New Tweets

[🇧🇩] Save the Rivers/Forests/Hills-----Save the Environment

G Bangladesh Defense
[🇧🇩] Save the Rivers/Forests/Hills-----Save the Environment
538
16K
More threads by Saif


The Bangladesh delta plan: Between certainty and reality

21 March 2026, 15:00 PM
Willem van Deursen

My colleagues called me the Banana Man.

Not because I was particularly yellow, or easy to peel, but because of the way I ate bananas. I would strip the skin away completely, touching the fruit with my hands. My Bangladeshi colleagues found this endlessly amusing.

"The banana has its own packaging," they said. "Why strip it all away?"

Friendly laughter. Gentle teasing. But looking back now, I think the joke carried a truth I wasn't ready to hear. Perhaps I was always stripping away what was already there, the natural wrapping, the local knowledge, the lived experience, in order to get to what I thought was the essential thing underneath. Perhaps that was my mistake. And perhaps it took me twenty-five years of travelling to Bangladesh to understand it.

The journey itself is not subtle. Eleven hours in the air, then Dhaka. Chaotic, loud, overwhelming, beautiful in its own relentless way. And then, almost immediately, the bubble closes around you: the hotel, the office, the project meetings, the PowerPoints. The familiar rhythm of international development work, which has a way of making every city feel like every other city, as long as you stay inside it.

For years, that was my Bangladesh. I was a solid engineer. I knew the science, I trusted my models, I had the data and the computing power to back up everything I said. I told myself I understood the delta.

I did not understand the delta.

In September 2018, I was part of the Dutch team working on the Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100, a document that dared to think eighty years ahead in a country where cyclones do not wait and policies change quickly. Long sessions. Heated debates. Whiteboards covered in arrows. I survived those sessions on bananas.

We had a remarkable team: Bangladeshi experts, Dutch colleagues, modellers, planners, economists. Those were good days. And yet, even then, something sat at the edge of my awareness. We could talk, we could model, we could laugh together. But this was more their delta than ours. They carried an intimate knowledge, a lived experience that I could never fully access from behind my models.

When the Government of Bangladesh approved the Delta Plan, I felt proud. The Dutch water sector had contributed substantially. At that moment, confidence felt like exactly what Bangladesh deserved.

As a Dutch water professional, I should have been more careful with my enthusiasm.

The moment I truly understood my limits was not dramatic. It was quieter than that, and in some ways more unsettling.

I was sitting with a group of community members in rural Bangladesh. We had our models, our outputs, our maps. I was proud of what we had built.

I watched their faces as we presented.

1774400502106.webp

Typical stages of project development and implementation. Credits: Author


They were polite—Bangladeshi hospitality is genuine and disarming—but something was wrong. They could not recognise what we were showing them. Not because they lacked intelligence, but because we were describing a system that bore little relationship to the system they actually lived in. We were talking about flood risk and hydraulic gradients. They were talking about where their children go to school when the water rises, whether their land would still be theirs next season, how a family decides when to move, when to stay, and what gets left behind either way.

I was speaking the language of the expert. They were speaking the language of experience. Those are not the same language.

The models were not wrong, exactly. The science was sound. But the models were answering questions that nobody in that room had asked. We had travelled eleven hours to show people a mirror, and the mirror was reflecting something they did not recognise as themselves. It was reflecting us, the experts, not them, the locals.

I returned to Dhaka in 2022 for an international conference on the Delta Plan. The halls were full. Slides polished. Words like integrated, transformative, climate-proof floated through the air. And yet something had shifted. The plan that once felt like a national narrative now read like a sector document. The voices of farmers, youth, and local communities were absent.

During a coffee break, I stood at a window overlooking the city. A colleague joined me. We stood in silence for a moment.

"Do you think it will work?" I asked.

He smiled. "Not the way we planned it."

We laughed. Not bitterly, but with something like relief.

This is, I have come to believe, the central problem with the way the Dutch engage with water management beyond our own borders. We arrive carrying assumptions we have never examined. In the Netherlands, floods are fear. Boundaries are rigid: water here, land there. In Bangladesh, floods bring life. Fresh sediments enrich the land. Traditional communities understand the delta as dynamic, fluid. Adaptation is not about stopping the flow; it is about moving along with it.

1774400542838.webp

Sketching the logic, debating the data, and seeking the mandate. Credits: Author

And there is something even deeper we choose to ignore. In the Netherlands, we have an extraordinary trust in government, built over centuries of shared water management, and of knowing that if your neighbour's dike fails, yours fails too. We assume, when we export our solutions, that this social contract travels with them. It does not. In many of the places we work, the relationship between communities and the state is defined not by trust but by abandonment. People have learned to build their own resilience outside of any masterplan, including ours.
When we ignore this, we are not just making a technical error. We are making a human one.

Here is the detail that humbles me most. In one of our projects, we proposed dynamic polder management, allowing controlled flooding, moving with the water rather than against it. The Bangladeshi experts resisted. Too soft. Not infrastructural enough. They wanted embankments, gates, certainty.

Years later, the Netherlands adopted the same approach. We called it dynamic coastal management. Cutting-edge, innovative, distinctly Dutch. Our Gift to the World.

It was the same concept. The same logic Bangladesh had practised for generations.

Perhaps knowledge does not travel in straight lines. Perhaps it travels in loops.

When I returned to Dhaka after the conference, a colleague greeted me with a grin and a bag of bananas.

"For you," he said. "We remember."

It meant more to me than any conference applause.

I am still an engineer. I still believe in models, data, and technical expertise. But expertise without humility is just another way of not listening. And in a world where the people most affected by floods and rising seas are rarely in the room when decisions are made, not listening is not a neutral act.

The most important distance in this work is not the eleven hours between Rotterdam and Dhaka. It is the distance between your certainty and someone else's reality.

Travel the last 100 metres. Sit down. Strip away a little less. And pay attention to what was already there.

Willem van Deursen is a senior integrated water resources expert and founder of Carthago Consultancy, with over 25 years of experience using modeling at the interface of hydrology, policy, and livelihoods to improve people’s lives.​
 
Analyze

Analyze Post

Add your ideas here:
Highlight Cite Respond

Sorting out Dhaka's trash crisis

SYED MUHAMMED SHOWAIB
Published :
Mar 28, 2026 00:10
Updated :
Mar 28, 2026 00:10

1774656564176.webp


There are cities where garbage is a problem, and then there is Dhaka, where garbage has become a condition of existence. It lines the waterways, chokes the drains after moderate rainfalls and piles high on street corners waiting for collection that never seems to come. Much of it eventually finds its way to two vast dumping grounds on the edges of the capital. One, in Aminbazar, absorbs the waste generated under Dhaka North City Corporation, while the other, Matuail landfill, bears the burden of the South. These are the places where the grim work of waste management reaches its final, forsaken stage. However, if any single site captures just how catastrophic this condition has become, it is Matuail landfill. Originally designated a sanitary landfill, it has since degenerated into a sprawling 181-acre hazard zone, a menace that threatens the very air residents breathe and the water they depend on.

In recent months, methane accumulation beneath the waste at Matuail has caused the landfill to catch fire repeatedly and without warning. Thick plumes of toxic smoke rise from the site and drift across large parts of South Dhaka, seeping into homes, schools and hospitals. The smell of burning plastic and decomposing refuse becomes inescapable for those nearby, and breathing difficulties follow close behind. What makes these episodes particularly alarming is not only their intensity but their reach. The smoke has been known to travel as far as Motijheel, extending its impact well beyond its immediate surroundings.

The scale of waste that arrives at Matuail every day is almost unimaginable in its sheer volume. Between 3,200 and 3,500 tonnes of solid waste are deposited there daily, the combined refuse of over 20 million people living in one of the most densely populated urban agglomerations on earth. Over the past three decades, daily waste generation across the two city corporations has more than doubled to over 7,500 tonnes, but the infrastructure meant to absorb this relentless tide has failed to keep pace. The Matuail landfill was established in 1989 on 50 acres. Its designed capacity was exhausted by 2006. An additional 50 acres were subsequently added and by 2020 even the expanded site had been overwhelmed. Today, the garbage mounds at Matuail rise between 50 and 80 feet in many places, a physical monument to what decades of administrative and political negligence inevitably produce when left unchecked.

Understandably, what transforms a landfill from an eyesore into a public health emergency is its absence of scientific management. In a properly engineered sanitary landfill, waste is compacted and covered with soil at regular intervals, leachate is collected and treated to prevent contamination of groundwater, and gas collection systems capture methane produced by organic decomposition before it can reach dangerous levels. None of these basic standards are being met at Matuail landfill. Waste is dumped without soil covering while budget constraints and staff shortages have become the habitual official excuses.

In 2021, the Canadian greenhouse gas monitoring firm GHGSat (greenhouse gas satellite) estimated methane emissions from the decomposing organic matter at the landfill at around four tonnes per hour, a figure that has almost certainly risen since. This methane accumulates within the waste layers until it ignites. Sometimes this happens through solar heat and spontaneous combustion. Sometimes it happens because workers deliberately set fire to garbage to reduce its volume.

Environmental scientists describe the practice of burning waste at landfills as a crime against public health, and for good reason. The toxic plume rising from burning mixed waste, which in Dhaka's case combines organic material, plastic, polythene, metals and industrial residue all dumped together without any separation, releases dioxins, furans, heavy metals and fine particulate matter that are acutely harmful at any level of sustained exposure. Its consequences are devastating and also quantifiable at a city-wide scale. Dhaka regularly ranks among the most polluted cities in the world, with an average air quality index hovering around 200 and periodic spikes exceeding 600, well within hazardous range. The National Institute of Diseases of the Chest and Hospital, the country's primary respiratory care facility, treated around 195,000 patients last year, with doctors attributing the steady rise directly to worsening air quality.

This is the reality against which the current administration's recent initiatives must be assessed. The administrator of Dhaka South City Corporation has announced a signed agreement with a South Korean private firm to process the daily waste arriving at Matuail and convert it into gas, electricity and fertiliser. At the policy level, the BUET has been brought into discussions on whether the heavy machinery required for waste processing can be developed domestically rather than imported. In a separate move, prime minister Tarique Rahman has paid Eid bonuses to waste management workers from personal funds, a gesture that gave recognition to a long-neglected workforce. These are not trivial steps, and it would be unfair to dismiss them as purely performative. The intent behind them, if followed through with institutional seriousness and sustained political attention, could represent a genuine beginning.

One fundamental, indispensable requirement, however, continues to be ignored, and that is the source segregation of waste at the collection stage. This is the most elementary requirement of any modern waste management system and the one that remains entirely absent from Dhaka's practice. In countries with functional infrastructure, separating organic from inorganic waste at the point of generation is so basic it amounts to a civic habit instilled from childhood. In Dhaka, everything goes into the same bin, the same collection van, the same landfill, producing the methane-rich, fire-prone, leachate-contaminated disaster that Matuail has become. No processing facility, whether Korean-built or domestically engineered with BUET's assistance, can operate at meaningful efficiency on unsegregated mixed waste. The current administration's partnerships and pilot plants will succeed or fail entirely on whether the government is willing to invest in the upstream changes that begin at the household level, with every resident sorting what rots from what does not before it ever reaches a collection van. Without that foundation, the new facilities risks becoming yet another piece of underused infrastructure, another well-intentioned initiative that would never reach their stated purpose.​
 
Analyze

Analyze Post

Add your ideas here:
Highlight Cite Respond

Beyond Acacia and Eucalyptus: Rethinking forest restoration in Bangladesh

28 March 2026, 00:43 AM

Reza Khan

Bangladesh is part of one of the world’s richest biodiversity regions, yet its natural forests continue to shrink and degrade. In response, plantation programmes using fast-growing exotic species such as Acacia and Eucalyptus are often promoted as quick solutions to restore tree cover and meet timber demand. But an important question remains: can monoculture plantations truly replace the ecological functions of natural forests? The answer to that question will shape the future of Bangladesh’s forests and wildlife.

A legacy shaping forest management

Since the birth of Bangladesh in 1971, the country’s forestry administration has largely been shaped by institutional traditions inherited from earlier periods. The forestry bureaucracy evolved from the colonial forestry system established under the British Empire between 1864 and 1947, continued through the Pakistan period (1947–1971), and eventually became the foundation of the modern Bangladesh Forest Department.

This historical legacy has profoundly influenced how forests have been managed over the past half-century. Colonial forestry systems were primarily designed to secure timber resources for administrative and commercial purposes. As a result, forest management often focused on timber production rather than ecological restoration or biodiversity conservation. Although Bangladesh today recognises the importance of environmental sustainability, many elements of earlier management approaches continue to shape policies and practices.

1774744956093.webp


The pitiable condition of a Eucalyptus plantation inside Chunati Wildlife Sanctuary, where a wetland has been converted into an illegal fish farm. (Taken on June 27, 2025).

Declining natural forests

Despite having legal authority over large areas designated as Reserved Forests and Protected Areas since the late nineteenth century, forest governance in Bangladesh has faced persistent challenges. Over the decades, natural forests have declined both in area and ecological quality. In many cases, forest lands have been converted into commercial plantations or gradually lost to encroachment, settlement expansion, and infrastructure development.

The condition of several protected areas illustrates this challenge. Chunati Wildlife Sanctuary, declared in 1986 to protect forest ecosystems and wildlife habitats, has long been regarded as an important conservation site. Yet observations from researchers and conservationists indicate that parts of the sanctuary have suffered from degradation, encroachment, and changes in land use. These situations highlight the continuing difficulty of enforcing forest protection laws and maintaining ecological integrity in protected areas.

Such examples raise broader questions about the effectiveness of forest governance. Strengthening monitoring, enforcement, and long-term conservation planning remains essential if the country’s remaining natural forests are to be preserved.

The rise of plantation forestry

Against this background, debates over plantation forestry have intensified. The Bangladesh Forest Department has historically promoted fast-growing exotic species such as Acacia auriculiformis and Eucalyptus camaldulensis in degraded forest areas. These species were widely introduced under social forestry and crop-sharing programmes, often supported by international development initiatives.

From a production perspective, such species offer certain advantages. They grow rapidly, provide fuelwood and timber within a relatively short time, and can quickly create visible green cover on degraded landscapes. For a country facing increasing demand for wood and energy resources, these characteristics have made them attractive options for plantation programmes.

However, the ecological implications of large-scale monoculture plantations remain widely debated. While fast-growing exotic species can produce timber efficiently, they do not necessarily restore the ecological functions of natural forests. Natural forests support complex biodiversity, including mammals, birds, reptiles, insects, and micro-organisms, along with intricate soil systems and hydrological processes. Recreating these ecological relationships through single-species plantations is extremely difficult.

Bangladesh is also a signatory to several international environmental agreements that emphasise biodiversity conservation and ecosystem restoration. These commitments further highlight the need to evaluate plantation policies carefully in relation to long-term ecological sustainability.

Lessons from regional experience

Recent discussions within the forestry community reflect differing perspectives on this issue. Some officials argue that Bangladesh should reconsider restrictions on planting species such as Acacia and Eucalyptus, citing examples from neighbouring countries like India, where these species are cultivated widely for timber and pulp production.

However, developments within India itself illustrate a more nuanced approach. In the southern state of Kerala, forestry policy has increasingly recognised ecological concerns associated with monoculture plantations. The state’s forestry programmes now emphasise sustainable plantation management, agroforestry, ecological restoration, and biodiversity conservation.

According to the Kerala Forest Department, efforts are being made to integrate traditional practices with modern techniques in order to enhance productivity while conserving ecosystem services. In several areas, policies have also encouraged the gradual restoration of exotic plantations into more natural forest ecosystems that support biodiversity, water regulation, carbon storage, and wildlife habitats.

These developments demonstrate that plantation forestry and ecological restoration need not be mutually exclusive, but they require careful planning and clear conservation priorities.

Restoring indigenous forest ecosystems

Many conservationists and environmental researchers emphasise that restoring degraded forests ultimately requires rebuilding indigenous ecological communities. Native tree species have evolved within local ecosystems over thousands of years and therefore support complex interactions with wildlife, soil organisms, and surrounding vegetation.

1774745031069.webp

An Acacia monoculture in Sherpur is failing to prevent landslides. (Taken on May 26, 2025). Photos: Dr. Reza Khan

In Bangladesh’s tropical and subtropical forests, indigenous species such as Sal and diverse mixed-evergreen trees provide habitat and food resources for a wide range of wildlife. These forests also play critical roles in stabilising soils, regulating water systems, and maintaining microclimates that support biodiversity.

Planting native species in restoration programmes can therefore help to re-establish ecological processes that monoculture plantations often fail to replicate. While this approach may take longer to produce visible results than fast-growing exotic plantations, it contributes more effectively to long-term ecosystem recovery.

A balanced way forward

A balanced approach may offer the most practical path forward. Fast-growing plantation species could still play a role in designated production forests or community forestry areas, where timber supply and fuelwood production are primary objectives. Such plantations may help reduce pressure on remaining natural forests.

However, in degraded natural forests, wildlife sanctuaries, and biodiversity-rich landscapes, restoration strategies based on indigenous species and ecological principles are likely to produce more sustainable outcomes.

The larger issue, however, goes beyond the choice between exotic and native species. Bangladesh’s forest future ultimately depends on strengthening governance systems, improving monitoring and enforcement, preventing illegal land occupation, and adopting science-based restoration strategies.

Dr Reza Khan is a wildlife biologist and conservationist with over four decades of experience in wildlife research, zoo management, and biodiversity conservation in Bangladesh and the United Arab Emirates.​
 
Analyze

Analyze Post

Add your ideas here:
Highlight Cite Respond

Latest Posts

Back
PKDefense - Recommended Toggle