

While 20 percent of them have suggested formation of a permanent investigation commission led by a retired justice of the High Court division and 20 percent wanted to investigate into the allegation by the National Human Rights Commission by amending the relevant law of 2009.

The country needs a law-abiding, corruption and political influence free independent police to maintain law and order equally for the people irrespective of their identity, the survey said.

“Some 89.5 percent people opined to stop use police force for political purposes and 77.9 percent want police not to indulge in corruption by misusing power,” it also said.

Apart from these, 74.9 percent opined to bring police under accountability for violations of rights that include enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings.

The survey is now available on the website of the Police Reform Commission (www.prc.mhapsd.gov.bd), said a press release of the home ministry.

The Police Reform Commission has received recommendations from 24,442 individuals of different sections following its request to submit their opinions by November 15, 2024.​
 

UN vows support for interim govt’s reform commissions

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The UN stands ready to support the interim government's reform commissions, assist in accessing innovative financing mechanisms, and strengthen data systems to seize this moment for long-term sustainable development, UN Resident Coordinator Gwyn Lewis said yesterday.

"Our collective efforts will focus on creating a sustainable economic transformation, inclusive, essential services, bolstering climate resilience, enhanced governance framework, and driving gender equality across all sectors," she said.

She made the comment at a joint steering committee convened by the government of Bangladesh and the UN Country Team today to review progress on the UN Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework (Cooperation Framework) and discuss priorities for 2025.

The meeting also addressed critical issues regarding implementing the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and Bangladesh's graduation from Least Developed Country (LDC) status.

"To successfully graduate from LDC status, we must embrace a new era of collaboration focused on advancements in science, technology, and artificial intelligence in Bangladesh," said Shahriar Kader Siddiky, secretary of the Economic Relations Division.

The UN acknowledged the significant changes in Bangladesh in recent months and reaffirmed its support for the interim government's evolving priorities, particularly in reform commissions focused on issues such as elections, policing, anti-corruption, and human rights, said UN Resident Coordinator's Office at a statement.

To address the SDG priorities in the context of the broader development agenda, participation was expanded to include several senior government officials.

Co-chaired by Gwyn Lewis, the meeting was attended by representatives from twenty-eight line ministries, eighteen UN agencies, JSC members, and senior government officials, including the Principal Coordinator (SDG Affairs), the Planning Secretary, and the Member of the General Economics Division (GED).

The Cooperation Framework (2022-2026) outlines UN support to Bangladesh in advancing the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the 8th Five-Year Plan across five strategic priorities.

In 2024, the JSC reviewed progress across key areas. The UN has supported Bangladesh's economic transformation through various initiatives.

The UN also mobilized significant aid in response to Cyclone Remal and widespread flooding, notably deploying early warning systems that helped millions prepare.

Collaboration with national commissions continued critical reforms in areas like policing, elections, and anti-corruption, in tandem with support for the government in strengthening legal protections for women and promoting gender equality.

Looking ahead to 2025, the JSC identified key policy support and capacity-building interventions to accelerate SDG progress, emphasising integrated policy, financing, and programming at scale, focusing on Leaving No One Behind.

The meeting also identified several key policies and interventions to support Bangladesh's development in its new political context.​
 

Japan for reforms to combat corruption
Envoy says

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Iwama Kiminori

Japan is eager to see reforms that eliminate corruption and improve governance, which are key factors for Japanese companies to invest in Bangladesh, said Japanese Ambassador to Bangladesh Iwama Kiminori.

"The interim government's top priority is eliminating corruption and reducing bureaucratic redundancy. This is a key element for Japanese companies to invest here," he told The Daily Star in a recent interview.

Kiminori is leaving Dhaka after a two-year tenure and will assume a new post as ambassador to a European country.

He informed that Japan has been closely observing the condition of law and order, peace and stability in Bangladesh since the political changeover in August.

"I believe the internal security situation is stabilising. While there have been some incidents, I believe the interim government will tackle the issue in a positive way," Kiminori said, stressing on improvement of law and order.

Over the past 50 years, Japan has been Bangladesh's largest bilateral donor, providing about $27 billion since 1972. Bangladesh exports products worth more than $1 billion to Japan annually while imports amounted to about $2 billion in 2022-23.

The island nation is also supporting several major development projects in Bangladesh, including the third terminal of Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport and the Matarbari Deep Sea Port. It is also providing technical and financial assistance for the Dhaka Metro Rail and the Araihazar Special Economic Zone in Narayanganj.

More than 350 Japanese companies operate in Bangladesh, and many more are eager to do so. The two countries are working to sign an Economic Partnership Agreement for bilateral trade after Bangladesh graduates from the least developed country club in 2026.

Kiminori said that a more favourable investment climate could attract many more Japanese companies.

"Bureaucracy, uncertainty, complicated procedures and corruption -- these are the issues for our companies. We are eager to see reforms by the interim government in these areas," he added.

Asked if the political transition in Bangladesh would impact Japan-Bangladesh relations, he replied: "Our stance is clear. We have consistently extended support, regardless of the government in power. We will continue to do so."

"We will see what is needed for the people of Bangladesh and development, like rural development and environment. We have been doing this, and we will continue to be a friend of Bangladesh," he said.

Regarding the progress of the deep-sea port project in Matarbari, Kiminori said that the power plant has already been established and the first phase of dredging is complete. Japan is planning to extend the project to a second phase, for which the government has already agreed.

Asked if Japanese-funded projects are facing any difficulties due to the political changeover, he said the third terminal of Dhaka airport, the metro rail and Matarbari projects are ongoing. Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) Line 6 is being utilised quite well and Japan is currently discussing MRT Lines 1 and 6 with Bangladesh.

"The interim government has shown positive interest in continuing other lines. While there may be some challenges, I see positive signs for the continuation of the existing MRT project. Sooner or later, we will need to complete them," he said.

"In that sense, we are ready to continue existing projects. For new projects, we need to discuss with the interim government," Kiminori added.

Japan was discussing an industrial value chain connecting Chattogram, Northeast India, Nepal and Bhutan.

When asked about this, Kiminori said: "We will continue the discussions. We have to identify the priorities of the new government. If they still consider it a priority, we will proceed accordingly.

"We would like to explore the possibility of connectivity in all directions, not just India and Bangladesh, but also Nepal and Bhutan. This is a key element to your development of the deep-sea port."​
 

WB pledges support for Bangladesh's key reform initiatives
UNB
Published :
Dec 23, 2024 19:53
Updated :
Dec 23, 2024 19:53

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World Bank Country Director for Bangladesh Abdoulaye Seck on Monday reaffirmed the institution's commitment to supporting key reform initiatives undertaken by Bangladesh's interim government.

Seck said this when he made a farewell call on Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus at the State Guest House Jamuna.

The Chief Adviser thanked Seck, who is retiring in January, for support during his tenure at World Bank-supported projects in critical sectors like infrastructure, climate resilience, service process digitalisation, education, healthcare and poverty alleviation.

Seck told the Chief Adviser that the World Bank approved nearly $1.2 billion in three financings on December 19 to help Bangladesh build climate resilience and environmental sustainability while improving health, nutrition and water and sanitation services in Chattogram city.

On Sunday, the Economic Relations Division (ERD) and the World Bank signed two financings totalling $900 million.

One of the projects will develop secondary cities by constructing climate-resilient and gender-responsive infrastructure along the economic corridor from Cox's Bazar in the south to Panchagarh in the north.

The other financing, a $500 million development policy credit to support green growth, will be disbursed to the national treasury by this month.

The World Bank's development portfolio stands at about $ 45 billion since 1972, which has made a significant contribution to the development trajectory of Bangladesh, particularly in reducing poverty, ensuring sustained economic growth, and improving education, health, and disaster management.

The Chief Adviser wished Seck and his family good health on his retirement.

Special Envoy to Chief Adviser Lutfey Siddiqi, senior secretary for SDG affairs Lamiya Morshed and ERD secretary Md. Shahriar Kader Siddiky were among others present on the occasion.​
 

Separating policy, revenue in NBR top reform priority
Advisory committee tells interim govt

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The National Board of Revenue (NBR) should not both formulate policies and collect revenue, rather a separate, independent and specialised policy wing should be formed, recommended an advisory committee recently.

This should be the first priority when bringing about reforms, said the committee in a proposal to the interim government last week.

The five-member advisory committee was formed by the finance ministry on October 9 to bring about reforms in the NBR, such as speeding up revenue collection and improving services for taxpayers.

The advisory committee members include two former chairmen of the NBR, Muhammad Abdul Mazid and Nasiruddin Ahmed, former income tax members Md Delwar Hossain and Aminur Rahman, and former customs member Farid Uddin.

The separation proposal had also come from International Monetary Fund (IMF) as a part of its $4.7 billion loan programmes.

Businesses have been advocating for the separation for years, citing that otherwise it created an "autocratic" mindset in the NBR.

Since the NBR works with a revenue collection target, it inevitably ends up formulating policies more inclined towards achieving the target and this ends up ignoring detrimental effects that those policies have on taxpayers, explained the businesses.

A white paper committee led by economist Debapriya Bhattacharya, which was formed recently on unearthing the state of the economy, had also spoken on the issue.

"By creating a dedicated policy unit within the Ministry of Finance, the NBR can focus on efficient collection and enforcement, leaving strategic tax policy formulation to a specialised team," it stated.

Earlier, the NBR officials of both customs and tax departments also requested the creation of an "Independent Policy Commission".

However, they emphasised that its officials should be chosen from among them, as the job necessitates having prior experience working in their departments.

"We have recommended it following discussions with businesspeople, development partners and NBR officials to make a better tax system," said one of the advisory committee members yesterday, seeking anonymity.

"Although everybody has welcomed the proposal, the state should be very careful when implementing the proposal. Otherwise, it would not be fruitful," he said.

In 2008, the then caretaker had undertaken the same reform initiative. Later, the elected government did not adopt the suggestion, he said.

"It will depend on the desire of the government," he added.

"We won't explain anything now," said Muhammad Abdul Mazid, a member of the advisory committee.

"We are working (on formulating a number of reform proposals). It will continue as the interim government didn't give any timeframe (with a deadline). We have just submitted our proposal on a single item or issue," he said.

"Our next priority will be automation," he said.

Declining to comment on policy issues, Md Farid Uddin, another member of the advisory committee, said they were now giving a lot of focus on automation.

"Policy separation is one of several reform priorities of the NBR. Even larger issues, such as digitalisation and integration, remain to be addressed," he said.

"Our prime goal is to simplify the tax policy and ensure integration among all stakeholders," he said.

"Although this initiative is a massive task, it will bring immense changes to the tax systems, which will help to reduce tax evasion," he added.

Welcoming the separation suggestion, Shaikh Shamim Bulbul, general secretary of BCS Taxation Association, said, "As a specialised division, we, both taxes and customs officials, have urged to form an independent and separate 'Policy Commission'."

This is to ensure an effective tax system, he said, adding, "We hope the advisory committee has accepted our proposal…We want to see its execution soon," he added.​
 

Tension mounts among govt officers over reform
Sadiqur Rahman 25 December, 2024, 23:54

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Bangladesh Administrative Service Association and the BCS Administration Welfare Multipurpose Cooperative Society Limited hold a meeting, protesting at the reform of public administration, at the BIAM Foundation Auditorium in Dhaka on Wednesday. | New Age photo

Administration cadre officials and other cadres are now facing off over the public administration reforms aimed at freeing the civil service from political influence and inter-cadre discrimination and making it more service-oriented.

Officials belonging to 25 Bangladesh Civil Service cadres other than the administration cadre have long been pressing for eliminating the discrimination against them regarding promotions and in-service facilities.

The administration cadre officials, meanwhile on Wednesday, announced that they would submit a memorandum to the public administration reform commission today, intensifying the tension in the civil service over its reform as officials of other cadres are scheduled to hold human chains across the country, protesting at what they termed as dominance of the administration cadre in the civil service jobs.

Since the Public Administration Reform Commission disclosed its draft recommendations on December 17, civil servants under the administration cadre and the rest 25 cadres have faced off against each other, claiming their fair shares in the administrative services.

Public administration teacher at Dhaka University, Professor Ferdous Afrina Osman, called the ongoing tension in the civil service as frustrating and observed that dominance of a single cadre was discriminatory.

Saying that promotion in the civil service must be free from political influences, she told New Age that the only way to keep promotion free from political influence was a proper evaluation of the candidates.

‘Only the deserving civil service officials irrespective of the cadre should get promotion,’ she added.

On December 17, the reform commission said for promotion to the rank of deputy secretary it would recommend 50 per cent quota allocation for the administration cadre and 50 per cent for the rest of the 25 cadres.

Currently, for promotion to this rank, the administration cadre enjoys 75 per cent quota and the rest 25 cadres get 25 per cent quota.

The disclosure of the draft recommendations have stirred up discontent among both the administration and other cadres, leading to increased tension among the administration cadre officials and those of other cadres. The administration cadre officials fear that the recommendations, if accepted, will reduce their promotion quota, while officials under the rest 25 cadres think that the recommendations fail to reflect their demand for a merit-based administrative service.

On Wednesday, several hundred present and former officials of the administrative cadre assembled at the BIAM Foundation Auditorium in the capital in a meeting in protest at the commission’s reform proposal. It was jointly organised by the Bangladesh Administrative Service Association and the BCS (Administration) Welfare Multipurpose Cooperative Society Limited.

After the meeting, the officials announced that they would submit a memorandum to the public administration reform commission today, administrative service association member secretary Muhammad Mahbubur Rahman confirmed the matter.

Speakers at the meeting complained that narrowing representation from the administration cadre was a conspiracy to destabilise the country by misdirecting public administration reforms.

Some of the speakers also demanded the resignation of the reform commission chief within 48 hours starting from Wednesday afternoon.

They said that narrowing the administration cadre’s representation would be a violation of a government circular, published on February 10, 1998, which was endorsed by the High Court as legal on February 13, 2002.

Moreover, they termed the application of the quota system in promotion to the deputy secretary rank as a discriminatory practice.

Dhaka district deputy commissioner Tanvir Ahmed told New Age that the administration cadre officials now demanded that the reform commission should recommend the abolition of the quota system and establish the Bangladesh Administrative Service exclusively with the administration cadre officials.

Asked how the civil servants from other cadres would get their promotion of the other cadre officials, Tanvir Ahmed said, ‘Their ranks must be upgraded as per the respective departmental promotion ladders.’

Earlier, on Sunday also, a significant number of administration cadre officials gathered at the Secretariat to press their demand.

On Tuesday, members of the Inter-Cadre Council to Eliminate Discrimination, a platform representing officials from 25 BCS cadres other than administration, staged a protest through a one-hour ‘pen-down strike’ to protest against the administration cadre’s dominance.

The council’s coordinator, Mohammad Mofizur Rahman, told New Age that officials of the 25 cadres would hold a human chain in front of their offices today.

The council is also scheduled to hold a rally in Dhaka on January 4 and has also announced further programmes, Mofizur said.​
 

Labourer sector reform: Informal workers seek recognition
Sadiqur Rahman 25 December, 2024, 23:56

The informal sector labourers, accounting for an overwhelming 85 per cent of the country’s labour force, keep their hopes high that the interim government would fulfil their longstanding demand for inclusion in the formal sector as part of its labour reform initiative.

Labour rights activists believe that the inclusion would usher a watershed moment in the country’s labour rights campaign as it would mark the first step towards ensuring labour rights of the thousands of workers counted so far as informal sector labourers.

The interim government, which replaced the now ousted Sheikh Hasina regime from August 8, has launched a reform campaign in several sectors, labour sector one among them. It has tasked a 10-member labour reform commission, formed on November 18, with submitting its recommendations to the chief adviser within 90 days.

According to the Bangladesh Labour Force Survey 2022, around six crore or 84.9 per cent of the total working population in the country are engaged in informal employment that includes a highly varied range of work.

Most familiar of the informal sector jobs include agriculture labourers, domestic workers, construction and utility sector wage labourers, self-employed workers, including street vendors, hawkers and rickshaw pullers. Informal sector workers sell their cheap labour without any formal contracts with the employers and without any regular benefits.

Rights activists for domestic workers and municipality cleaners, while saying that they are marginalised among the informal workers, demand that the reform commission recommends their due recognition.

‘We eke out a living by selling our labour but we are not valued as workers. We hope that the interim government will recognise our due status,’ said Zakia Sultana, president of Grihakarmi Jatiya Forum, a platform for domestic workers.

The country’s massive 96.6 per cent of 2.48 crore employed women are engaged in informal employment.

Zakia added that informal workers’ long-due demand for recognition remained unheeded because the previous governments did not create any mediums to facilitate the discussion.

‘The labour reform commission is supposed to work as the much-expected media,’ she said.

She further said that domestic workers often avoided being pregnant, fearing job loss. ‘They are not given maternity leave. So when someone gets pregnant and gives birth to babies her plights become endless. In absence of day-care facilities at the slums where they live, mothers of newborns or small children face extreme challenges as they are not allowed to take her children to the employers’ house.’

Domestic workers, particularly those who work as live-in helps, do not have fixed work hours, weekends and standard wages.

Although the Domestic Workers Protection and Welfare Policy was enacted in 2015, it brought hardly any positive impact on the domestic workers’ rights situation as it was not translated into a law.

Municipality cleaners, doing a critical service to keep the environment of cities and municipality towns, also face an increasing level of job insecurity.

Gajan Lal, senior vice president of Bangladesh Harijan Oikya Parishad, a platform of the Dalit community from which many earn livelihood as cleaners of cities and municipality towns, has said that most of the cleaners work on an ad hoc basis, and so can neither bargain on their wage nor demand increment.

‘Moreover, newcomers, mostly from the Muslim community, have made the temporary cleaning jobs more competitive,’ Gajan Lal said.

While talking about increasing livelihood insecurity of vendors and hawkers, Bangladesh Hawkers Union vice president Monzur Moin has said that they are in a constant risk of eviction.

While the authorities regularly run eviction drives, they do not provide alternative livelihood sources to the hawkers, says Moin. Moreover, as their occupation is not formalised, they cannot take their demands to the government in a systematic way.

‘The hawkers as informal sector workers do not have the right to trade union. We expect that the labour sector reform will recognise all engaged in the informal sector to ensure their legal protection,’ the hawker leader said.

Socialist Labour Front president Rajekuzzaman Ratan commended the formation of the labour reform commission as a reflection of the informal workers’ long-due expectations.

‘For the first time in the history of Bangladesh, a reform commission has been formed to address the discrimination in the labour sector. We hope for the best,’ Ratan said.

Recently, the interim government has added 15 new industrial sectors to the existing list of 42 sectors under wage regulations.

The newly included sectors are private clinics, hospitals and diagnostic centres; fertiliser factories; brickfields; private airlines; electric and electronic goods manufacture; ceramics; cement; batteries; poultry; commercial amusement parks; dry fish manufacture;, stone crushing; IT parks; colour and chemical factories; and milk products and dairy farms.

Labour rights activists allege that while some industries, such as type foundry industry, which no longer exist or have become insignificant in the changing economic scenario, are still in the wage regulations list, many new sectors involving significant numbers of workers have yet to find their place in it.

Chief of the labour reform commission, Syed Sultan Uddin Ahmmed, observes that informal sector workers remain deprived of fundamental rights and social dignity.

‘The commission will highlight all the discriminations that the informal workers are facing. Steps must be taken to ensure their social dignity, security, and humane and sustainable livelihood,’ Sultan said.​
 

Tension mounts among govt officers over reform
Sadiqur Rahman 25 December, 2024, 23:54

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Bangladesh Administrative Service Association and the BCS Administration Welfare Multipurpose Cooperative Society Limited hold a meeting, protesting at the reform of public administration, at the BIAM Foundation Auditorium in Dhaka on Wednesday. | New Age photo

Administration cadre officials and other cadres are now facing off over the public administration reforms aimed at freeing the civil service from political influence and inter-cadre discrimination and making it more service-oriented.

Officials belonging to 25 Bangladesh Civil Service cadres other than the administration cadre have long been pressing for eliminating the discrimination against them regarding promotions and in-service facilities.

The administration cadre officials, meanwhile on Wednesday, announced that they would submit a memorandum to the public administration reform commission today, intensifying the tension in the civil service over its reform as officials of other cadres are scheduled to hold human chains across the country, protesting at what they termed as dominance of the administration cadre in the civil service jobs.

Since the Public Administration Reform Commission disclosed its draft recommendations on December 17, civil servants under the administration cadre and the rest 25 cadres have faced off against each other, claiming their fair shares in the administrative services.

Public administration teacher at Dhaka University, Professor Ferdous Afrina Osman, called the ongoing tension in the civil service as frustrating and observed that dominance of a single cadre was discriminatory.

Saying that promotion in the civil service must be free from political influences, she told New Age that the only way to keep promotion free from political influence was a proper evaluation of the candidates.

‘Only the deserving civil service officials irrespective of the cadre should get promotion,’ she added.

On December 17, the reform commission said for promotion to the rank of deputy secretary it would recommend 50 per cent quota allocation for the administration cadre and 50 per cent for the rest of the 25 cadres.

Currently, for promotion to this rank, the administration cadre enjoys 75 per cent quota and the rest 25 cadres get 25 per cent quota.

The disclosure of the draft recommendations have stirred up discontent among both the administration and other cadres, leading to increased tension among the administration cadre officials and those of other cadres. The administration cadre officials fear that the recommendations, if accepted, will reduce their promotion quota, while officials under the rest 25 cadres think that the recommendations fail to reflect their demand for a merit-based administrative service.

On Wednesday, several hundred present and former officials of the administrative cadre assembled at the BIAM Foundation Auditorium in the capital in a meeting in protest at the commission’s reform proposal. It was jointly organised by the Bangladesh Administrative Service Association and the BCS (Administration) Welfare Multipurpose Cooperative Society Limited.

After the meeting, the officials announced that they would submit a memorandum to the public administration reform commission today, administrative service association member secretary Muhammad Mahbubur Rahman confirmed the matter.

Speakers at the meeting complained that narrowing representation from the administration cadre was a conspiracy to destabilise the country by misdirecting public administration reforms.

Some of the speakers also demanded the resignation of the reform commission chief within 48 hours starting from Wednesday afternoon.

They said that narrowing the administration cadre’s representation would be a violation of a government circular, published on February 10, 1998, which was endorsed by the High Court as legal on February 13, 2002.

Moreover, they termed the application of the quota system in promotion to the deputy secretary rank as a discriminatory practice.

Dhaka district deputy commissioner Tanvir Ahmed told New Age that the administration cadre officials now demanded that the reform commission should recommend the abolition of the quota system and establish the Bangladesh Administrative Service exclusively with the administration cadre officials.

Asked how the civil servants from other cadres would get their promotion of the other cadre officials, Tanvir Ahmed said, ‘Their ranks must be upgraded as per the respective departmental promotion ladders.’

Earlier, on Sunday also, a significant number of administration cadre officials gathered at the Secretariat to press their demand.

On Tuesday, members of the Inter-Cadre Council to Eliminate Discrimination, a platform representing officials from 25 BCS cadres other than administration, staged a protest through a one-hour ‘pen-down strike’ to protest against the administration cadre’s dominance.

The council’s coordinator, Mohammad Mofizur Rahman, told New Age that officials of the 25 cadres would hold a human chain in front of their offices today.

The council is also scheduled to hold a rally in Dhaka on January 4 and has also announced further programmes, Mofizur said.​
 

Govt to consult with all parties before reforms
Advisers tell dialogue

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Photo: Collected

The foundation of the state relies on its institutions. Without robust institutions, the unity of the state is meaningless. If we cannot reform institutions like the Election Commission to serve the people, our efforts will be futile.— Mahfuj Alam

The interim government will not make unilateral decisions on the reform commissions' reports but will finalise decisions through consultations with all political parties, said Adviser Mahfuj Alam yesterday.

"We have been engaging in consistent discussions with political parties. Once the commissions begin presenting their proposals, which we expect from January, broader consultations will occur involving all stakeholders," Mahfuj said at the concluding session of a dialogue organised by the Forum for Bangladesh Studies at Krishibid Institution Bangladesh in Dhaka.

He explained that the consultations would determine the extent of feasible reforms.

Mahfuj said reforms proposed by the political parties' had been largely integrated into the government's initiatives. "The political parties must now sit with us to finalise what reforms are achievable and necessary."

He emphasised the importance of strengthening state institutions. "The foundation of the state relies on its institutions. Without robust institutions, the unity of the state is meaningless. If we cannot reform institutions like the Election Commission to serve the people, our efforts will be futile."

The adviser stressed that reforms must be consensual.

"We need agreement on how much reform is possible and whether a legal framework can ensure that future governments continue these initiatives. Political parties must commit to upholding reforms when in power."

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Photo: Collected

The absence of a democratic transition process led to the recent popular uprising that ousted the previous government. People have shed blood repeatedly, yet this issue remains unresolved.— Nahid Islam

Meanwhile, Nahid Islam, adviser to the information and ICT ministries, underscored the need for democratic power transitions to prevent the recurrence of political unrest.

"The absence of a democratic transition process led to the recent popular uprising that ousted the previous government. The people of Bangladesh have shed blood repeatedly, yet this issue remains unresolved."

He called for a framework to institutionalise peaceful and democratic power transitions.

"Our primary agenda is to prevent the return of vindictive politics. This must be addressed before the elections."

Responding to a query about the government's performance, Nahid said, "The public or those outside power can judge better. We are working within limitations, seeking assistance to advance our goals."

Nahid criticised the bureaucracy's misuse under previous governments.

"Bureaucrats gained undue power under the past regime, which was used to establish fascism. This legacy challenges our administrative effectiveness."

He commended the unity achieved during the mass uprising, saying, "This national unity persists on key issues."

He also called for embedding the essence of the July uprising into a new constitution, warning of future disruptions if this is not achieved.

On foreign policy, Nahid stressed the need for consistency.

"Bangladesh's foreign policy has historically shifted with changes in government. We need consensus on economic and trade policies to secure the nation's future."

At the event, Nagorik Oikya Convener Mahmudur Rahman Manna dismissed debates over "reforms first or elections first" as irrelevant.

"Reforms will always be ongoing, but an interim government is temporary. The focus must be on conducting a free and fair election."

Amar Bangladesh Party Member Secretary Mojibur Rahman Monju said they aim to build a "New Bangladesh" with the help of the youth.

Private University Students Alliance representative Tanjil Mahmud called for engaging students in the reform process.

Supreme Court lawyer Dilruba Shormin urged unity, invoking the sacrifices of the uprising's martyrs.

Gono Odhikar Parishad's Rashed Khan, Jamaat-e-Islami's Hamidur Rahman Azad, Chattogram Hill Tracts representative Ilira Dewan, BNP's Mahidi Amin, and others echoed the need for reform and consensus.

Political scientist Navine Murshid stressed institutional accountability to ensure sustainable change.

The dialogue concluded with a consensus on the importance of inclusive reforms to strengthen democratic governance and national institutions.​
 

Failure to meet expectations will lead to political instability: Rizwana

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Emphasising the importance of building a national consensus on reforms, Environment Adviser Syeda Rizwana Hasan has said that public participation is crucial to achieving this goal.

"If we fail to align with the people's expectations, we will constantly find ourselves in political discomfort and complications," she said.

She was speaking at the first session of the National Dialogue 2024, held under the theme "Unity, Reform, Elections" and titled "Which Path to Unity," at the Krishibid Institution Auditorium in Dhaka yesterday.

The adviser also said that achieving national consensus may require some compromises, and we must be prepared to make them.

She said that unity is essential in various areas, including communal harmony, political reform, and ensuring the inclusion of the younger generation's aspirations in governance.

The adviser remarked that agreement on reforms should not result in treating one another as adversaries. Decisions on what reforms are necessary, who will implement them, how they will be carried out, and within what timeframe must be made.

She stressed that backing down from reforms is not an option, as broad cooperation is needed to ensure public opinion is reflected in these changes. Failure to meet public expectations will lead to repeated political instability and complications.

Addressing the broader responsibility for change, she noted that it is not just the task of an interim government but a collective obligation. Merely drafting reforms on paper will not suffice; these changes must be practised to benefit the public.

Leadership changes alone are not enough without a shift in mindset. We must internalize that leadership is about responsibility, not power, and commit to fulfilling these responsibilities.

She also underscored the importance of public engagement in governance, noting that although the need for reform is widely acknowledged, the path forward remains challenging.

She warned that breaking away from entrenched political norms or eliminating inequalities will not happen overnight. Patience and persistence will be essential.

Rizwana said, "I remain optimistic and hopeful about the youth. Major changes are likely to come from them because they bring fresh perspectives and innovative approaches. However, change is a process that cannot be achieved solely through new laws. Training ourselves to sustain this process is vital, and both youth and experienced individuals have roles to play."

She concluded by expressing confidence in the government's initiatives and reform commissions, stating that public engagement would follow once commission reports are received.

The chief adviser has also proposed forming a commission to build consensus.

She added that effective reforms would benefit current and future political leaders by clarifying public expectations and ensuring responsive governance. Although the road to unity is challenging, the ultimate goal is to reflect the aspirations of the people.​
 

Those prioritising reforms over polls have evil intentions: Rizvi

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Ruhul Kabir Rizvi. File photo

BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi yesterday alleged that those who prioritise reforms over elections and democracy have evil intentions.

"You're separating politics, elections, and democracy while prioritising reforms. That's why it seems to us there's some evil intention behind it. It can't happen," he said at a reunion.

The 1988 SSC batch from across the country arranged the programme at the Institution of Diploma Engineers, Bangladesh.

The BNP leader said that both elections and reforms can go together. "If we talk about elections, the current interim government gets angry and upset. They say they will arrange the election after the reforms."

He said when the government only talks about reforms, it reminds the nation of the rule of Moyeenuddin-Fakhruddin. "They also talked about reforms. As a result, we got a dangerous monster who destroyed Bangladesh and all its democratic institutions over the last 15 years."

Rizvi said an attempt is underway to divide those who have been continuously struggling for democracy and make them opponents of each other. "The interim government, whether knowingly or unknowingly, is going to become an opponent," he said.

He said the interim government and those who advocate for reforms before the election are creating narratives by considering major political parties, who have carried out the struggle for democracy, as their opponents.

"Someone is telling us whether the movement occurred and so many sacrifices were made only for the election. But elections are an integral part of democracy. So, why are you excluding it? Reforms and elections should go together," he said.

Rizvi said the government will present reform proposals, and those who form the government through a free and fair election will implement them. "Instead of doing that, you're creating opponents. You're making elections the opponent of reforms."

The BNP leader said it seems the interim government wants to hold back the election and democracy under the pretext of reform. "Even the Chief Adviser is talking like this. The other advisers are saying, 'We'll reform because you (politicians) couldn't do anything over the last 53 years. Who are you (to do that)?"

Rizvi criticised those advocating for the introduction of a proportional representation system, saying that people will not accept it.

"Those who fear direct popular vote and direct competition, and those who want to fish in troubled water are bringing up this issue," he said.

The BNP leader said people of the country are worried as the fallen anti-democratic forces and their allies are conspiring in various ways, causing one untoward incident after another.

Rizvi spoke about the deadly fire that broke out at the Secretariat, destroying numerous files and documents. "Among them, the file of the most controversial, corrupt former cabinet secretary, who is under investigation, was also burned. It's mysterious. People all over the country are doubting this."

He said the fire incident occurred after the government sought some files related to people close to Sheikh Hasina. "So, this is not an isolated incident. People's doubts are natural."

Rizvi accused the government of failing to overhaul the administration by upholding the spirit of the mass revolution.

He said the DCs, SPs, OCs, and others who joined their offices wearing Mujib coats still remain in their positions. "Why should they help you? They'll try to undermine the interim government through various ploys."​
 

Saboteurs can never be patriotic: Religious adviser

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Photo: UNB

Religious Affairs Adviser Dr AFM Khalid Hossain today said those engaged in acts of sabotage cannot be considered patriots.

"Since the interim government assumed office, it has faced a series of challenges, including efforts to obstruct its journey through conflicts and acts of sabotage," he said while speaking at a memorial event for the late Dr Jamal Nazrul Islam, held at the Jamiatul Ulum Madrasa ground in Chattogram's Lalkhan Bazar.

The adviser noted that nearly five months have passed since the government took charge and during this time, incidents of sabotage have occurred almost every month, including blockades around the Secretariat, incitement of communal tensions and attempts to provoke conflict between hill communities and Bengalis.

He said that even arson was reported at the Secretariat, the nerve center of the administration.

Issuing a stern warning, he emphasised that saboteurs will face no leniency. "A high-profile investigation committee has already been formed to probe the arson at the Secretariat. Strict legal action will be taken against those found guilty," he said.

Recalling the contributions of Dr Jamal Nazrul Islam, the adviser described him as a humble, virtuous, and straightforward individual who was deeply devoted to the madrasa.

"He donated 30 acres of land to establish Jamiatul Ulum Lalkhan Bazar Madrasa, a contribution that will be remembered forever," he said.

Highlighting Jamal Nazrul Islam's patriotism, he noted that the late scholar left a high-paying job at Cambridge University to return to Bangladesh, accepting a modest salary as a mathematics professor at Chattogram University.

The event was presided over by Mufti Muhammad Izharul Islam Chowdhury, founder and director-general of Jamiatul Ulum Madrasa while Chattogram City Corporation Mayor Dr Shahadat Hossain inaugurated the program.

Special guests included Syed Reza Mir Mohammadi, cultural counselor at the Iranian Embassy and Dr Mohammad Yahia Akhtar, vice-chancellor of Chattogram University.​
 

Massive reform, unity stressed for fair polls
Staff Correspondent 29 December, 2024, 00:49

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Forum for Bangladesh Studies holds a national dialogue titled Responsibility for Reform and Election Roadmap at the Krishibid Institution Bangladesh in Dhaka on Saturday. | New Age photo

Speakers at a dialogue on Saturday stressed national unity among the political parties and organising of fair elections after bringing about massive reforms upholding the spirit of the War of Independence and student-mass uprising.

Some of them, however, gave opinions for laying only the base of the reforms before the elections, leaving the rest of the reforms to be completed by the elected political government.

Their remarks came at a national dialogue on ‘Responsibility for reforms and election roadmap’ hosted by the Forum for Bangladesh Studies at the Krishibid Institution Bangladesh in Dhaka city.

Adviser to the Ministry of Shipping retired brigadier general M Sakhawat Hossain said that if the state could not be reformed now, it would never happen.

‘We tried once in 2007. We carried out some tasks. But the tasks were not completed because of the ruling political parties. If we cannot do it now it will be an injustice to those who gave their blood in the July uprising. I am not saying that we will stay in power for four or five years. Reforms are possible within a year,’ he said.

Commenting on encouraging young people to form political parties, he said, ‘It is not right to discourage them. We think new blood is needed.’

Sakhawat urged political parties to be patient, saying ‘we have to face difficult situations.’

Calling on the political parties, he said, ‘We want our country to be stable. We are facing challenges. You, they (the future rulers), will also face big challenges.’

‘A big, very big challenge awaits us. It is not just internal; the biggest challenge will come from outside the country. Our new neighbour is being created. It is not normal; it is a different neighbour. Arakan is now a new reality. Now we have to think about the matter.’

Sakhawat said that there must be a bicameral parliamentary system to ensure representations of varied communities living in the country.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party standing committee member Nazrul Islam Khan said, ‘Many said in this dialogue that a crack has been created in the unity that was formed among the political parties to topple the Awami League regime, but I believe it is not right.’

‘We have differences of opinion on various issues. This is necessary for a democracy to work in sound health,’ he added.

‘Now is the time for cooperation. No political party or social organisation can do everything alone,’ he said.

Gono Forum co-chairman Subrata Chowdhury warned against a serious danger situation might surface if the canvas of reforms was widened. He urged for an election after minimum reforms.

New Age editor Nurul Kabir said that the student-led mass uprising had an aspiration for reform, and there was also a historical responsibility for democratic reforms in the constitution.

He suggested changing the name of Bangladesh to Jonogonotantrik Bangladesh instead of Gonoprojatontri Bangladesh in the constitution.

The editor also stressed reforms in the education sector to build a uniform education system for all.

He also suggested the recognition of basic necessities of food, clothing, education, shelter, and medical care as fundamental rights in the constitution and formulation of a legal mechanism to hold the state accountable if it failed to ensure those rights.

Suggesting the abolition of state religion, he said making Islam the state religion did neither help Islam nor the state.

He further said that most of the population is Muslim and Bangalee who were in both ways the first majority and so the country does not need to award them any special constitutional protections.

The non-Bengali and non-Muslim communities of the country, however, needed special protection in the constitution, he further argued.

Dhaka University professor Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir said that the greatest change would happen in 2025. Change would come from the Himalayas to the Bay of Bengal, but there was no leader who could lead in the current situation in the Bay of Bengal region.

‘We may have new neighbour. New states may emerge. Therefore, a situation should be created where Bangladesh will lead internationally and geopolitically in South Asia,’ he said.

Rashed also said that the reforms and elections should not be seen as opposites, but should move towards minimum unity to hold the elections.

Ganosamhati Andolan executive coordinator Abul Hasan Rubel said that a new political settlement was imperative for democratic transition. He suggested changes in the constitution through forming a constituent assembly.

Gazi Ataur Rahman, a leader of Islami Andolan Bangladesh suggested organising a bicameral legislature and a proportional representation system for national elections for an effective parliament.

He also stressed minimum reforms to hold elections.

Sarwar Tushar, a leader of Jatiya Nagorik Committee, proposed formation of a constituent assembly for formulating a fresh constitution.

‘A legal framework must be created to change the constitution and a constituent assembly must be formed to write the constitution anew,’ he said.

The constituent assembly could later become the legislative assembly or the national parliament, and if necessary, a referendum could be held, he added.

Opposing Tuesher’s proposal, Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal research cell Habibur Rahman said that such a constituent assembly would lack people’s participation.​
 

Reforms will never be done if not now, says Advisor Sakhawat
Published :
Dec 28, 2024 22:13
Updated :
Dec 28, 2024 22:13

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The time for crucial state reforms is now, as failing to implement them at this moment will make them impossible in the future, Labour and Employment Advisor Sakhawat Hussain has said.

Speaking at a national dialogue on "Unity, Reform, and Elections" organised by the Forum for Bangladesh Studies, or FBS, at the Krishibid Institution of Bangladesh in Dhaka’s Farmgate on Saturday, he explained the current political situation as a unique moment for reforms.

Sakhawat said, "The youth of Bangladesh, over 2,000 of them have sacrificed their lives in the streets, and more than 2,000 remain in hospitals.”

“At the [Combined Military Hospital], there are between 36 and 37 critically injured, and a few more martyrs are being added daily."

He continued, "In the early 21st century, such a large revolution has surely never happened in the subcontinent, and I don’t think anything of this scale has occurred anywhere else in the world.

“This context is why we are now discussing reforms and elections.”

The advisor recalled the reforms attempted in 2007, saying: "We made some progress back then, but they were undone due to the political parties in power.”

“I am not suggesting we should stay for five or six years; reforms can be made at any time. It might take a year, and then elections can follow.

“What is necessary now is a mutual understanding between the political parties."

The former election commissioner also emphasised the need for electoral system reforms, reports bdnews24.com.

“There have been many discussions about the election process. We have also talked about it extensively.”

“My view is that it should be based on a mix of partial proportional representation and majority system. Both seem logical to me."

Sakhawat also stressed the importance of introducing a bicameral parliament in Bangladesh.

"A bicameral system is essential for the country. If it is established, I believe it will bring in diverse people who can create a guideline.”

“This might eliminate the need for a caretaker government before elections."

He also remarked that the "Political Party Act" is crucial. "Without the law, the duties and responsibilities of political parties remain unclear.”

The advisor pointed out the issues with political involvement, saying: "Currently, we see people from the military or civil services, after retirement, seeking to become MPs, while businesspeople with no background in politics enter the field just by spending large sums of money for nominations.

“This practice, known as nomination trade, must be stopped."

Sakhawat said there was a three-year moratorium to stop this practice, but it has now been lifted.

"It was proposed that an individual must be a primary member of a political party for at least three years, and this should be verified to ensure that they have spent that time within the political party," he added.​
 

Don't worry about reforms, we will implement them: BNP's Amir Khosru
Published :
Nov 30, 2024 13:43
Updated :
Nov 30, 2024 13:43

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BNP leader Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury has stressed the need for political unity to support the interim government in ensuring a democratic transition of power.

There is no need for others to worry about state reforms as the BNP is committed to implementing them, he said at the seventh national conference of Gono Forum at the Engineers Institution Auditorium in Dhaka on Saturday.

The BNP leader accused those aligned with authoritarian powers of trying to destabilise the country through various means, reports bdnews24.com.

"Once authoritarian forces seize power by stripping the people of their autonomy and voting rights, they take away other rights as well," he said.

He referred to a string of recent events, including the Ansar revolts, incidents involving minorities, and unrest linked to autorickshaw drivers, that he alleged were aimed at creating instability.

"These activities are attempts to disrupt stability. Today, as we dream of building a new Bangladesh, political parties and the united populace must share a singular vision for the nation's future," Khosru added.

"We have removed the autocratic forces, but to fulfil the people’s expectations and aspirations, we must return to democratic norms collectively."

Khosru also addressed recent events that have stoked communal tensions, saying: "Incidents in the name of religion need to be analysed deeply. While I won’t claim communal issues don’t exist in Bangladesh, efforts to exaggerate and create instability must be thwarted. The destructive reactions seen abroad, such as attacks on Bangladesh's consulate in Kolkata, do not reflect the sentiments of the Bangladeshi people."

"We must ensure that external influences do not hinder our aspirations to build the Bangladesh of tomorrow. The only path forward is a peaceful, democratic process for transferring power, and everyone must unite behind this mission."

Khosru outlined his party's goal of restoring the people's democratic rights through elections.

"We presented a 31-point reform plan a year ago, which encompasses our vision for Bangladesh. It is this agenda that we pledge to implement as a national government after the elections."

"There’s no need to worry about reforms. We agree to make the necessary electoral and governance reforms based on a consensus of national unity. These changes can be implemented swiftly, ensuring power is returned to the people through elections."

Emphasising reforms to fulfil national aspirations, he added: "The upcoming national government will implement the 31-point agenda. This is a promise to the nation, and we are fully committed to realising it."​

Khosru Shaheb is the epitome of confidence. :)

The students however may not relinquish control before the "reforms" - as they see it.
 
Khosru Shaheb is the epitome of confidence. :)

The students however may not relinquish control before the "reforms" - as they see it.
Your Khosru Shaheb was responsible for antagonizing China by making attempts to establish diplomatic relation with Taiwan. People in the know say that he took $1 million as a bribe from Taiwan for the job. Khaleda Zia sacked him from Commerce Ministry to calm the situation.
 

Six reform commissions get extended deadlines
Staff Correspondent 03 January, 2025, 15:15

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Representational image | UNB Photo

The interim government extended the tenure of six reform commissions tasked with submitting reform proposals on Bangladesh constitution, police, judiciary, Election Commission, public administration and Anti-Corruption Commission.

A Cabinet Division notice issued on Thursday said that the proposal submission deadline of the public administration reform commission, police reform commission, electoral reform commission, constitution reform commission, and ACC reform commission was extended until January 15.

The judiciary reform commission’s deadline, however, was extended until January 31, said Mahmudul Hussain Khan, secretary (coordination and reforms) at the Cabinet Division.

After the fall of Sheikh Hasina-led regime on August 5 last year, the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government on October 3 formed five reform commissions on public administration, judiciary, police, election commission, and Anti-Corruption Commission. The Constitution Reform Commission was formed on October 7.

The first five reform commissions and the constitution reform commission were asked to submit their reform proposals to the chief adviser by December 31 and January 7 respectively.

Although the commissions’ chiefs earlier told New Age that they wanted to stick to the deadlines, none of them submitted their reports in due time.

‘The extensions aim to provide the necessary time for the commissions to complete their tasks and submit their final reform proposals,’ said Mahmudul.

Earlier, despite setting for submitting reports, none of the six reform commissions—on the constitution, election, judiciary, anti-corruption commission, police and public administration—had submitted their reports on Tuesday.

On that day, the cabinet division said that the commissions had extended their deadlines.​
 
Your Khosru Shaheb was responsible for antagonizing China by making attempts to establish diplomatic relation with Taiwan. People in the know say that he took $1 million as a bribe from Taiwan for the job. Khaleda Zia sacked him from Commerce Ministry to calm the situation.

My comment about Khosru shaheb was made in sarcasm. :)

Low-level underclass sowdagar.
 

Before preaching democracy, political parties must lead by example
Their lack of internal democracy casts doubt on the future of state reform drive

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VISUAL: STAR

As it is becoming increasingly clear, it is not enough to just plan state reforms and get some of them executed before the next election. To ensure the momentum is not lost post-election, political parties that will eventually take the reins of reform implementation must credibly demonstrate that they can deliver the reforms as promised. However, there remains a huge trust deficit in this regard, thanks in part to our experience with the reform drive under the last caretaker government that fizzled out soon after the 2008 election, when Awami League came to power. One way to prevent a repeat of that scenario is to ensure internal reforms within our political parties.

The argument is simple: if political parties cannot exercise democracy within their internal activities and decisions, how can they uphold democracy at the national level? A party that is run on the principles of accountability and transparency and in line with its own constitution is more likely to stick with the state reform agenda. Without these qualities, political parties, once elected to power, risk falling back into the same patterns of patronage, corruption, and authoritarian tendencies that have plagued Bangladesh for so long.

Sadly, as a report by this daily once again reminds us, most parties still function as highly centralised entities, with little regard for internal accountability or democratic practices. Our analysis of 25 parties reveals that party constitutions promising regular leadership elections and grassroots-driven MP nomination processes are routinely set aside. Party leaders also hold on to power for years, even decades, only to relinquish control in the event of ill health, legal troubles, or death.

For example, Awami League's Sheikh Hasina has been unopposed as party president for 43 years, while BNP's Khaleda Zia has held her position for 40 years. Although almost all party constitutions stipulate a council, every three or four years, to elect their office bearers, in reality, councils are rarely held and have rather morphed into mere formalities, rubber-stamping decisions made by party heads. Also, despite some parties introducing term limits or other reforms, such provisions are seldom enforced. The reliance on dynastic politics further entrenches these issues.

These practices have hollowed out the democratic essence of our political parties. Accountability for crimes or any breach of code of conduct by party members is another casualty under such circumstances. Since the political changeover on August 5, we have seen many instances where unruly members and supporters of some parties, notably BNP, have filled the void left by their fallen Awami League counterparts in various sectors, thus continuing corrupt practices of the past. It is precisely because of this trend that many have doubts about the continuity of the reform drive under a political government, which is unfortunate considering the huge sacrifices that went into bringing us this historic opportunity for change.

We urge political parties to critically review their internal practices and take corrective steps so that citizens can be confident of their ability and sincerity to sustain the reform drive post-election. They must honour their own constitutions, and regularly hold and enable their councils to become genuine platforms for electing leaders and shaping policies. They must lead the change that they want to see in the state.​
 

On reforming our imported institutions and governance

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VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The July uprising of 2024 has yielded for Bangladesh's long-beleaguered people a "second liberation" from continuous oppression and tyrannical rule. Just as 54 years ago, people decided to take to the streets to wrest liberation from an oppressively neo-colonial rule, this time round, in the "36 days of July," people heeded the call by valiant students to challenge a government that they looked upon as tyrannical and fascist and overthrew it, demanding a complete revamping of our state institutions to ensure that no abuse of authority could ever revisit their future. Notably, and not surprisingly, one of the full-throated slogans of the students this time, "Ae baarer shongram, muktir shongram," was a reprise from the Liberation War in 1971.

However, having wrested our liberation in 1971, we were unable to rid the state of usurpation by power-hungry rulers driven by greed and self-aggrandisement in increasingly efficient ways to the detriment of the people. No matter how much people struggled to change this, they found their state circling back to the same place at regular intervals, regardless of which dispensation of rulers controlled the state. What national hubris embedded within our institutions firewalled itself against efforts at change?

Our institutions are essentially derived from the institutional concepts that were imported and transplanted by the British colonial rulers. However, the actual way they operationalised these imported institutions was not the same as the original British ones. The institutions in Britain were designed to govern and deliver services for the welfare of the Crown's subjects, while their replicas on colonised soil were designed to rule over conquered people. They were also designed to extract everything from colonised subjects to fill the coffers at home, and project their imperial power overseas.

I have long argued that, in order to secure our future, we need to bolster a sense of overriding confidence among the public that our core institutions are indeed secure against any political tampering. The separation of judiciary, making it completely independent of the executive branch, is a sine qua non for ensuring that the rule of law prevails in the state and that "Justice" truly acts blindfolded, without partiality towards anyone. We must also uphold and safeguard the independence and integrity of the Election Commission and the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), and resolutely address the malaise that plagues the bureaucracy and prevents it from acting professionally and neutrally, diminishing its capacity to deliver effectively. Civil servants must rediscover the lost creed that should define any bureaucracy: "To take decisions, justly and honestly, without fear or favour." Coupled with this, the freedom and independence of the print and electronic media must be guaranteed. Above all, leadership across the political divide needs to take constructive criticism in their stride.

Currently, there is a "chicken and egg" debate going on in our social spaces on whether we should have elections immediately, or first set in place critically long-overdue reforms demanded by the student leaders and talked at length above. At the heart of this conundrum perhaps lies the question: who will bell the cat of reforms?

An analysis of our history of the last 80 years, firstly of our fractured subcontinent itself at the macro level and secondly of our schizoid polity in the micro space of Bangladesh, one conclusion that one cannot fail to ignore is: if the process of selection of leaders and system of government is not inclusive, and if significant segments of society are excluded from the process of exercising their right to franchise, then the result inevitably leads to a state of explosive societal disequilibrium and institutional destabilisation, sooner or later. Perhaps the imported institutions we acquired had embedded within them inbuilt flaws triggered awake by their transplantation from the mother soil to distantly located colonial-nurtured soils. Perhaps the method of choosing our leaders, when we were allowed to practise self-rule by our British colonial masters, itself was not suitable for us.

Let's not forget that the British system of parliamentary democracy had a great deal of stability since the 19th and early 20th centuries, there being only two principal political parties, the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party, with no significant minor or even lesser party around to challenge this diarchy. Since the Magna Carta of 1215, schisms within British society had been whittled down exponentially through an organic process following a series of struggles over the next several centuries. By the 1900s, the time when the concept of "self-rule" was imbued in us by a reluctant British Imperium, there had evolved a large space of political consensus between these two who were expected to, and did, play strictly by a variation of the Marquess of Queensberry Rules, applied to their sparring in political fisticuffs, with the monarch serving as the neutral referee. The British parliamentary elections were contested by all these parties on the basis of "first past the post" and "winner takes all" system largely accepted by all sections of society, with no fractious minority upsetting the apple cart!

However, when the denizens of the undivided subcontinent adopted this British system of Westminster-style parliamentary institutions and the extant method of electing leaders to govern them, they were already plagued by multiple societal divisions within them. Not only was there the major schism between Hindus and Muslims (with numerous other smaller faiths jostling for a place in the sun), there were sub-divisions within each religion as well, not to mention the regional differences based on language and cultural ethos separating north from south, east from west.

In 1947, India was partitioned principally in its two largest states, Bengal and Punjab. But the genie of marginalised politics in each neo-Westphalian state that emerged in August 1947 inexorably, and relentlessly, triggered within each new state smaller fragmentations, smaller partitions. What triggered these subsequent fulminations and multiple sub-partitions? I would argue in response that the feelings of disenfranchisement took possession of the souls of the smaller factions/groups who felt increasingly excluded by that insidious "first past the post/winner takes all" system, which could, it was discovered progressively, be skilfully manipulated by the winner to capture all state powers and then largely abuse the same for control and allocation of all resources of the state for themselves and chosen coteries.

In fact, the British "first past the post/winner takes all" electoral system has now come home to roost in British politics as well. Take the UK general election held on July 4, 2024, for example. With under 60 percent turnout of voters, the Labour Party won 33.7 percent of votes (both these figures reportedly lowest in over half a century). There were eight parties in the fray, including the Reform UK Party (a relatively recent, Brexit-championing fringe breakaway from the Conservative Party led by Nigel Farage). Reaping the benefit of the time-honoured "first past the post" system, Labour won 411 seats in parliament (out of 650) despite its record low voter turnout; meanwhile, Farage's Reform UK, despite having garnered 14.3 percent votes (almost half the votes of Labour) managed to get a paltry five seats. Among the other contestants, Conservatives managed to retain 121 seats with 23.7 percent of the votes, Lib-Dems got 72 seats, Scottish Nationalists Party got nine seats, the Sinn Fein seven seats, Independents got six seats, and the Green Party four seats. Today, perhaps the British too would be forced to consider reforms to their ancient system, while we stubbornly cling to what failed us to bridge our many rifts and schisms.

South Asia was fragmented in 1947 at the macro (regional) level, but even more egregiously so at the micro (nation-state) level. This is what prevents us at the national level from arriving at much needed consensus. The lack of such consensus at the regional level prevented SAARC from successful operationalisation; the same failing prevents Bangladesh from successful consolidation of its nation-state. It is essentially the same hubris at both levels, derailing both processes.

And what if a section of society does not like a party? Should that party be banned? Once again, we should glean a lesson from history. Vinayak Damodar Veer Savarkar, founder-member of the Hindu Mahasabha, asserted in a treatise in 1923 that India on gaining independence from British rule should be governed by Hindutva, being a Hindu-majoritarian state; neither the liberal British and the liberal Hindus nor any Muslim could accept the assertion. His follower Nathuram Godse, a member of both the Hindu Mahasabha and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing Hindu paramilitary volunteer organisation, assassinated Gandhi in 1948. The RSS was banned consequently, but resuscitated after a year and reorganised and gave birth to its political arm, the Jan Sangh. Jamaat-e-Islami was banned twice—both in Pakistan and in Bangladesh. In both instances, it lived to revive with greater vigour. There are numerous other examples around the globe, in recent and not so recent times as well. Quite a few of these banned parties or entities, after being comatose or in the cold for varying periods of time, sprang back to life, quite reinvigorated! As greater powers than us have discovered to their chagrin, banning a party, destroying its infrastructure or decapitating its leadership does not kill or make that entity simply fade into the sunset.

With hindsight, we all would have been wiser to have adopted a proportional representation system that would, at the very minimum, have given smaller entities in the political landscape a feeling of participation in matters of governance and resource allocations, as well as inclusion within the state. At the very least, the street mayhem generated by those left-out "minor" or "fringe" parties would have felt part of an inclusionary process of negotiating with other major stakeholders, to try and forge an acceptable modicum of consensus through an organic, melding process.

The burden of initiating reforms now falls on the interim government. If there are questions on the constitutionality of this task, I would argue that there exists today a historical necessity for the interim government to pursue its own policies if it deems such actions necessary for the well-being of the state and the larger welfare of people. It could do worse than considering the above and absorbing in the various lessons of history, while going forward with its onerous task of reforming the state institutions towards the next national election.

Tariq Karim, a former ambassador of Bangladesh, is currently president of the Bay of Bengal Institute and adviser emeritus of the Cosmos Foundation, and concurrently distinguished research fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies of the National University of Singapore (ISAS-NUS).​
 

Talks likely with political parties over reforms in Feb: Rizwana
BSS
Dhaka
Published: 15 Jan 2025, 17: 43

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Adviser Syeda Rizwana Hasan on Wednesday spoke in a press briefing at the Foreign Service Academy. BSS

Environment adviser Syeda Rizwana Hasan has said the interim government is hopeful to initiate formal talks with political parties next month for reaching a consensus on reform agenda.

“I think talks with political parties can begin formally in the middle of February," she told in a press briefing at the Foreign Service Academy today, Wednesday after submission of the reports of the four reform commissions to the chief adviser.

“We are in a sort of dialogue already with the political parties as they have submitted their written proposal on reforms,” she noted.

Law adviser Asif Nazrul however said it might be possible to open formal talks with political parties in the first week of February if necessary works on the submitted reports are completed.

Earlier in the day, the chiefs of four reform commissions- Constitutional Reform Commission, Electoral Reform Commission, Police Administration Reform Commission and the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) Reform Commission- submitted their reports to chief adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus at his Tajgaon office.

Youth and sports adviser Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain and chief adviser’s press secretary Shafiqul Alam also spoke at the press briefing.​
 

We never got a chance to reform our state and politics like now. Let’s not waste it

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Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus with the heads of the four reform commissions that submitted their reports on January 15, 2025. PHOTO: PID

This may turn out to be Prof Muhammad Yunus's most lasting legacy. He gave a chance to the poor to break out of the shackles of poverty through microcredit. He is now giving Bangladesh a chance to break out of all its political, governance, and institutional shackles to march forward with democracy, equality, justice, and tolerance. With one stroke, he is literally opening up a rare chance to carry out fundamental reforms in some of the vital areas that we have been unable to do over the last 54 years.

While we congratulate the chief adviser and his team for this grand work, we must not forget to thank the real heroes who opened the door for all these reforms for us: the students, a section of teachers, intellectuals, civil society leaders, a section of the media, and, of course, the general public.

Independence in 1971 gave us the first opportunity to build a democratic and egalitarian state. We got a second chance when Gen HM Ershad fell and democracy was restored after a coordinated mass uprising led by the alliance of political parties. We missed both these opportunities. Now, historically, the students' nation-building role is not new; they played pivotal roles in the Language Movement of 1952, and the democratic and anti-military movements of the Pakistan period in the late 1950s and 1960s. Their role, including that of our rural youth, during our Muktijuddho, was the most glorious. They were at the forefront of the anti-Ershad movement in the 1990s, and then the student-led mass movement in July-August 2024 that has given a new opening to build the Bangladesh that was the dream of the Liberation War martyrs.

When Sheikh Hasina fell, instead of going for an immediate election, instituting a self-corrective process was the right—and historic—decision. The idea to form reform commissions was a most appropriate one. The choice of areas to concentrate on were right. The selection of individuals to head the commissions received general acceptability, though the relative absence of a woman head of commission (except one) marked a serious lapse. Finishing the work of four commissions within the stipulated time also testifies to their efficiency and sincerity.

Our initial study of the reports of the four commissions, submitted on January 15, indicates that the recommendations are quite substantive, though some seem based more on emotion than clear judgement.

Recommendations of the Constitution Reform Commission are very significant. We support the introduction of the bicameral system, limiting the tenure of a prime minister to two terms, introduction of the National Constitutional Council, and reintroduction of the caretaker government system. However, we think holding elections after every four years may be counterproductive as it shortens the tenure of an elected government to implement their plans and projects. Also, elections are a hugely expensive affair and involve massive logistical tasks, which a country like ours may find burdensome.

Reforms of the election system and Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) are vital. We want to emphasise police reforms because, of all the state institutions, the police, in our view, have been maligned and misused the most. A study conducted by the International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) and Tech Global Institute (TGI), which was released on January 14, showed how our police force was turned into a brutal, inhuman and bloodthirsty force, which proves the urgent need to totally transform the force from an anti-people institution to a pro-people one. The most difficult task will be changing the mindset of the police members. They have been conditioned to hate demonstrators and consider every protester as an "enemy." They have little training on crowd control, except to beat them up or shoot to injure or kill.

All recommendations of the four commissions, and others that are expected to follow, must be subject to a genuine national debate. The first thing that needs to be guaranteed is openness. There should be no name-calling and "tagging" because of the views expressed, which will prevent the type of genuine discussions that we need. The chief adviser has correctly focused on discussions with political parties. We think an additional attempt should be made to engage think tanks, specialised rights groups, religious and ethnic minorities, etc. The media should reach out to its readers and viewers and try to expand both the depth and reach of the discussion.

As for the political parties, they should approach the reform proposals with national interests in mind, and not that of their parties. There is no denying the fact that after the restoration of democracy in 1991, Bangladesh has been ruled by only two parties—the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)—though both had allies while in power. With Sheikh Hasina's fascistic rule, we may be tempted to forget that BNP ruled us for 10 years since Ershad fell.

The basic mistake made by both AL and BNP during the period of 1991-2006 is that they did not consider the parliament to be the House of the People, but rather as an extension of the ruling party, because the treasury bench had the majority. The fact that even as the minority of few, the parliament offered a much better chance for the opposition to voice dissent. But in our case, the unfortunate trend was to boycott parliament. It would always start with a walkout for hours, followed by boycott for days, then weeks, then months and finally resignation. Our lack of experience in operating within a parliamentary form of constitutional structure—we practically had none till 1991—was the main cause of our failure. The notion that the opposition is considered the "government in waiting" or the "shadow government", and as such commands a place within the power structure, had no place in the thinking process of the treasury bench. On the other side, the opposition thought that making the government dysfunctional by never cooperating with them in parliament was their objective, which terribly weakened the system. Let's not forget the public suffering and damage to the economy that were caused by incessant and irrational hartals.

This newspaper has published dozens of reports, editorials, and op-eds pleading with the ruling party to give due respect and status to the opposition, while begging the opposition not to boycott the House. It was all to no avail. The result was the gradual weakening of the parliament, the parliamentary system, and finally democracy.

While reforms of so many state institutions are under discussion, we cannot miss the fact that we need to reform our political parties too.

Prof Yunus's move to set up a consensus commission is a highly commendable one. Dialogue with all political parties is the way to go forward. However, there is also the critical responsibility of the political parties to take the whole process seriously and honestly. We urge them to bring their concern to the table, argue with facts and logic, but finally come to a consensus. Once we are able to do that, political parties must pledge publicly that whichever party is voted to power by the people will honour their pledge, and through resolutions in the new parliament, they will bring them all into our governance structure through amending both the constitution and the relevant laws.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​
 

A new chapter for the nation
Submission of four commission reports brings momentum into the reform process

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VISUAL: STAR

We welcome the submission of reports by four reform commissions to Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus on Wednesday, bringing momentum into the interim government's state reform drive as it can now engage with key stakeholders based on the framework provided through these (and other upcoming) reports. As Prof Yunus has aptly called it, this marks the beginning of "a new chapter" for Bangladesh. In the coming days, the proposals submitted by the commissions on constitution, elections, police, and Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) are expected to be discussed and debated at length to ensure consensus, with the talks with political parties likely beginning in mid-February. One hopes all this will eventually lead to the outcome desired by citizens.

Among the most crucial proposals are those aimed at restructuring the constitution and the electoral system. Expanding people's fundamental rights to include food, clothing, shelter, education, internet, and voting, the Constitution Reform Commission has proposed replacing "nationalism," "socialism," and "secularism" with equality, human dignity, social justice, and pluralism as state principles, with democracy the only core principle retained from the 1972 constitution.

The first signs, however, are encouraging, as the four reports propose sweeping changes targeting the systemic flaws that facilitated unchecked executive power, electoral manipulation, and institutional decay. Among the most crucial proposals are those aimed at restructuring the constitution and the electoral system. Expanding people's fundamental rights to include food, clothing, shelter, education, internet, and voting, the Constitution Reform Commission has proposed replacing "nationalism," "socialism," and "secularism" with equality, human dignity, social justice, and pluralism as state principles, with democracy the only core principle retained from the 1972 constitution. Key proposals also include a bicameral parliament, two-term limits for president and prime minister, allowing MPs to vote against party line (except in finance bills), decentralising the judiciary, forming a National Constitutional Council, stronger opposition-led parliamentary oversight, etc.

Meanwhile, the Electoral Reform Commission has recommended significant changes to enhance the Election Commission's powers and ensure its accountability. Key proposals include empowering the EC to suspend elections for up to 90 days with Supreme Court approval, disqualifying individuals accused of serious human rights violations from elections, holding all elections under a caretaker government, requiring political parties to conduct internal elections, banning their student, teacher or labour wings, online voting by expatriates, etc. The reform commission also called for the reintroduction of the "No-Vote" option. Similarly, reports by the Police Reform Commission and the ACC Reform Commission have laid down pathways to address systemic flaws in these vital institutions and ensure accountability.

At the heart of this drive lies a singular goal: to restore democracy in its true form and prevent the return of authoritarianism. The success of these recommendations, therefore, must be measured not by their adoption alone, but by their faithful implementation.

At the heart of this drive lies a singular goal: to restore democracy in its true form and prevent the return of authoritarianism. The success of these recommendations, therefore, must be measured not by their adoption alone, but by their faithful implementation. If we are to build a future where state power is exercised in service of the people rather than against them, any reforms must be pursued with an unwavering commitment to public interests. This is where the role of political parties—who will be tasked with implementing the reforms after the next elections—becomes crucial. They must credibly demonstrate their commitment to this process, including by undertaking intra-party internal reforms, while citizens too must actively take part in it.

Without the collaborative efforts of all, the change sought through the July uprising will remain unfulfilled.​
 

Set priority reform sectors based on consensus: EU

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Photo: Courtesy/BSS

The EU today said it stands ready to support the interim government's ambitious reforms on democracy, rule of law, and human rights.

However, the EU said those priority reform areas should be identified based on a consensus reached by dialogues between the interim government and political parties.

EU Ambassador to Bangladesh Michael Miller made the comments after meeting with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party leaders to learn about its political plans.

The remarks came after four reform commissions submitted their recommendations on 15 January. It also came after Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus last month set out possible election dates.

Meanwhile, the US said it remains dedicated to upholding human rights and strengthening the justice system to ensure the principles of fairness and security for all.

In her first engagement with the interim government, new Chargé d'Affaires, Ambassador Tracey Ann Jacobson had a "productive discussion" with the Law Adviser Asif Nazrul on labour rights, judicial reform, and counter-terrorism.​
 

Reform proposals without consensus unacceptable
Says Fakhrul; BNP pays tribute to Ziaur Rahman on his 89th birth anniversary

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BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir today said none of the reform proposals will be acceptable without the consensus of the political parties.

When asked about the submitted reports of the four reform commissions, he said, "We are yet to make any initial remarks as we have not received the full report. The government has said it will hold discussions with political parties after receiving the reports and make a decision on the reform proposals afterwards. Without consensus, none of it will be acceptable."

The BNP leader made the remarks while speaking to reporters after paying tribute to Ziaur Rahman on the occasion of his 89th birth anniversary at his grave in the capital's Sher-e-Bangla Nagar area.

"We hope, within a short time, we can return to democracy through elections and that such a system can be established," Fakhrul said.

Asked about BNP's demand for elections by July-August, which some have called unrealistic due to the challenges of reforms and justice, Fakhrul said, "We have always said there is no conflict between reforms and elections."

He said the party that wins the election and forms the government will carry forward the reforms.

"We can say it clearly, on behalf of our party, that we will take forward every reform if we form the government," he said.

To mark the birth anniversary of BNP founder, Fakhrul, alongside other party activists and leaders, paid homage by placing floral wreaths at the mausoleum of Ziaur Rahman.

After paying tributes, Fakhrul said, "When Ziaur Rahman assumed state leadership in 1975, he undertook numerous reforms in a short time to build a modern and prosperous Bangladesh."

"He (Ziaur Rahman) was also the first to liberate the economy from the restrictive socialist framework and introduce a free-market economic plan. It was during his tenure that a revolution occurred in agriculture," added Fakhrul.

Zia became a statesman after a lot of political changes post-Liberation War. He established the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) on September 1 in 1978.​
 

Reforms may cause short-term economic slowdown: BB

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Economic activities may slow down in the near term as the government has opted to initiate massive economic reform measures, the Bangladesh Bank (BB) said yesterday.

The reforms will eventually benefit the economy in the medium and long run, it said in its July-September issue of Bangladesh Bank Quarterly, a publication of the central bank.

This comes two days after the World Bank projected that Bangladesh's economy may grow by 4.1 percent in the fiscal year 2024-25 due to subdued investment and industrial activity amid heightened political uncertainty.

In its quarterly publication, the central bank said that Bangladesh's economy is going through a transitional phase with the formation of the interim government, while a gradual return to economic normalcy has already started.

The reforms will eventually benefit the economy in the medium and long run, the central bank said

The BB said the economy experienced significant disruptions across all three major sectors—agriculture, industry, and services—following the uprising in July and August last year.

Moreover, when the interim government started its journey with greater commitments towards economic reforms, economic activities were affected by repeated floods in many districts during August and September 2024.

Nonetheless, rebounding external demand, reflected in robust export growth and hefty remittance inflows during the July-September period of fiscal year 2024-25, depicted a promising momentum towards growth performance in the coming quarters.

The BB said inflation rose to 9.92 percent in the first quarter of FY25, up from 9.72 percent in the last quarter of FY24.

Inflation surged to a record high of 11.66 percent in July 2024 before softening in the subsequent two months.

"The July spike, the highest in 13 years, was primarily attributed to supply chain disruptions from the nationwide student uprising," said the central bank.

The BB said rising food inflation was the main driver of headline inflation in the first quarter of FY25.

Moreover, the point-to-point core inflation, which excludes volatile items such as food and fuel, increased to 10.40 percent at the end of the July-September quarter of FY25, up from 8.32 percent at the end of the previous quarter.

The central bank said it intensified its contractionary monetary policy to ease persistent inflationary pressures.

"Inflation may require the continuation of a tight monetary policy stance for some periods ahead," it said, adding that the BB is likely to maintain its contractionary monetary policy stance until clear signs of easing inflation are evident.

The central bank said its initiatives for banking reforms to ensure governance in the financial sector are expected to bring macroeconomic stability very soon.

"In the medium term, the economy is anticipated to rebound gradually with the advancement of the reform activities and correction processes initiated by monetary and fiscal authorities."

The central bank said Bangladesh's external sector started to recover, reflected in an improved current account balance, a more stabilised exchange rate, and slower erosion of foreign exchange reserves.​
 

Six reform commissions get extended time until Feb 15 to finalise recommendations
Published :
Jan 20, 2025 22:03
Updated :
Jan 20, 2025 22:03

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The Cabinet Division has issued a notification extending the tenure of six reform commissions until Feb 15.

The extension had been announced earlier by the Chief Advisor’s Press Wing, and a formal notification came on Monday, according to bdnews24.com.

The commissions whose tenures have been extended include the Constitution Reform Commission, Public Administration Reform Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission, or ACC, Reform Commission, Judiciary Reform Commission, Police Reform Commission, and Election System Reform Commission.

Among these, the tenure of the Constitution Reform Commission, Election System Reform Commission, ACC Reform Commission, and Police Reform Commission ended on Jan 15.

Meanwhile, The tenure of the Public Administration and Judiciary Reform Commissions was set to end on Jan 31.

The interim government, led by Muhammad Yunus, had formed these commissions to initiate sector-wise reforms

Four of the commissions submitted their final reports by Jan 15.

The judiciary and public administration reform commissions are expected to file their reports by Jan 31.

Following the submission of the reports by the Constitution, ACC, police, and election system reform commissions on Jan 15, the government announced that the tenure of all six commissions would be extended until Feb 15.

During this period, the heads of these reform commissions will exchange views and coordinate their recommendations.​
 

Leadership structure barrier to NBR reform: advisory committee
United News of Bangladesh . Dhaka 21 January, 2025, 22:56

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Advisory committee formed to recommend proposals for the reform of the National Board of Revenue has identified dual role of secretary of the Internal Resources Division as an obstacle to the NBR’s efficiency.

The same person serves as the IRD secretary and the NBR chairman, complicating the NBR’s effective performance, the committee said in its interim report recently submitted to the government.

On October 9 last year, the interim government formed the five-member advisory committee through a gazette notification.

The committee comprises two former NBR chairmen – Muhammad Abdul Mazid and Nasiruddin Ahmed – and three former NBR members – M Delowar Hossain, Farid Uddin and Aminur Rahman.

As per the gazette, the committee’s responsibilities include advising on fiscal policy and revenue administration reforms, assessing the NBR’s institutional capacity and recommending modernisation measures.

It also focuses on promoting integrity, enhancing governance and improving citizen and stakeholder engagement regarding revenue reforms.

The interim mentioned that the dual role of the IRD secretary and NBR chairman, created to address administrative complexities, has hindered effective governance.

Established in 1979 under a secretary’s leadership, the IRD was intended to oversee tax policy, tax administration and taxpayer services as outlined in the Rules of Business, 1976.

But the report highlighted that the overlapping responsibilities have resulted in inefficiencies.

To resolve these issues and create a transparent, development-friendly revenue framework, it called for amendments to Presidential Order No 76 of 1972, proposing the restructuring of the NBR and IRD.

This demand is also being voiced by various stakeholders including development partners, the report added.

In this context, the advisory committee, after reviewing the relevant rules and regulations in this regard with a holistic view, proposals and suggestions from the relevant stakeholders, and following the international best practices, proposed that two activities of the National Board of Revenue – formulating revenue policy and revenue collection by implementing the policy.

The committee recommended separating the functions of policy formulation and revenue collection by establishing an independent ‘Revenue Commission’ with a department status.

While the commission would focus on policy development, the restructured NBR would concentrate on policy implementation and revenue collection, it said.

To make the proposed reforms effective, the report said, the organisational structure of both the proposed institutions will be upgraded by changing both horizontally and vertically.​
 

Public admin reforms: Cluster system may be proposed for ministries
Commission likely to suggest reducing number of ministries, divs to 30 from 55

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The Public Administration Reform Commission is likely to recommend reducing the number of ministries and divisions to 30 from 55 to improve coordination and slash the government's operational cost.

It may also propose allowing political appointments for personal secretaries (PS) to the prime minister, ministers, the Speaker, and other senior policymakers in the government.

Led by Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury, the reform commission is deliberating whether to suggest the introduction of clusters of ministries and designating officials of certain cadres to a particular cluster.

Besides, proposals to divide the country into four administrative provinces and upgrading the standard of Bangladesh Civil Service exam questions are expected, said sources with knowledge of the matter.

The commission is expected to submit its recommendations on January 31 with a view to building a pro-people, accountable, skilled, and neutral public administration.

CLUSTER SYSTEM

The reform commission is planning to recommend five or six clusters of ministries and divisions where officers of certain cadres would be working, said the sources.


For example, a cluster focused on food security may include ministries like agriculture, food, environment, fisheries and livestock, and disaster management.

Officers appointed to these ministries would rotate and work across these ministries and departments, they added.

Sources in the public administration ministry said a similar cluster system was recommended by the last reform commission in 2000, and a draft policy for activities of the clusters was also prepared in 2013.

However, some influential officials from the admin cadre prevented its implementation, the sources claimed.

"If the cluster system is introduced, admin cadre officers will no longer have the same level of control over various ministries as they have now. This is why the system was not implemented," said an official from the cabinet division.

FEWER MINISTRIES, DIVISIONS

The reform commission is considering a proposal to bring down the number of ministries and divisions to 30. It could be even between 25 and 28, said a source.

If approved, this will bring down the operational cost and help coordination, the source said.

Currently, the government has 55 ministries and divisions. The interim government has already decided to merge two divisions at the home ministry.

Several officials said they believe it could be a good move since some ministries and divisions do not have much workload and could be merged.

Asked about the possible impact of this, public administration expert Firoz Mia told this newspaper, "If experienced politicians and a skilled bureaucracy work together, cutting down the number of ministries would not be a problem.

"However, under the current circumstances, it may disrupt public services."

He added that introducing such changes would first require forming a team of skilled individuals.

PROMOTION TO DS

The reform commission is considering a new promotion policy for the position of deputy secretary -- a 50:50 split between the admin and the other cadres.

Currently, 75 percent of the promotions are made from admin cadre officers and the remaining 25 percent from the other cadres.

This notion elicited a strong reaction from the administration cadre officers. Many of them are lobbying intensely to have the proposal changed.

Sources in the commission said most of the members support a merit-based, 100 percent exam-driven promotion system for the position of deputy secretary. The exams would be open to officers from all cadres.

However, the commission chairman was in favour of keeping 50 percent of the spots for admin cadre officials, the sources said.

APPOINTMENTS OF PS

Officials from the administration cadre are generally appointed as the PS to government high-ups. However, when governments change, they often face setbacks, including delays in promotions or being made officers on special duty (OSD), considered a punishment, said sources.

Last month, a BNP committee on public administration reforms, formed to come up with the party's stance before the commission, proposed appointing non-civil servants as PS to ministers.

The committee submitted the report to the reform commission on December 9.

Ismail Zabiullah, a member of the committee, said many officers who serve as PS to ministers are competent but often get accused of becoming biased towards a party.

"Therefore, we have proposed appointing officers from outside the cadres for these positions," said Ismail, also a former secretary.

The Daily Star contacted the reform commission chief and four other members, but they declined to comment.

FOUR PROVINCES

The commission may propose dividing the country into four administrative provinces. The commission's chairman verbally communicated this proposal to the government, but details could not be known, sources said.

The provinces -- Dhaka, Chattogram, Rajshahi, and Khulna -- could be made out of a broader strategy to ensure decentralisation, the sources said.

The commission members believe the current local government system is not functioning effectively. To bring about fundamental changes to local governance, the provincial system would be good, they said.

CHANGES IN BCS EXAMS

The reform commission is set to suggest significant changes to the BCS exam questions.

According to sources, the commission views that the standard of the questions is not at a satisfactory level. "The standard is at the SSC-level. It has to be upgraded," said an official involved with the commission.

Sources said measures would be taken so that candidates totally relying on guidebooks don't get the coveted jobs.

EMPLOYEES' ASSOCIATION

The commission is thinking whether to allow government employees to form associations. This issue was discussed at one of the commission's meetings, but no decision has been made so far.

Some commission members think the employees can form associations for their welfare only.

However, other members think that the association could evolve into something resembling a CBA (Collective Bargaining Agent).

A decision on the matter will be made soon, said an official.​
 

6 commissions discuss reform road map
Staff Correspondent 25 January, 2025, 00:15

Six reform commissions on Friday began discussing short and long-term strategies to develop a roadmap for implementing their recommendations.

The interim government formed 11 reform commissions in two phases after assuming power on August 8 last year with these six commissions were formed in the first phase.

Of the commissions, four— the ones on constitution, electoral system, police and Anti-Corruption Commission—submitted their recommendations on January 15. The public administration reform commission and judiciary reform commission are expected to publish summaries of their recommendations by January31.

These six commissions are also set to comprise the National Consensus Commission led by the chief adviser professor Muhammad Yunus.

The aim of the consensus commission will be to conduct dialogues with political parties regarding the implementation of the reform proposals.

Friday’s meeting of the commission was held at the constitution reform commission office on the Jatiya Sangsad premises.

‘We are analysing the reform proposals already submitted, seeking clarity where needed and determining how best and when to implement them,’ said Professor Ali Riaz, chief of the constitution reform commission and vice-chair of the National Consensus Commission.

Professor Riaz chaired the meeting, which was attended by electoral reform commission chief Badiul Alam Majumder, police reform commission chief Safar Raj Hossain, Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) reform commission chief Iftekharuzzaman and judiciary reform commission member Justice Emdadul Haque.

As an initial step in building consensus on the reform proposals, they met at the same venue on Monday. Like the Monday meeting, no representative from the public administration reform commission was present on Friday.

The interim government granted the initially formed six reform commissions an extension until February 15 to finalise their recommendations.

‘With the extended deadline, we are now coordinating the recommendations and identifying which can be implemented immediately and which require long-term planning,’ Professor Riaz said, citing a recent ordinance on the appointment of the Supreme Court judges as an example of a short-term step in implementing the reform proposals.

On Tuesday, law adviser Asif Nazrul disclosed the ordinance, which includes provisions for an independent council for appointing judges to the Supreme Court, the introduction of a separate secretariat for the judiciary and a permanent attorney service.

The ordinance aligns with the recommendations made by the constitution reform commission, Professor Riaz noted.​
 

Bangladesh must seize opportunities for growth through strategic reforms: Report
UNB
Published :
Jan 30, 2025 22:41
Updated :
Jan 30, 2025 22:41

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With strong leadership and strategic planning, Bangladesh can turn challenges into opportunities, fostering a prosperous, equitable, and resilient nation for current and future generations, according to a new report on Thursday.

The use of digital and AI technologies, along with the establishment of institutions promoting excellence and regulatory reform, will enhance Bangladesh's competitive position globally, it said.

Education and Planning Adviser Prof Wahiduddin Mahmud handed over the report of a task force named "Re-strategising the Economy and Mobilising Resources for Equitable and Sustainable Development" to the Chief Adviser.

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus received the report from Dr Wahiduddin at the Chief Adviser's Office in Tejgaon, said CA's press wing.

The 12-member task force was formed on September 10 to reframe the development strategies, find out leakages in the financial system, and restore discipline in project implementation, said CA's Deputy Press Secretary Abul Kalam Azad Majumder.

According to the report, the actions and recommendations presented serve as an initial roadmap for economic reform, embodying a vision for a transformed Bangladesh that is responsive to its people's needs.

By prioritizing impactful projects in healthcare, education, and governance, the interim government can restore trust in public institutions and create momentum for sustained progress, it mentioned.

Pilot projects will provide valuable insights, enabling iterative improvements and broader implementation in future reforms.

Ultimately, these recommendations call for a shared responsibility between government officials and citizens to build a better future, said the report in its conclusion.

The proposed recommendations outline a strategic framework to guide the interim government of Bangladesh in addressing pressing challenges and facilitating economic growth, social development, and environmental sustainability.

Considering public service inefficiencies and environmental concerns, there is a critical need for targeted interventions that can create lasting change.

The focus on pilot projects aims to develop scalable models for broader reforms in the future, signaling the government's commitment to urgent economic transformations.

By fostering collaboration with citizens and youth groups, these initiatives will enhance transparency and accountability, contributing to a more inclusive environment.

In summary, the recommendations are designed to act as a catalyst for meaningful change, laying the groundwork for a resilient and progressive society while addressing pressing issues affecting the daily lives of citizens.​
 

Govt wants to lay foundation of radical reforms to state structure: Nahid
BSS
Published :
Jan 30, 2025 19:51
Updated :
Jan 30, 2025 19:51

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Information and Broadcasting Adviser Md Nahid Islam on Thursday said they wanted to lay the foundation of drastic reform in the state structure to eliminate fascism from the country forever.

“We want to lay the foundation of radical reforms to the state structure for complete elimination of fascism. If the existing structure remains, there will always be a chance of reemergence of the fascism,” he said.

He was addressing a function of handing over cheques of donation among the families of the journalists martyred and injured during July uprising, sick and insolvent media personnel and cheques of stipends for their children.

Bangladesh Sanbadik Kallayan Trust organised the programme at its Circuit House Road office here today.

Nahid, also Chairman of the trust, said they want to say goodbye to any chance of rebirth of the fascism in the country.

“So, state reform is very crucial. But, it will take time,” he said, adding that “whoever comes to power next would work based on that basic principle.”​
 

Likely reform proposal: Govt officials may be able to retire after 15yrs

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For government employees, voluntary retirement with pension benefits currently requires 25 years of service. The Public Administration Reform Commission is set to recommend lowering the requirement to 15 years.

The commission is also likely to recommend doing away with a legal provision that allows the authorities to force employees to retire after they have been on the job for 25 years or more, said multiple sources in the commission.

Sections 44 and 45 of the Government Service Act-2018 would need to be amended in order to implement these recommendations.

The Public Administration Reform Commission held a meeting yesterday to finalise the recommendations. It will hand the chief adviser the recommendation on February 5, which is the new deadline for the submission.

"Currently, if a government employee voluntarily retires before 25 years in service, they do not get pension benefits. This is why the commission is recommending the change," said a source.

However, those retiring after 15 years will not get the full pension benefits, for which one must be on the job for 25 years.

No commission member is willing to explain on record the rationale behind the recommendations.

"Officers often receive better job offers in the private sector. Unless they have been on the job for 25 years, they often do not take those opportunities because they do not want to lose their pension benefits. We want to change that."

As to why the government should not be allowed to force someone to retire, another source said, "An officer should not be afraid of forced retirement for disagreeing with the government or having a history of being a member of an opposition party."

But if an employee does something wrong, the authorities can launch departmental procedure and force them to retire. "But such retirement should not be forced under the pretext of public interest."

The option of voluntary retirement after 15 years is an opportunity for some. A joint secretary who worked at the Prime Minister's Office when the Awami league was in power, said, "I have lost the enthusiasm for work. I got the job by obtaining brilliant results. I worked in important positions because of my ability to work well. But now I am labelled as a fascist collaborator. If they implement the recommendations, I will retire and leave the country."

Another source in the commission said the recommendations were not designed to give advantage to a particular group.

"In the past, recommendations of various commissions were rejected. As this commission was formed after a mass uprising, we hope the government will implement its recommendations.

"We strongly recommend stopping the current practice of giving promotions to more officers than there are posts. Those who do not get promotions will have the opportunity to leave the service after 15 years and move on."

The commission may propose reducing the time an officer gets to provide information sought under the Right to Information Act. it may also propose increasing the penalties under the act.

Public administration researcher and former secretary AKM Abdul Awal Majumder said, "In the armed forces, there is an opportunity for retirement after 15 years. Most officers cannot advance further after a major promotion, so they voluntarily retire and join other work. However, I don't think this opportunity will be taken by many in the civil administration. But if the option is there, I don't see any harm."

The commission will recommend lowering the number of ministries and divisions to 25 to 30 from the current 55.

The Economic Strategy Redefinition Task Force has already recommended merging the road, rail, water, and air transport ministries.

The commission may recommend not allowing officials of one institution to work in another on deputation.

It may recommend promotions to the rank of deputy secretary based on the Senior Service Pool (SSP) Order-1979.

The SSP initiative was taken during President Ziaur Rahman's tenure. It was not implemented by the HM Ershad government.

In that case, opportunities for administration cadre promotions to the rank of deputy secretary may be more limited.

However, the commission is also going to recommend reserving 50 percent of the positions for administration cadre promotions to the rank of deputy secretary.​
 

‘Capital city government’ for greater Dhaka
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Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury, the Public Administration Reform Commission chief, submits its report to the chief adviser at the state guesthouse Jamuna yesterday. Photo: PID

The Public Administration Reform Commission has proposed a "Capital City Government" for governing Dhaka city, Narayanganj, Keraniganj, Savar, and Tongi.

This government, similar to that of the federal government-controlled New Delhi, will have an elected legislature and local government.

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The proposal was made considering the population and scope of services in the capital, according to the commission's report submitted to Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday.

It also proposed introducing a provincial governance system, by turning four older divisions into provinces, to decentralise the service delivery system for the country's large population.

"This will reduce the potential for power concentration by a unitary government and alleviate the pressure on Dhaka as well," said the report.

However, implementing such a system would require constitutional amendments.

Asked, a commission member told The Daily Star, "We are aware that this proposal may spark debates and criticisms. However, considering that local government has not been effective in the last 54 years, we believe a provincial system is the best approach to decentralisation."

A similar initiative was considered during the Ershad regime, but it was never implemented.

The commission recommended the creation of two new administrative divisions -- Faridpur and Cumilla -- alongside the existing eight.

Led by Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury, the commission submitted its report with around 200 recommendations to the chief adviser at the state guesthouse Jamuna. The Judiciary Reform Commission, led by Justice Shah Abu Naeem Mominur Rahman, also handed over its report there.

The Public Administration Reform Commission recommended reducing the number of ministries to 25 from 43, categorising ministries into five clusters, abolishing district councils, eliminating the cadre services, introducing an examination system for promotion to deputy secretary, and implementing a senior executive service.

The commission suggested scrapping the interest-free car loan and car maintenance allowances worth Tk 50,000 for deputy secretaries and higher officials.

"This will remove discrimination and also reduce public expenditure," it said.

Officers of the ranks of deputy secretary and above currently get a loan of Tk 30 lakh to buy a car and a monthly allowance of Tk 50,000 to hire a driver and pay for the maintenance of the vehicle.

The commission recommended doing away with a legal provision that allows the government to force employees to retire after they have been on the job for 25 years or more.

It also recommended allowing officials to voluntarily retire after 15 years in service, instead of 25 years.

It recommended eliminating the police verification process for passport issuance to make the system more efficient and citizen-friendly.

The commission split its recommendations into short-term (six months), medium-term (one to two years), and long-term plans.

SHORT-TERM PLAN

According to the commission report, the number of ministries should be reduced to 25 from 43 and the divisions to 40 from 61. The ministries should be put in one of the five clusters: Administration; Finance, Industry, and Commerce; Infrastructure and Communication; Agriculture and Environment; Human Resources, and Social Development.

As part of the structural and procedural reform of the civil service, the commission suggested abolishing the existing 26 cadres of officials and replacing them with 13 services.

These are Administrative Service, Judicial Service, Public Security Service, Foreign Service, Accounts Service, Audit Service, Revenue Service, Engineering Service, Education Service, Health Service, Agricultural Service, Information Service, and ICT Service.

The commission suggested the establishment of two more public service commissions -- one for education and another for health. The recruitment and promotions of teachers and doctors would be done by these two commissions.

The existing Public Service Commission will deal with recruitment of officers of other services.

The reform commission put forward a guideline for officials' promotion to secretary and proposed abolishing the existing Superior Selection Board (SSB), which oversees their selection process, and forming a new committee led by a minister.

It proposed a provision under which the government could hire qualified individuals for positions in the upper tier of the bureaucracy.

The commission recommended abolishing the zila parishad, arguing that the chairmen of the parishads have never been directly elected by citizens and that most zila parishads lack strong revenue sources.

It suggested that the mayors of the municipalities be elected by elected members of the municipality instead of direct voting. The commission also recommended abolishing the post of vice chairmen (both male and female) of the upazila parishads.

The commission suggested appointing officials equivalent to the rank of senior assistant secretary as the "secretary" of upazila parishads and relieving the upazila nirbahi officers (UNOs) of upazila parishad duties.

It suggested renaming Deputy Commissioner (DC) to District Magistrate and District Commissioner, and UNOs to Sub-District Commissioner (SDC).

The commission recommended giving the District Magistrate the authority to accept complaints in criminal cases, subject to consultation with the Supreme Court, setting up magistrate courts at the upazila level, and appointing an ASP in every upazila.

It proposed transferring of the Land Registration Office to land ministry from the law ministry.

The National Board of Revenue (NBR) could be divided into three separate entities -- Income Tax Department, Customs and Excise Department, VAT Department, the report said.

A proposal has also been made to merge the Bangladesh Export Processing Zones Authority (BEPZA), the Economic Zones Authority, and the Export Promotion Bureau into a single organisation to streamline their operations.

To ensure greater accountability in public service delivery, the commission proposed forming "District Citizen Committees" and "Upazila Citizen Committees" that would be modelled after parliamentary standing committees.

These committees will review government services and hold meetings every four months to provide necessary recommendations to relevant authorities.

MID-TERM PLAN

The commission recommended forming a "Superior Executive Service" to allow officials from various services to be promoted to deputy secretary and thus be in the policy-making level.

Under this system, 50 percent of promotions to deputy secretary will be reserved for administrative service officials, while the remaining 50 percent will be open to officials from other services through exams.

Candidates failing the exam twice will no longer be eligible for promotion, said the commission.

Meanwhile, writer, researcher and former secretary AKM Abdul Awal Majumdar came down heavily on the recommendations.

"If these recommendations are implemented, the civil service will fall into such a pit that it may no longer be possible to pull it out," he told The Daily Star.

"The mistakes of 1972 have kept us in a hole to this day. This mistake will plunge us into an abyss. Nowhere in the world do we see a system like the one being proposed."

LONG-TERM PLAN

The commission suggested integrating the National Climate Change Strategy into government policy frameworks.

It recommended discouraging the introduction of honours programmes in private colleges and emphasised the need for monitoring private madrasas and enhancing their efficiency through investments.

It suggested recruiting adequate number of teachers.​
 

Yunus urges all to accept reform reports
Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha . Dhaka 05 February, 2025, 23:57

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Chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus. | Star Mail file photo

Chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus has called upon all concerned to accept the reports of the reform commissions and come forward to implement those.

‘I hope all will unanimously accept and implement those (reports),’ he said while speaking at a function at the State Guest House Jamuna in Dhaka on Wednesday.

Public Administration Reform Commission led by Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury and Judiciary Reform Commission led by Justice Shah Abu Naeem Mominur Rahman handed over their reports to chief adviser Professor Yunus at the function.

Members of the commissions were present.

Addressing on the occasion Professor Yunus said, ‘We have many bitter experiences of harassment, humiliation and insult. We have experience of forgetting about our demands and rights.’

He said it was a matter of hope that the reform reports submitted on Wednesday would pave the way of making the people free and get back their rights.

The chief adviser said the reports of the reform commissions would be shared with citizens, political parties and civil society members so that they all could reach a consensus to this end.

The reports of the reform commissions are the remarkable documents in the history of Bangladesh, he said expressing gratitude to the chairmen of the commissions and all members for the efforts to prepare the report.

The chief adviser observed that the reports of the commission will contribute to the whole world, not only to Bangladesh.

‘I have received those (reports) as the assets for the world. It will have a place in history,’ he noted.

Addressing the nation on September 11, 2024, chief adviser Professor Yunus announced the formation of six commissions.

Four other reform commissions - Electoral System Reform Commission, Police Administration Reform Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission Reform Commission, and the Constitution Reform Commission submitted their reports to the chief adviser on January 15 last.​
 

Reform dialogue must deliver consensus
Talks with political parties scheduled in mid-February

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VISUAL: STAR

It's reassuring to know that the interim government is moving ahead as per the timeline set for the reform drive, with talks with political parties slated to begin in mid-February. According to Law Adviser Asif Nazrul, the date of the first meeting will be fixed in consultation with the parties and stakeholders of the July uprising. Six reform commissions have already submitted their reports, while the remaining ones are expected to submit theirs by this month. Dialogue on their recommendations forms the second—and perhaps most crucial—phase of the drive, as it will determine not just the reforms that can eventually be pursued but also the consensus necessary for their continuation post-elections.

A timely and proper completion of this process has grown in significance of late. This is partly due to the unfortunate debate that has surfaced around "elections versus reforms"—exposing growing distrust between political parties like the BNP and student movement leaders—and partly due to continued public suffering caused by the suspended stage in which the nation finds itself, pending reforms in key sectors. Expediting consensus-building on the reform proposals is, therefore, paramount. However, this will be anything but easy, as evidenced by recent comments and gestures by key stakeholders.

The fact is, while the next election is crucial for restoring people's right to vote, it is the elections after that which will be the true test of the durability of the current reform process. After all, so many people did not die in the uprising just for a temporary democratic transition. As well as free elections, it is equally important that all other impending state reforms are faithfully implemented in the long run. For that, consensus is vital.

The BNP, for example, has announced a plan to launch "a movement" aimed at "correcting some government mistakes" and "clearing the way" for an elected political government. Earlier, its secretary general suggested that if the interim government loses its neutrality in conducting elections, it should be replaced by a "neutral government"—a comment that drew fierce reactions from student representatives in the government. Such confrontational exchanges weaken the government's position as a mediator in the reform drive. They also raise questions about whether the stakeholders can see eye to eye on the more radical reform proposals surrounding the constitution, electoral structure, judiciary, and public administration.

This is where Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus, also head of the National Consensus Commission, must play a critical role. At the heart of the reform discussions will be the challenge of reconciling differing priorities. He and other commission members must therefore show extreme foresight and patience to navigate the political minefield and convince stakeholders to move beyond entrenched positions. They must also ensure that the process does not lose legitimacy or stall under pressure, which would result in further political instability, setting back both the reform agenda and the prospect of a smooth democratic transition. Given the stakes, the participating parties must also approach the upcoming dialogue with a spirit of compromise.

The fact is, while the next election is crucial for restoring people's right to vote, it is the elections after that which will be the true test of the durability of the current reform process. After all, so many people did not die in the uprising just for a temporary democratic transition. As well as free elections, it is equally important that all other impending state reforms are faithfully implemented in the long run. For that, consensus is vital, so all stakeholders must put their differences aside and engage in the dialogue with sincerity.​
 

Lack of unity poses a significant challenge to govt’s reform efforts: Nahid
BSS
Dhaka
Published: 07 Feb 2025, 21: 50

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Adviser to the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting Md. Nahid IslamFile photo

Adviser to the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting Md. Nahid Islam Friday reaffirmed the interim government’s firm commitment to fulfilling people’s aspirations despite facing multifaceted challenges, including economic struggles and an ever-evolving political environment.

“Along with its continuous efforts to maintain stability, foster unity, and addressing the pressing concerns, the government remains committed to realise people’s aspirations emerged through the mass uprising amid political situation and an ever evolving national landscape,” he told BSS in an exclusive interview on completion of six months of the interim government.

Nahid, who played a leading role as an Anti-Discrimination Students Movement leader during the July-August uprising, said, “We are steadfast in overcoming political challenges and shaping a future that reflects the will of the people of the country.”

The government’s journey in the last six months has been through multi-dimensional experiences including encountering internal and external conspiracies, managing more than 100 movements, facing continuous political pressure along with economic hardship and broken state structure, said the adviser.

Despite the obstacles, Nahid Islam expressed confidence that with continued dialogue, cooperation, and political goodwill, the six-month-old government that came to power on 8 August last year through a mass uprising, could achieve the change the nation so desperately sought.

“The road ahead will not be so smooth, but with the right support, the interim government hopes to lay the foundation for a more stable and prosperous future for the country,” added Nahid, who is also entrusted with the portfolios of post and telecommunication and ICT ministry as its adviser.

Nahid said a major area of public concern has been the government’s handling of economic issues like rising prices of essentials, improving law and order situation and ensuring trial of murderers as the country people have placed enormous expectations on the government that came to power through a mass uprising.

He admitted that the government has faced significant economic challenges saying, “When we took over the administration was in disarray. The bureaucracy and law enforcement agencies were in a state of chaos, and we had to rebuild those from there. It was not an easy task.”

“The previous administration’s practices, particularly the widespread extortion and corruption, had created long-standing problems that would not disappear overnight,” said Nahid.

On political matters, Nahid talked about the divisions that have emerged within the forces of the mass uprising.

“Although the uprising brought together diverse groups, united with a desire for reform, many had begun to pursue their self interests rather than the national good,” he said.

Expressing frustration, he said this fragmentation had hindered progress on critical issues, particularly in terms of political unity. “The unity that once existed has been diluted,” he said, acknowledging that this lack of cohesion posed a significant challenge to the government’s reform efforts.

However, Nahid remains hopeful that these divisions are not insurmountable. “I do not believe unity has been entirely lost. We are continuing to engage in discussions to resolve disagreements and avoid returning to the divisive practices of the past.”

The adviser said the true test of the government’s ability to foster unity would come through its success in implementing meaningful reforms.

“The biggest challenge for us is how unified we can be on the issue of reform. The coming months will show how much progress we can make,” he added.

Nahid emphasised that political goodwill is crucial for bringing any meaningful change, and expressed hope that both political parties and the people would work together to eliminate the systemic issues.

“There are elements within the political sphere, who are still involved in extortion, and some of the individuals who participated in the uprising are now engaged in such activities,” he said, adding, “Without cooperation, it will be difficult to meet the expectations of the people,” he added.

The issue of reform versus elections has also been a contentious subject. The BNP is calling for early elections, Nahid said, adding that the government does not view reform and elections as mutually exclusive but rather as complementary objectives.

“The reform commissions are working to bring necessary changes to the electoral and governance systems. These reforms must be implemented before elections...otherwise, the mistakes of the past will be repeated,” he said.

Commenting on media freedom, Islam categorically said that the government has not interfered with the media’s right to freely criticise its policies. “So far, no pressure has been given on the media for criticising the government,” Nahid said.

However, he pointed out that when the government supports the concept of free media, it has asked the press to be mindful when reporting on sensitive issues like banned student organisations and individuals involved in criminal activities.

Islam acknowledged that some media outlets had become targets of social pressure and protests, but he stressed that law enforcement agencies and the government had intervened to ensure their safety.

Despite these challenges, Nahid emphasised the government’s unwavering commitment to fostering a free and open media environment.

“The government encourages constructive criticism and has already implemented changes based on media feedback. We welcome logical criticism, and we will continue to make adjustments to our policies,” he said.

He also said that the role of the media has sometimes been compromised by political alignments in the past, with some outlets failing to maintain objectivity. Islam urged journalists to clarify the pressures they have faced, which, in his view, would help rebuild trust among the people.​
 

Govt for basic reforms before election
Staff Correspondent 09 February, 2025, 00:56

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The interim government on Saturday announced that it would complete some basic reforms based on a political consensus before the next general election.

Law adviser Asif Nazrul made the announcement at a briefing on the occasion of making the full reports of six reform commissions.

He said that the interim government would quit power after holding the much-sought national elections following some fundamental reforms based on a political consensus.

‘The reform commissions have proposed some short-term recommendations as immediate measures which could be implemented shortly,’ the adviser said.

Discussions with political parties on reforms will start in the mid of February, he said, citing chief adviser Muhammad Yunus’s statement on holding the national election either by December or by June 2026.

Chief adviser’s press secretary Shafiqul Alam and deputy press secretary Abul Kalam Azad Majumder were also present at the briefing.

The interim government received the complete reports of the six commissions and made those available online.

The law adviser said that public administration reform commission’s recommendations, including the establishment of a permanent public administration reform commission, could be implemented soon as reforms may be required from time to time.

As there are allegations against government officials of political allegiance, the reform commission suggested formulating a new code of conduct that could be framed immediately.

It has also recommended the complete digital transformation of public services, the introduction of regular public hearings, and the formation of citizen committees in districts and upazilas.

To reduce unnecessary expenditures and improve coordination, the commission has advised cutting ministry expenses.

The commission proposed the merger of the local government engineering department and public health engineering department; and the Bangladesh Export Processing Zone Authority, Economic Zone Authority and Investment Development Bureau.

The commission also recommended three separate Public Service Commissions for general, education and health categories.

The law affairs adviser termed the recommendations as immediate measures.

Like these, the judicial reform commission has proposed a transfer policy for lower court judges, a code of conduct for judicial service officials, regulation of lawyers’ fees, the establishment of civil and criminal courts at the upazilas, a permanent attorney service, an independent investigation service, the formation of commercial courts, the integration of IT departments in lower courts, the setting up of information desks in courts, arrangements for women and children in court premises as the short-term recommendations.

The law adviser cited online testimony by police, a ban on political activities within judicial courts, reappointment of retired judges to reduce case backlogs, and the recruitment of support staff in courts through the Judicial Service Commission as short-term measures.

‘If we believe that political party consensus is necessary on these matters, we will take the initiative,’ Asif Nazrul said.

He cited the police reform commission’s proposals, including formation of a separate investigation unit, providing human rights training for police personnel, improving their facilities, establishing a code of conduct and investigating complaints against the police through the Human Rights Commission as immediate measures.

Amendments to several laws related to the Election Commission, the Election Commission Appointment Act, the Delimitation of Parliamentary Constituencies Act, the Representation of the People Order and policies concerning election observers and journalists have been proposed as short-term measures.

Additionally, the electoral reform commission has recommended revising the code of conduct for political parties and candidates, modifying the affidavit format and amending local government laws, Asif Nazrul said.

‘We believe that political parties will need to reach a consensus on many of these issues,’ he said.

The electoral reform commission has suggested some administrative reforms, including updating the voter list, redefining parliamentary constituency boundaries, and conducting trials on postal ballots and online voting, he said.

As an immediate measure, the Anti-Corruption Commission reform commission has proposed the appointment of an ombudsman and the permanent prohibition of all activities related to the legalisation of undisclosed wealth and indemnity provisions.​
 

Reforming media
Musharraf Tansen 09 February, 2025, 00:00

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BBC/Getty Images

BANGLADESH’S media sector has witnessed remarkable growth over the past decades. The expansion in the number of outlets and the diversification of platforms reflect the vibrancy of this sector, which serves as a crucial pillar of democracy and development. However, this growth has not come without challenges. From restrictive legal frameworks and market pressures to professional shortcomings and low public media literacy, the sector grapples with issues that undermine its potential to inform, educate, and empower the populace.

The legal and regulatory environment in Bangladesh plays a defining role in shaping the media landscape, yet it also presents significant barriers to press freedom. Among the most contentious issues was the Digital Security Act 2018, enacted with the stated aim of curbing cybercrime and maintaining order in the digital sphere. However, its broad and ambiguous provisions have made it a tool for stifling dissent and suppressing journalistic expression. Numerous journalists have faced arrests and intimidation under this law, fostering an environment of fear and widespread self-censorship.

Then came the Cyber Security Act 2023, replacing the criticised Digital Security Act. While the ordinance is apparently aimed at addressing cybersecurity threats, its sweeping powers allow for increased surveillance and control over digital content. Critics argue that its vague definitions and harsh penalties for violations risk becoming another instrument of control, particularly over online media. The ordinance has heightened concerns about privacy, freedom of expression, and the independence of the press in the digital era.

Furthermore, the Right to Information Act, which theoretically empowers journalists and citizens by ensuring access to information, has seen limited implementation. Bureaucratic hurdles, lack of awareness, and reluctance among authorities to share critical information have rendered the act less effective than intended. As a result, investigative reporting — a cornerstone of a free press — has been severely constrained, weakening transparency and accountability in governance. In this legal context, journalists and media organisations face a precarious situation. The dual challenge of restrictive laws like the Digital Security Act and the Cyber Security Ordinance, combined with the underutilisation of the Right to Information Act underscores the urgent need for legal reforms that strike a balance between ensuring national security and upholding press freedom.

Bangladesh’s media market is characterised by consolidated ownership, with a small number of conglomerates controlling a significant share of print and broadcast outlets. This concentration poses a direct threat to editorial independence. Owners with diverse business interests often influence editorial decisions, skewing reporting to align with their political or economic agendas. This situation creates a conflict of interest that undermines the credibility and objectivity of the media. The sector’s financial fragility exacerbates this issue. Many media outlets depend heavily on government advertising revenue, which accounts for a substantial portion of their income. This dependency discourages criticism of government policies, as outlets fear losing vital financial support. Consequently, coverage often becomes biased, depriving the public of balanced and objective reporting.

Journalists in Bangladesh face significant challenges in developing their professional skills. Many lack access to adequate training and capacity-building programs, leaving them ill-equipped to navigate the complexities of modern journalism. This skills gap has led to issues such as the spread of misinformation, sensationalism, and breaches of journalistic ethics. Additionally, the absence of strong professional organisations compounds these problems. Journalists often lack support networks to advocate for their rights, promote ethical practices, and provide resources for continued professional growth. Without these structures, the sector remains vulnerable to both internal weaknesses and external pressures.

Media literacy among the general population in Bangladesh remains alarmingly low, which makes citizens vulnerable to misinformation and manipulation. The rise of digital platforms has further complicated the issue. While these platforms have democratised access to information, they have also facilitated the rapid spread of unverified or false news. This underscores the urgent need for media literacy programs that equip citizens with the skills to critically evaluate news sources. Empowering the public to discern credible information from propaganda or fake news can foster a more informed and engaged society capable of holding power to account.

To address these challenges and unlock the full potential of Bangladesh’s media sector, a multifaceted approach is required. Revising restrictive laws such as the Cyber Security Ordinance is crucial to align with international standards of press freedom and freedom of expression. These revisions should clarify ambiguous provisions, minimise the risk of misuse, and protect journalists from undue harassment. Strengthening the implementation of the Right to Information Act can also empower both journalists and citizens by streamlining access procedures, reducing bureaucratic hurdles, and raising awareness about rights and obligations under the law. Simultaneously, media outlets must reduce their reliance on government advertising to maintain editorial independence. Encouraging alternative revenue models such as audience subscriptions, digital monetisation strategies, and branded content can provide financial sustainability. Partnerships with international organisations can also offer funding and technical support, enabling outlets to focus on producing unbiased, high-quality journalism while promoting financial and editorial independence.

Investing in training programs for journalists is essential to enhance their skills in investigative reporting, ethical standards, and digital journalism. Specialised workshops and certification programs can equip journalists to navigate the challenges of a rapidly evolving media environment. Establishing strong professional associations can provide platforms for resource sharing, advocacy, and ongoing professional development while serving as watchdogs to uphold journalistic integrity and standards. A nationwide push to improve media literacy is necessary to help the public critically evaluate news content and combat the spread of misinformation. Public campaigns can educate citizens on identifying credible sources and distinguishing facts from propaganda, while integrating media literacy education into school curricula can cultivate an informed and discerning younger generation. Supporting independent media outlets is equally vital, ensuring a plurality of voices and perspectives. Grants and technical assistance can help these outlets produce unbiased, high-quality content, while initiatives that promote diversity in media representation can ensure public discourse reflects a broad spectrum of experiences and opinions.

Finally, developing and enforcing robust codes of conduct is essential to maintaining the credibility and integrity of journalism. These codes should emphasise accuracy, fairness, and accountability in reporting. Establishing self-regulatory bodies within the media sector can address ethical breaches and hold practitioners accountable, helping to build public trust and uphold professional standards. By addressing these key areas, Bangladesh can foster a more vibrant, independent, and robust media landscape that supports democracy, transparency, and an informed citizenry.

A free, diverse, and empowered media is not just a cornerstone of democracy — it is also essential for fostering transparency, accountability, and social progress. Bangladesh has the opportunity to strengthen this crucial institution, ensuring that it continues to inform, inspire, and empower its citizens in the years to come. By embracing reform and innovation, the media sector can truly realise its potential as a force for positive change.

Musharraf Tansen is a development analyst and former country representative of Malala Fund.​
 

Discussions on reform proposals with political parties by mid-February: Asif Nazrul
UNB
Published :
Feb 08, 2025 20:24
Updated :
Feb 08, 2025 20:50

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Law Affairs Adviser Dr Asif Nazrul on Saturday said they want to quit after the much-sought election following fundamental reforms based on a political consensus, required for a free and fair election in the country.

"There is no room for any ambiguity about this,” he told reporters at a media briefing at the Foreign Service Academy in the evening, highlighting the key recommendations of the six reform commissions.

Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam and Deputy Press Secretary Abul Kalam Azad Majumder were also present at the briefing.

The interim government received the complete reports of the six commissions and made those available online.

The commissions are the Electoral System Reform Commission headed by Dr Badiul Alam Majumdar, the Police Administration Reform Commission headed by Sarfaraz Hossain, the Judiciary Reform Commission headed by Justice Shah Abu Naeem Mominur Rahman, Anti-Corruption Reform Commission headed by TIB’s Dr Iftekharuzzaman, Public Administration Reform Commission headed by Abdul Muyeed Chowdhury and Constitution Reform Commission headed by Distinguished Prof at Illinois State University Dr Ali Riaz.

Responding to a question, Adviser Nazrul said they are interested in discussing with the political parties by mid-February. “I have told you before that even if they agree, the discussions will continue during the holy month of Ramadan.”

The adviser said the political parties surely have the right to say that they want quick elections, but they did not specify what they mean by quick.

He said the chief adviser and his press secretary, on behalf of the chief adviser, have repeatedly clarified to the media that either by December this year or by June 2026.

The adviser, however, indicated that the election may even take place before June 2026, taking the monsoon season into consideration. “Maybe in April, maybe in March, this is something we have made clear from the very beginning.”

Regarding the July declaration, he said, the BNP has prepared a declaration, and if it is finalised again based on the opinions of their alliance partners, they will sit with the student leaders.

“However, in this regard, I want to say that our student leaders are showing enough restraint, patience, and tolerance. I hope that all those who are party to the July mass uprising will try to speed up this process a bit,” Adviser Nazrul said.

“This is a document of our unity. This is not a legal document; it is a political document. It is to reassert our unity, nothing more than that,” he said.

Responding to a question on recent incidents, the adviser reiterated the interim government’s tolerance, freedom of expression, and freedom to democratic practice.

On February 6, the Law Adviser said the national consensus-building commission, led by Chief Adviser Prof. Muhammad Yunus, will hold its first dialogue with all political parties and forces in favour of the July Uprising over the reform initiatives in mid-February.

The chief adviser will chair the meeting, to be held at the Foreign Service Academy, where heads of the six reform commissions will remain present, Asif Nazrul said.​
 

Electoral reforms: Commission proposes referendum and representative recall system
bdnews24.com
Published :
Feb 08, 2025 23:37
Updated :
Feb 08, 2025 23:37

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The Electoral Reform Commission has proposed introducing a referendum system to gauge public opinion on critical state decisions and a recall system to remove elected representatives from the National Parliament.

These recommendations are included in the commission’s full report alongside other electoral reform proposals. The report suggests that the referendum provision be introduced in the next parliament and the recall mechanism for MPs be implemented in national elections.

On Saturday, the full report was published on the Cabinet Division’s website. Earlier, on Jan 15, the commission submitted the report to Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus, and a summary was shared with journalists.

KEY RECOMMENDATIONS:

• Abolishing EVMs - Electronic Voting Machines

• Cancelling uncontested elections

• Reintroducing the "No Vote" option in general elections

• Invalidating elections where "No Vote" receives the majority

• Re-election if voter turnout is below 40 per cent]

• Limiting the prime minister’s tenure to two terms through constitutional amendments

• Reinstating the caretaker government system

• Introducing online voting

The latest additions to these recommendations include referendums and MP recall mechanisms.

REFERENDUM: A TOOL FOR PUBLIC OPINION

The report defines a referendum as a method to directly seek public opinion on crucial state decisions, a practice adopted by many countries. Referendums have been held worldwide on matters like constitutional amendments, major legislation, and international treaties.

Bangladesh previously held referendums in 1977, 1985, and 1991, although the 1972 Constitution did not include a referendum provision. It was introduced in 1979 by General Ziaur Rahman through the Fifth Amendment.

However, in 1991, the 12th Amendment repealed the referendum provisions for Articles 58, 80, and 90(A). Later, in 2011, the Awami League government’s 15th Amendment fully abolished the referendum mechanism under Article 142.

HIGH COURT RULING & LEGAL IMPLICATIONS

Following the fall of the Awami League government due to mass protests, the High Court reinstated the referendum provision on Dec 17, 2024, by striking down the previous constitutional amendment.

However, legal experts question whether the ruling automatically restores the provision. According to Section 6 of the General Clauses Act, any repealed law must be re-enacted by parliament for it to be legally revived.

REPRESENTATIVE RECALL SYSTEM

The commission has recommended introducing a recall system for members of parliament, or MPs.

However, to avoid unnecessary expenses and political instability, it has proposed that recalls should not be applicable in the first and last year of an MP’s tenure.

How the Recall Process Would Work

The report outlines the recall mechanism as follows:

• A petition must be submitted to the Election Commission with the signatures of at least one-third of the total voters in the respective constituency.

• The petition must clearly state the reasons for recall and include voter signatures. The Election Commission will then evaluate the request and make a decision.

• If a majority (51%) of the voters in the constituency support the recall in a vote, the elected representative will be removed from office.

WHY A RECALL SYSTEM?

The report notes that in Bangladesh’s current electoral system, elected representatives lack direct accountability to voters between elections. If an MP fails to perform, breaks their oath, fails to fulfil promises, or engages in corruption, the public has no effective way to express dissatisfaction before the next election.

A recall system could serve as an interim solution to this issue, allowing citizens to hold their representatives accountable before their full-term ends.

CONCERNS AND RISKS

However, the report warns that a recall system could lead to political instability, with frequent recall attempts disrupting governance, misuse by political opponents to weaken rivals, and increased government expenditure if too many recall elections are triggered.

The report also highlights allegations of electoral fraud under the Awami League government, including vote-rigging, ballot-stuffing, seizing polling stations, and pre-casting votes on election night.

In addition, the Awami League government faced widespread allegations of corruption and money laundering, authoritarian governance, and serious human rights violations.

After the fall of the Awami League government, the interim administration formed six reform commissions in Oct 2024, including the Electoral Reform Commission, to address governance and institutional failures.

OTHER KEY RECOMMENDATIONS BY THE COMMISSION

The Electoral Reform Commission, led by Badiul Alam Majumdar, has recommended amending the Constitution to:

• Limit the prime minister’s tenure to a maximum of two terms

• Establish an Upper House (Senate) with 100 seats

• Bar a two-term prime minister from running for president

• Prohibit one individual from simultaneously holding the positions of party chief, prime minister, and leader of parliament

UPPER HOUSE (SENATE) FORMATION

The commission proposes forming the Upper House based on proportional representation, where seats will be allocated according to a party’s vote share in national elections.

The seat distribution would be:

• 50 percent from party members

• 50 percent from non-partisan groups, including civil society, academics, scientists, social workers, labour representatives, women’s rights activists, cultural figures, and marginalised communities

On top of that, at least 30 percent of both party-affiliated and independent Senate members must be women.

To qualify for Upper House seats, a party must secure at least 3% of the total votes in the national elections.

Lower House Expansion and Women’s Representation

• Increase the number of parliamentary seats from 300 to 400

• Reserve 100 seats for women, to be elected through a rotational system, ensuring they compete directly from designated constituencies

Presidential Election Reform

The commission recommends that the president be elected through an Electoral College composed of:

• Members of both houses of parliament

• Elected representatives from local governments

CARETAKER GOVERNMENT SYSTEM

The Awami League government abolished the caretaker government system through the 15th Amendment to the Constitution, leading to three national elections under elected governments.

The commission suggests restoring the caretaker government with a fixed four-month tenure, during which it would:

• Conduct both national and local elections

• Oversee legal and administrative reforms to ensure fair, non-partisan, and credible elections

A National Constitutional Council, or NCC, should nominate the caretaker government’s chief, who would then appoint 20 advisors.

If an NCC is not formed, the commission proposed that a high-level committee, including political parties, experts, and civil society representatives, and draft a framework for the caretaker government, which should be approved and implemented by parliament.

Local Government Elections

• Hold local elections before national elections

• Make local elections non-partisan by amending electoral laws

Political Party Regulations

New political parties must have offices in at least 10 per cent of districts and 5 per cent of Upazilas. They must have a minimum of 5,000 registered members

The commission is in favour of removing the rule that cancels a party’s registration if it fails to contest two consecutive elections.

It advocates for bringing registered political parties under the Right to Information -RTI- Act.

VOTING RIGHTS FOR OVERSEAS BANGLADESHIS

The commission proposes introducing postal voting for expatriate Bangladeshis, allowing overseas voters registered in the voter list and National ID, or NID, database by Oct 2025 to vote in the next national election

It also recommends developing an online voting system to modernise elections.

The commission held 64 meetings, 22 consultations with stakeholders, and collected feedback from 9,752 individuals until Dec 31, 2024.

On Oct 3, 2024, the interim government formed six reform commissions, including the Electoral Reform Commission, with Badiul Alam Majumdar as chair.

The commission was initially scheduled to submit its report by Dec 31, 2024, but was granted an extension until Jan 15, 2025. The full report was published on Jan 20.​
 

Six reform commissions’ reports made public Saturday
United News of Bangladesh . Dhaka 08 February, 2025, 20:22

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Representational image. | UNB Photo

The full reports of the Electoral Reform Commission, Police Reform Commission, Judiciary Reform Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission Reform Commission, Public Administration Reform Commission, and Constitutional Reform Commission (Part One) were published on the website of the Cabinet Division (https://cabinet.gov.bd/) on Saturday.

A press conference is being held at the Foreign Service Academy to discuss the urgent issues recommended by these commissions.

Earlier, the reports of the Constitutional Reform Commission, Electoral Reform Commission, Police Administration Reform Commission, and Anti-Corruption Commission Reform Commission were submitted on January 15.

Later, on February 5, the reports of the Public Administration Reform Commission and the Judiciary Reform Commission were submitted to the chief adviser.

Five commissions, except for the Constitutional Reform Commission, were formed on October 3 of last year.

The Constitutional Reform Commission was formed on October 6.

All the commissions were given 90 days to submit their reports, and later, that time was extended several times.​
 

Five reform commissions set to miss deadline
Staff Correspondent 16 February, 2025, 00:31

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Five reform commissions on health, women affairs, mass media, labour and local government are going to ask for more time as they are set to miss the deadline for submitting their reports to the interim government chief Adviser Muhmannad Yunus today.

Formed on November 18 by separate gazette notifications, the five reform commissions were assigned to submit their reports within 90 days or February 16, 2025. Several members of the commissions informed New Age on Saturday that they would seek a deadline extension up to mid-March.

They said that some of the commissions were yet to finalise their draft recommendations until Saturday.

Health sector reform commission chief Professor AK Azad Khan, said, ‘We are planning to submit the commission report by mid-March.’ The commission was formed to recommend necessary reforms to make the country’s healthcare system people-oriented, accessible and universal.

The labour sector reform commission also would request the government to allow at least one month more for finish preparing the full report aiming at ensuring labour rights and welfare, said its chief Syed Sultan Uddin Ahmed.

‘We will prepare the summary of our recommendations and submit it to the interim government by February 28,’ he said.

The local government reform commission was formed to gather recommendations on strengthening the effectiveness of local governance with its chief Professor Tofail Ahmed said on Saturday that the full report would take more time to finish.

He, however, added that the commission was working hard to prepare a summary to give it to interim government by February 21.

‘Discussions with political parties have started. We think our recommendations on local government reforms will be crucial in the discussions,’ he said.

The interim government formed the women affairs reform commission to generate necessary recommendations regarding women’s participation in all spheres and their empowerment. Meanwhile, the mass media reform commission was formed to recommend necessary steps to make mass media independent, strong and objective.

Mass media reform commission chief Kamal Ahmed and women affairs reform commission member Nirupa Dewan said that the commissions would not be able to complete their reports before the last week of February.

Following the ouster of the Sheikh Hasina-led regime on August 5, the interim government announced full-fledged reform commissions for the judiciary, electoral system, police, public administration and the Anti-Corruption Commission on October 3 last year. A full-fledged constitution reform commission was announced on October 7.

All the commissions of the first round, having their deadlines extended, submitted their full reports on January 15. The reports were made public on February 8.​
 

Reform commission to seek change in laws discriminatory towards women
The reform commission will submit their report to the chief adviser at the end of this current month.

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Naznin Akhter
Dhaka
Updated: 15 Feb 2025, 18: 54

Women and human rights organisations have long been demanding a uniform family law through which women of all religions will have equal rights of inheritance, child custody, marriage and divorce.

Although the constitution talks about equality, inequality still persists in society. Even political parties haven't taken any step to remove this inequality. In order to eliminate these inequalities the women’s affairs reform commission is going to recommend changes to the constitution and to the laws.

Major recommendations are expected such as permitting women equal rights in property ownership, guardianship and custody of children, marriage and divorce alongside closing the scope for marrying off minor girls (below 18 years) through special provisions in case of child marriage, and extending maternity leave to six months, enjoyed by government official and employees, for the female workers as well.

The Representation of the People Order (RPO) had the goal of ensuring 33 per cent women representation in the committees formed on every level by political parties registered with the Election Commission by 2020. The parties had also promised to fulfill the condition while getting registered in 2008 but, they could not fulfill it within the stipulated time.

Reportedly, the recommendation of the women’s reforms commission may advise more than 40 per cent or equal representation of women alongside suggesting 100 reserved seats for women in the national parliament in line with the recommendation of the constitution reform commission and holding direct elections in those seats.

Now the RPO has been revised to meet that target by 2030. Reportedly, the recommendation of the women’s reforms commission may advise more than 40 per cent or equal representation of women alongside suggesting 100 reserved seats for women in the national parliament in line with the recommendation of the constitution reform commission and holding direct elections in those seats.

The members who are there on the women’s affairs reform commission have also carried out movement on this issue at different times. They say that they will try to ensure that the interim government makes at least some changes before leaving.

Chief of the women’s affairs reform commission Shirin Parveen Haque told Prothom Alo, “We will seek to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women in the constitution, in the laws and in various programmes of the government. Towards that end, we will submit our recommendations to the chief advisor at the end of this month.”

“There will be some recommendations for the interim government and some recommendations for the future government. This commission is the result of the anti-discrimination movement. So, recommendations will be made to eliminate all forms of discrimination there are in women’s lives,” she added.

However, she did not want to give details about exactly what’s in the draft recommendations at the moment before finalising the recommendations. Shirin Parveen Haque said they have held 13 meetings with various stakeholders inside Dhaka and 7 meetings in different districts outside of Dhaka.

Before the formation of the women’s affairs reform commission, different organisations of women met with chief advisor Dr Muhammad Yunus on 20 August last year and made several recommendations there. Founding member of women’s organisation ‘Naripokkho’, Shirin Parveen Haque was at the leadership level in the discussion at that time.

It was recommended there to establish a women’s rights commission instead of working on various issues involving women in a scattered way. The women organisations proposed to set up the women’s rights commission, mentioning that commissions like the Right to Information Commission and the National Human Rights Commission failed to fulfill the responsibilities they were supposed to fulfill falling under pressure during the party government.

There will be some recommendations for the interim government and some recommendations for the future government. This commission is the result of the anti-discrimination movement. So, recommendations will be made to eliminate all forms of discrimination there are in women’s lives---Shirin Parveen Haque, Chief of the women’s affairs reform commission

When asked whether those recommendations made earlier would be included in the upcoming recommendation of the women’s affairs reform commission, Shirin Haque said, “They might be there.”

Reportedly, the heads of six reform commissions out of the ten formed by the interim government have already submitted their reports to the chief adviser. The women’s affairs reform commission is also looking into how women’s affairs have been placed in those reports.

Legal obstructions towards equality

Various articles of the 1972 constitution of Bangladesh, such as 19(1), 19(3), 28(1), and 28(2), protect equality and equal participation of women in all spheres under universal principles. While the constitution speaks of equal participation in state and public spheres, it recognises religious laws as well when it comes to family law. Matters like marriage, divorce, guardianship and custody of children as well as inheritance are controlled by the family laws.

Although Bangladesh approved the international ‘Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)’ in 1984, it retained reservations on articles 2 and 16.1(C).

Article 2 of the convention states that parties shall take legislative and administrative measures and reform their laws to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women. And, article 16.1(C) states that men and women have the same rights and responsibilities during marriage and at its dissolution. No government has withdrawn reservation on these two articles.

Bangladesh Mahila Parishad president Fauzia Moslem told Prothom Alo that after the Awami League government came to power in 1996, it adopted the national women’s development policy in 1997. That policy had talked about equal rights for women in all sectors, including property ownership. But, when the BNP-Jamaat-led four-party alliance came to power in 2001, it canceled that policy. The women’s policy formulated by the four-party alliance government did not include equal rights to property.

After the Awami League government came to power again in 2009, it adopted a new woman’s policy retaining equal rights from the previous one through discussions with the women organisations. However, they backed down from that stance later. Since then, until its deposition in the face student-public uprising in August 2024, the Awami League government did not show any interest of making any changes to the issues of inequality in the family laws, she added.

Fauzia Moslem reinstated that the Mahila Parishad supports the initiative to change all the laws and programmes that discriminate against women. The Mahila Parishad has long been demanding to ensure a uniform family law for citizens of all religions in the country. Even this time, in a meeting with the women’s affairs reform commission, the organisation sought equal rights in property, divorce, and guardianship of children. It also demanded the formation of adoption law and equal rights for women in that.

Fauzia Moslem believes that women as citizens should have equal rights in their personal lives. Otherwise, no matter how high a woman climbs she still does not have any dignity. Due to this lack of dignity, men consider women subordinate to them and there are various incidents of violence. If this women right is ensured in their personal lives, violence against women will decrease as well.

They have demanded the number of seats in the national parliament to be increased to 400 with 150 seats reserved for women and direct elections in those seats to ensure women’s political rights, said Fauzia Moslem.

The cabinet division issued a notification regarding the formation of a 10-member women’s affairs reform commission on 18 November last year. Other members of the commission headed by Shirin Parveen Haque are- senior fellow at BRAC Institute of Governance and Development Maheen Sultan, Bangladesh National Women Lawyers’ Association president Fawzia Karim Firoze, Bangladesh Garment and Industrial Workers Federation president Kalpona Akter, women’s health expert Halida Hanum Akhter, Bangladesh Nari Sramik Kendra executive director Sumaiya Islam, former member of the National Human Rights Commission Nirupa Dewan, Naripokkho director Kamrun Nahar, senior social development adviser at Asian Development Bank Ferdousi Sultana, and student representative Nishita Zaman Niha.​
 

Can we bridge the generational gap and reform our democracy?

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What appears to have exasperated the old-line political class is that young students succeeded where they had failed. VISUAL: MAHIYA TABASSUM

Are we witnessing a clash between the worldview and values of Gen-Z and the pre-millennial generations in our journey towards democracy? If so, what are the implications as the interim government completes six months of its tenure and begins consultations on the various reform commissions' recommendations? How will the aim of building a broad consensus on reforms and charting the roadmap for the next phase of the journey work out?

Political parties of different stripes, in slightly varying tones, have been impatiently clamouring for a parliamentary election as early as possible after "essential reforms" so that the winners can take control of the government. The mention of "essential reforms" appears to be a nod to public demand for reform in public institutions and services. Noticeably, the political class is not asking for nationwide local government elections that could restore many essential local government services and let citizens engage in a political process. Nor do they ask for the election of a constituent assembly to settle constitutional and governance structure issues.

What appears to have exasperated the old-line political class is that young students succeeded where they had failed. The student-led uprising toppled the authoritarian regime, which had appeared to be invincible and set to continue indefinitely. The political parties' 15-year struggle to unseat it had not brought the masses behind them as the students' movement did—no doubt helped by the unprecedented brutality of the regime in repressing the protesters.

Success has many claimants to paternity, while failure is an orphan. The political parties claim that they had prepared the ground over the years and that the student movement was merely the spark that ignited the fire. There is truth in this narrative, but the fact remains that the students were the vanguard at the critical stage. The political parties are reluctant to admit that their earlier efforts did not bring success. For that matter, they have not shown any contrition for their collective responsibility, beyond that of the Awami League, for the faltering democratic journey of the country since liberation.

Now, the youngsters have embarked on a campaign to reach out to the people in preparation for forming a new political party. They aim to change the political culture of intolerance, division, polarisation, and the absence of accountability that has dominated the political scene since the birth of Bangladesh. This initiative has provoked ambivalent, if not outright negative reactions from some political parties.

Political old-timers say they have no objection to a new party of the young, but many betray their nervousness by denigrating this effort, sometimes offering contradictory reasoning. Three lines of argument are deployed by them: students must remain students, they are too inexperienced to handle politics, and a king's party is not acceptable. How can immature youngsters make policies and run the country? Since three of the "student coordinators" of the movement are in the government, a new party of young people would be a "king's party" that would compromise the interim government's neutrality vis-à-vis the national election.

The generational divide is evident in the public dialogue on political transition, the performance of the interim government, and what should happen next. The known faces in the talk-show circuit in electronic media and columnists and commentators in print media—mostly pre-millennials and millennials—betray their generational bias.

The talking heads on television are often the protagonists of one or another existing political party, along with some familiar faces from the media and civil society. Largely outnumbered by their older counterparts, the young representatives of the July-August movement, when invited to participate, are usually articulate in their arguments and clear in expressing their goals and plans. Often, the effort in the shows to offer diversity of views ends up being an argument between the young and the rest.

The young speakers generally take the position that the sacrifice of July-August was not just to have an election and hand over the government to the winning political party/parties without at least beginning a process of political and institutional reforms and forging a broadly unified vision for the journey towards democracy. The other side, with minor variations, argues that the reform agenda can and should be handled by a "political" government (meaning themselves). They also assert that the interim government has been inept in addressing immediate day-to-day problems, such as improving law and order and controlling prices. They claim that the people want an early parliamentary election (but presumably not a local government election). They insist that political parties are in touch with the people and speak for them. It is evident that they are not in touch with the Gen-Z population, which makes up at least a third of the country's voters.

The anchors of talk shows are reluctant to challenge the often vacuous and self-serving assertions of political parties and older-generation pundits. The anchors themselves often appear sympathetic to the positions taken by the elders. Columnists, editorial writers in print media, and op-ed article writers, beyond rhetorical words about harnessing the energy and idealism of youth in nation-building, are at best ambivalent about the position presented by the young and the role they may play in shaping the country's future.

Prof Muhammad Yunus has always upheld the role of young people in his vision for development and his expectations for the future of Bangladesh. He described the students as his "employer" because they invited and persuaded him to take on the task of heading the interim government. Introducing Mahfuj Alam, one of the three youth representatives in the advisory council, to former US President Bill Clinton at an event in New York, Yunus described Mahfuj as the "mastermind" of the movement. I doubt that anyone in the audience took it literally to mean that Mahfuj singlehandedly orchestrated the fall of the Hasina regime. Yunus, in his usual effusive and generous way, had used a rhetorical expression. Talk shows and social media in Bangladesh were abuzz with discussions about Yunus being too deferential and submissive to students.

In an interview with The Financial Times at the World Economic Forum in Davos, speaking about events in Bangladesh, Yunus spoke of young participants in the anti-discrimination movement reaching out to the masses, preparing to form a political party of their own. He thought this might help bring about a much-needed change in the political culture of Bangladesh. Old-school politicians pounced on Yunus for being partial to the presumptive new party and questioned the interim government's ability to run a national election impartially. They ignore the work underway to empower the election commission to conduct elections independently, without government interference.

All stakeholders—Gen-Z and the rest—talk about the need for unity to move forward in our democratic journey. All seem to agree that a unified vision of basic goals and the steps to be taken is necessary. But with the divergent views of the young and the old regarding priorities and processes, how can these differences be reconciled? A realistic aim may be to forge a common understanding of the rules of the game regarding dialogue and, as much as possible, to reconcile the diverging visions by agreeing on a minimum common agenda of reforms that the interim government could initiate and that a future elected government could continue.

As discussions on the various reform commissions begin, the focus may be on the rules of engagement for all stakeholders—political parties, civil society, Gen-Z, and anti-discrimination activists—and the minimum common agenda for reforms. A part of this process would be the preparation of the July proclamation. The interim government seems eager to be involved, presumably to help minimise the generational divide, in formulating the July proclamation as a testament to the July-August uprising.

Nationwide local government elections at the union and upazila levels would allow citizens to engage in the political process and improve local services, which have become nonfunctional since the disbanding of local councils.

An agreement to hold an election for a constituent assembly within three months would start the process of settling constitutional and state structure questions with citizen participation. The adoption of a constitution would then pave the way for parliamentary elections, with its structure and character (bicameral, proportional representation, women's representation, etc) determined as prescribed in the newly adopted constitution. This step-by-step process would allow the necessary time and deliberation for the far-reaching reforms envisioned, helping to bridge the generational divide.

Dr Manzoor Ahmed is professor emeritus at Brac University, chair of the Bangladesh ECD Network (BEN), and adviser to Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE).​
 

Key governance reforms needed for a fairer Bangladesh

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FILE VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

Bangladesh has gone through several political transitions since its independence in 1971. Caretaker or interim governments in the past have often delivered important institutional reforms. The present team under Professor Mohammad Yunus is no exception. But to meet the expectations of Bangladeshis during this short window, a focused reform agenda is required.

Bangladesh has come far in the past 53 years, but its economic engines were starting to sputter in the aftermath of Covid and Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Recent data revisions suggest growth was considerably lower than previously estimated, while substantial capital flight weakened the financial sector's health. Add to this the continuous loss in international reserves during the 2022-24 period and persistently high inflation, and the economy by mid-2024 was not in the best of health.

With the move to a crawling peg exchange rate, the tightening of monetary policy, the alignment of prudential standards with international norms, the launch of an asset quality review, and the appointment of independent boards for several of the troubled banks, the Bangladesh Bank has already taken important steps to regain macroeconomic and financial stability. These should now be completed with the introduction of a robust bank resolution framework that gives the central bank the tools necessary to intervene in failing banks, enforce capital requirements, and, importantly, protect depositors.

While stabilising the economy is a priority, the roots of Bangladesh's recent turmoil lie in a crisis of governance. The interim government is pursuing a programme that can be described as one of full transparency and wide consultation to help put in place the rules and institutions needed to secure a fairer Bangladesh for the next generation. In the economic sphere, three priorities stand out:

First, today, the government loses a massive seven percent of GDP annually (about 3.5 lakh crore taka) from tax breaks awarded in non-transparent and arbitrary ways. While some tax incentives are justified, they should only be granted after a due process. Bangladesh does not have such a process and unsurprisingly has one of the highest rates of tax exemptions in the world. Transferring the authority to approve tax policy from the National Bureau of Revenues to the parliament, as is the case in almost all other countries globally, and separating tax policy from tax administration, are foundational reforms to ensure everyone pays their fair share.

The governance of public finances can also be strengthened by disclosing the winners and ownership of government contracts and granting independence to the Office of Comptroller and Auditor General. In the area of social assistance, the creation of a dynamic, unified social registry to better target welfare programmes is a positive step in the direction of greater transparency.

Second, lax regulation of banks allowed connected groups to secure loans that greatly increased the risks to banks. The Bangladesh Bank should require all banks to check and disclose their ultimate owners and borrowers and the links between them to manage risks.

In parallel, with the help of the international community, Bangladesh is working to recover some of the assets it believes were illicitly transferred out of the country. With a properly regulated banking system, the foundation would be laid for attracting additional investment into the sector, reducing the large stock of non-performing loans and rebooting private sector credit for growth and job creation.

Third, digital and data revolution offers great opportunities to strengthen public sector governance and service delivery. Reforms to bolster the quality and independence of the statistics system are under preparation. These could be complemented with the creation of a digital public infrastructure to make the public administration more transparent, user-friendly and efficient, following the example of other developing countries from Brazil to Estonia and Indonesia to India. Bangladesh—the country with the second largest population of digital gig workers—should not be far behind. A modern data protection framework, creating an interoperable digital payment system for mobile financial transactions, the creation of a unified digital ID system, and a consent-based data sharing framework could be priorities, as recommended by the task force on re-strategising the economy.

In strengthening the governance of public finances, the financial system and the administration of data and statistics, the interim government would leave a strong economic legacy on which all future elected governments could build.

Martin Raiser is vice president for the South Asia Region of the World Bank.​
 

Next govt should continue financial sector reform, bring back laundered money: Dr. Ahsan H. Mansur
UNB
Published :
Feb 21, 2025 00:12
Updated :
Feb 21, 2025 00:12

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Bangladesh Bank Governor Dr Ahsan H Mansur said the next government should continue the reform process in the banking sector and continue the interim government's initiatives to try and bring back laundered money.

Regarding bringing back the laundered money, the governor said, "No country has been able to bring back the laundered money in less than five years. We are trying. If this government is not able to do so, the next government should take this programme forward consistently."

He said this while speaking as the chief guest at a seminar on 'Macroeconomic Landscape: Challenges in the Banking Sector and the Path Ahead' held at the Economic Reporters Forum (ERF) auditorium in Paltan Tower, Dhaka, on Thursday.

The special guests at the seminar organised by ERF were Professor Dr. Mostafizur Rahman, Honorary Fellow of the Center for Policy Dialogue (CPD), and Mohammad Ali, Managing Director of Pubali Bank.

The governor said there are many challenges in the economy. However, there is no reason to worry about foreign exchange and reserves, he added. The decline in reserves has been stopped to some extent. Not a single penny has come from the IMF. But remittances have increased by 24 per cent. This month, it will cross 30 per cent.

In this fiscal year, remittances will cross $30 billion. The main reason for this is that money laundering has been prevented, he said.

Dr. Mansur also said, no dollars are being sold from Bangladesh Bank now. There is almost no difference in the dollar rate in the bank and the curb market.

Claiming that the remittance rate is not being manipulated, the governor said, a group in Dubai tried to manipulate the dollar. But the central bank was not affected by it.

He also said, private sector credit growth has decreased due to the decline in deposit growth. It is not because of the increase in policy rates. Government debt has decreased from 12 per cent to 9.0 per cent. Now banks will have to lend to the private sector.

"The days of lending to government and making profits are coming to an end. Banks have to make profits by lending," he pointed out.

The governor talked about reforming the banking sector, especially Bangladesh Bank.

He said, if a single family takes 87 per cent of a bank's money, it takes time for that bank to stand. Despite all this, Islamic banks have turned around. They have started giving loans. This happened mainly due to gaining the trust of depositors.

Regarding inflation, the governor said, inflation did not happen in a day. It takes at least 18 months to implement it after tightening the policy. In our case, it has been six to seven months. It will take at least another five months to see a good effect. We have still kept the monetary policy in a contractionary position.

The governor said that the central bank has taken many steps to reform the banking sector in Bangladesh after August 5. He said the exchange rate of foreign currencies is now much more stable. The real effective exchange rate is also good. The remittance flow is also good.

Regarding the changing the narrative of LDC graduation, the governor said, "No country in our group is now in the LDC category. Bangladesh has achieved the capacity to go to LDC in 2021. But under the pressure of our country's industrial sector, we extended the LDC transition time to 2026."

"There are many good aspects of graduation. There is no honour in being poor. Why can't we become a middle-income country? We are a middle-income country. Why should we remain a low-income country for tariff benefits?" he kept questioning.

ERF President Daulat Akhtar Mala delivered the welcome speech at the seminar. The programme was moderated by ERF's Joint Secretary Manik Muntasir.​
 

LOCAL GOVT REFORM: 2 uniform laws suggested
Staff Correspondent 23 February, 2025, 00:38

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- Local body polls possible in June: commission

- 84pc people want independent local govt commission: BBS

The Local Government Reform Commission has submitted a primary report to the government, recommending a comprehensive overhaul of the country’s local government system.

The reform commissions in its preliminary report also suggested two uniform laws for local government bodies and said that holding elections to all local government bodies simultaneously in June was possible.

The preliminary report along with a household survey report was published by the chief adviser’s press wing on Saturday.

The proposals aim to streamline governance, address legal complexities, and enhance the effectiveness of local governance in Bangladesh.

The preliminary report highlighted the current state of local government institutions in Bangladesh, which operate under a three-tier structure – the Union Parishads, the Upazila Parishads and Zila Parishads, as well as the municipalities and city corporations.

The report noted that, after the July mass uprising, local government institutions had been effectively non-operational, leaving a significant governance gap.

In this context, the commission said that simultaneous elections for all local government institutions by June 2025 were possible.

The commission recommended to merge the five laws for local government elections into two uniform laws-- one for Union Parishad, Upazila Parisahd and Zila Parishad and the other for municipalities and city corporations.

It said that the two unified laws can be introduced through an ordinance between March and April this year.

The elections for local government bodies in both plain lands and hilly areas may be conducted by June 2025, the commission said.

However, this will be possible only if a consensus is reached between the government, political parties, and the Election Commission, it said.

The commission led by retired professor Tofail Ahmed suggested simplifying the administrative procedures through these unified laws to reduce redundancy, improve coordination, and ease the election process.

The proposed reforms also advocated for a shift toward a parliamentary-style system within local government institutions.

This approach is intended to decentralise power further and ensure that local governance structures are more responsive to community needs, the commission said.

It suggested that local government bodies should operate similarly to the national parliamentary system,

with clear distinctions between legislative and executive roles.

The legislative aspect would be led by a ‘Sabhadhyakha,’ akin to the Speaker of the National Parliament, while the executive arm would be headed by a chairman or a mayor.

A key element of the proposed reforms is the establishment of a five-member permanent Local Government Commission by giving constitutional recognition.

This commission would oversee the implementation of the reform measures and ensure that local government structures are strengthened.

The report also proposed the creation of a ‘Local Government Service,’ providing career pathways and professional opportunities for local government employees and addressing manpower issues within these institutions.

A household survey conducted in January 2025 by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics revealed that approximately 84 per cent of people support the formation of an independent and powerful Local Government Commission through new legislation.

This survey, which covered over 46,000 households in rural and urban areas across 64 districts of the country, also highlighted that 77 per cent of respondents favour the introduction of a single, unified law for local government bodies to replace the existing complex framework of five laws and over 100 notifications and orders.

In terms of electoral preferences, 71 per cent of the survey participants believe that local government elections should not involve political party symbols, while 24 per cent support their inclusion.

The survey also found strong support for ensuring minimum educational qualifications for candidates of local government candidates.

Among respondents, 38 per cent favoured a Secondary School Certificate as the minimum qualification, while 30 per cent suggested the requirement of an HSC, and 25 per cent advocated for a university degree.

The survey also revealed that the public is increasingly concerned about the growing urbanisation in Bangladesh.

Approximately 85 per cent of the respondents expressed support for establishing urban planner offices at the upazila level to manage urban growth effectively.

Besides, 80 of those surveyed recommended the establishment of full civil and magistrate courts at the upazila level to serve local communities in a better way.​
 

Vested political interests may hinder reforms: law adviser
Staff Correspondent 25 February, 2025, 00:41

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Law adviser Asif Nazrul. | File photo

Law adviser Asif Nazrul on Monday said that political parties driven by vested interests always neglected reform initiatives.

Addressing a seminar at Dhaka University on ‘Students’ perspective and expectations on reforms in state institutions’, he said that political parties, in general, did not accept the reforms that would make them accountable to the people.

Vested political interests may hinder the refoarm initiatives taken by the interim government, he said.

He referred to the failures of previous political reform initiatives including the three-alliance political roadmap after the fall of the military ruler HM Ershad in the late 1990.

Supported by UNDP, the Centre on Budget and Policy organised the seminar at Professor Muzaffar Ahmed Chowdhury Auditorium at Dhaka University.

The law adviser said that a maximum of the reforms recommended by the six reform commissions would be possible if the majority of the political parties agreed and signed the ‘national charter’, or the ‘July charter’.

Citing the ongoing consensus-building approaches and drafting of the ‘national charter’ by the interim government, he said, ‘Only short-term reforms will take place if most of the political parties disagree with mid-term and long-term recommendations. But the students and mass people didn’t sacrifice their lives only for short-term remedies.’

If the political parties agree, an elected government can continue the reform activities, he said. The seminar began with a presentation of a study where 2024 students from 10 higher educational institutions responded.

Discussing the key findings, Dhaka University’s development studies teacher Professor Kazi Maruful Islam said that the majority of respondents wanted a proportional representation electoral system, grassroots opinion-based selection of candidates in the elections, political influence-free administration and anti-corruption drives, accessible judiciary and better services by police.

‘The students also recommended the abolition of all laws infringing their freedom of expression,’ he said.

Electoral reform commission chief and national consensus commission member Badiul Alam Majumder said that the fruits of the student-mass uprising might be snatched if the youths neglected the reform processes.

Another member of the consensus commission, Iftekharuzzaman, said that all the reform initiatives would be futile if there was no reform in the education sector and political parties.

Dhaka University’s sociology teacher Samina Lutfa said that the national consensus commission would not bring inclusive results if it excluded women and ethnic minority people from discussions.

Dhaka University vice chancellor Professor Niaz Ahmed Khan, Jatiya Nagarik Committee joint convener Sarwar Tusher, Chhatra Dal leader Mallick Wasi Uddin, Biplobi Chhatra Moitree president Nuzifa Hasin Rasha, Ganatantrik Chhatra Council leader Saidul Haque, social science student Sarbamitra Chakma, and physically challenged student Uzzal Mahmud also spoke.​
 

Reluctant to carry out economic reforms, frustration in the committee
Jahangir Shah
Dhaka
Published: 05 Mar 2025, 08: 49

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Two reports on economic reforms sit idle since there are no strong initiatives from the government to implement the recommendations, thus, confusion arises whether the expectation on the structural reform to the economy would be fulfilled.

The interim government prepared two reports on the corruption and irregularities in the economy during the autocrat Awami League governments, as well as on determining future economic strategies. One of the two reports is the whitepaper formulated by the committee led by Debapriya Bhattacharya, Distinguished Fellow at Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) and Convener of the Citizen's Platform for SDGs, while another is the report of the taskforce led by former director general of Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS) KAS Murshid.

The whitepaper was submitted to Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus on 1 December 2024 and the taskforce report on 30 January. Since no significant steps have yet been taken to implement the recommendations of the two reports, frustration grew among the committee members, with several members opining the government is not paying attention to economic reforms.

When asked, Debapriya Bhattacharya, head of the Committee on the preparation for White Paper on the State of Bangladesh Economy, told Prothom Alo, Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus owns the whitepaper but those who are relevant from his advisory council did not own it. Perhaps, there is a lack of capacity to carry out reforms as per the report, or the atmosphere that the interim government is passing through is not favourable for reforms.

There had been much discussion on corruption, irregularities, money laundering, and whimsical economic management that occurred during the 15-year rule of Awami League governments, which was overthrown by the July mass uprising on 5 August last year.

The interim government took office on 8 August. The new government formed various commissions, committees and taskforces aimed at carrying out reforms in different sectors. So far, 11 commissions have filed full reports so far and another submitted a summary.

A National Conesus Commission led by the chief adviser was formed to review and adopt the recommendations submitted by the six reform commissions. The Conesus Commission held a phase of discussion with the political parties. Discussion will start with the political parties soon to take the latter’s opinions. However, no definite action was seen on the whitepaper and the taskforce report.

A top official of the finance ministry told Prothom Alo, “The budget of the next fiscal year will reflect the recommendations of the whitepaper and the taskforce report and work has begun accordingly. However, all recommendations of the two reports cannot be implemented overnight, it has to be done in phases. This government will start several recommendations and the next governments will do the remaining ones.”

Whitepaper sits idle for three months

Led by Debapriya Bhattacharya, the committee to formulate the whitepaper was formed on 29 August. The 12-member committee included

Professor AK Enamul Haque, Dean of Faculty of Business and Economics, East West University, Ferdaus Ara Begum,Chief Executive Officer, Business Initiative Leading Development (BUILD), Imran Matin, Executive Director 0f BRAC Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD), BRAC University, Dr Kazi Iqbal, Senior Research Fellow of Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS), Dr M Tamim, Professor of Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) and former Special Assistant to the Chief Advisor (2008), Dr Mohammad Abu Eusuf, Professor of Department of Development Studies, University of Dhaka, Professor Mustafizur Rahman, Distinguished Fellow, Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), Dr Selim Raihan, Professor of Department of Economics, University of Dhaka, and Executive Director, South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM), Dr Sharmind Neelormi, Professor, Department of Economics, Jahangirnagar University, Dr Zahid Hossain, former lead economist, World Bank and eminent columnist attended the meeting while Dr Tasneem Arefa Siddiqui, former professor, Department of Political Science, University of Dhaka, and founding chair, Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU).

The whitepaper committee submitted a 397-page report after three months highlighting various irregularities that include lootings, money laundering, irregularities in banking sectors and power sector corruption, as well as placing various recommendations for economic reforms.

According to the White Paper, a total of USD 234 billion or approximately Tk 28 trillion was siphoned off abroad during the tenures of the Awami League governments between 2009 and 2023.

It is estimated that between Tk 1.61 trillion and Tk 2.80 trillion have been used as bribes and extortion at various levels, solely derived from public expenditure on development projects.

Between Tk 770 billion and Tk 980 billion of these were simply bribes paid to government officials while between Tk 700 billion and Tk 1.40 trillion were extortions by politicians and their accomplices and the rest are spent on collusive payments. Most of them live aboard.

About USD 60 billion or Tk 7.20 trillion has been spent through the annual development programme (ADP) over the past 15 years, but USD 14 billion (23 per cent) or approximately Tk 1.61 trillion to USD 24 billion (40 per cent) or approximately Tk 2.80 trillion of it was wasted and looted in the name of development projects during this period.

According to the White Paper, trillions of takas were embezzled from the stock market through fraud, manipulation, placement shares, and deceit in the IPO process. Banks were taken over in collusion with the state agencies over the course of one and a half decades. The default loans of the banking sector amounted to Tk 6.75 trillion in the country, which is equivalent to the cost of constructing 14 metro rails or 24 Padma bridges.

The committee to formulate the whitepaper recommended structural reforms to remove these irregularities and corruption from the economy, and drew immediate focus on seven aspects. These are; (1) rolling out an economic stabilisation programme, (2) delineating a framework for the national budget for 2025-26 fiscal, (3) proposing a mid-term planning format, (4) identifying priority reform domains, (5) operationalising a robust transition strategy for LDC graduation, (6) accelerating substantive delivery of the SDGs and (7) hosting a forum for inclusive and sustainable development.

There is no visible progress on the seven recommendations, although several initiatives have been taken to control inflation and prevent the foreign currency reserve fall to bring economic stability.

The white paper committee held a discussion on the white paper in a hotel in the capital on 18 January. It was attended by adviser Sheikh Bashiruddin Ahmed. Sources say the committee wanted finance adviser Salehuddin Ahmed and Bangladesh Bank governor Ahsan H Mansur to attend the event. But they did not attend the programme.

Debapriya Bhattacharya explained the interim government’s activities over the economy of the country from three perspectives.

He said first the white paper has revealed the economic characteristics of the previous government. Second, the government has taken several initiatives to strengthen the economy, including controlling inflation rate. The interim government deserves half the marks for that. Third, the government has failed to achieve any notable progress in terms of infrastructural reform of the economy.

In his opinion, the discussion of the election has come to the fore now. The countdown of the interim government has started. The time to make the most of the opportunity to reform the nation is flying fast. He stressed on prioritising economic reform in the election manifesto of the political parties for the upcoming elections, he said.

Recommendation of the taskforce

The other members of the taskforce, named “Re-strategising the economy and mobilising resources for equitable and sustainable development” apart from KAS Murshid are - former World Bank official Akhtar Mahmood, Dhaka University’s economics department professor Selim Raihan, former head of the research department of Commonwealth secretariat Abdur Razzak, Yale University’s economics department professor Mushfiq Mobarak, BUET professor Shamsul Haque, Dhaka University’s economics department professor Rumana Huque, former president of MCCI Nasim Manzoor, BIDS research director Monzur Ahmed, CPD executive director of Fahmida Khatun, BDjobs chief executive officer AKM Fahim Mashroor and GED member Md. Kawser Ahmed.

The taskforce was formed on 11 September. On 30 January, they submitted their 526-page report to the chief adviser which contained several recommendations regarding a number of socioeconomic issues. One of the most notable recommendations was – introduction of a progressive revenue system which will allow collecting more revenue from the rich. The taskforce also asked to stress on increasing allocation for education and health and making relevant services more available and affordable. The taskforce also has specific proposals.

The advisory council discussed the report during a meeting held in February. A decision was taken that the council will scrutinise those recommendations and all ministries will implement those during the tenure of this government. Council also asked to submit a list of the recommendations that should be implemented in the next advisory council meeting. However, there has not been much progress in this regard since then.

For instance, there was a recommendation of dividing the Bangladesh Biman to two sections to privatise it. It has been learnt that there has been no discussion in the Civil Aviation Authority or in the Ministry of Tourism as yet. Apart from this, it has been recommended to increase exports by serving 1500 companies that export more than 1 million dollars a year. However, the ministry of commerce is yet to take any action regarding this.

SANEM (South Asian Network on Economic Modelling) executive director Selim Raihan was a member of both white paper committee and the taskforce. He expressed frustration for not taking any initiative to implement the recommendations made by these two bodies.

Speaking to Prothom Alo, Selim Raihan said, “A partisan government is never interested in reforms. People inside and outside the party obstruct in case the party takes any reform initiatives. However, the interim government has no such obstruction. Despite that, there has been no initiative so far.”

Asked why the government is not being able to implement the recommendations, Selim Raihan said, “This government does not have the support of the bureaucrats. The time for these reforms is flying fast. People now are talking more about the elections rather than the reform.”

The commerce adviser said while addressing a CPD event on 24 February that he did not get the taskforce report. Taskforce chief KAS Murshid was surprised to hear that. However, the report was published on the website of the planning ministry right after it was handed over to the chief adviser.

The taskforce has prepared the report under the planning ministry. However, the planning adviser was not present in the two-day conference that started 24 February.

‘Good policy without implementation’

Dhaka chamber former president Abul Kashem Khan told Prothom Alo, “The country adopts good policies. But they have never been implemented. We expect a lot from the interim government. So the government must implement the recommendations made by the white paper committee and the taskforce. The entire process would be easier if the businesspersons could be involved. The businesspersons will find some confidence in the government, if it can implement at least two to four of these recommendations.”

This report appeared in the print and online editions of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten in English by Hasanul Banna and Ashis Basu​
 

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