🇧🇩 Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

Lessons from Bangladesh

Photo: Prabir Das/Star/File

AFTER the tragic loss of an estimated 300 students during a fatal crackdown on protests in Bangladesh, the world stands captivated by the power of young students who led the demonstrations against Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the longest-serving prime minister of the country since its independence from Pakistan in 1971. She was forced to flee the country after over 15 years in power and a brutal campaign of weakening and persecuting any political opposition.

The issue arose with students' frustration at the inability to compete for lucrative government jobs, more than half of which were reserved under various quotas, the largest being the 30 per cent allocation for the children and grandchildren of those who fought for Bangladesh's independence.

This 30pc quota had been scrapped in 2018 after student protests, but the high court reinstated it in 2024 soon after Sheikh Hasina's fourth consecutive victory in a questionable election, widely cited as an unfair one.

When the students started demonstrating against the quota in order to gain their rightful share in taxpayer-funded government jobs on merit, the government and the students body linked with the ruling party responded violently, beating and killing students at Dhaka University. These protests spilled into the streets, transforming into an expression of frustration with the autocratic rule of the Awami League.

It should be encouraging that students in Bangladesh are taking a stand against nepotism.

It is being touted as the first revolution to be led by Gen-Z, the first digital native generation defined by its resolute no-nonsense attitude. Whereas understandably there is a lot of scepticism about whether this will lead to true democracy in Bangladesh — which will require a lot more than a series of demonstrations — it signals the approach of Gen-Z, which is shifting attitudes and practices in a post Covid-19 world as they enter the workforce. There are several lessons for the region and the world from the Bangladeshi Gen-Z's successful campaign against the Awami League government.

First, it shows the frustration that a lack of meritocracy in a state can lead to, especially when it has an economic impact. Universities in Bangladesh led the freedom movement in 1971 when the then East Pakistan was denied recognition of Bengali as an official language despite half the population speaking it. It should be encouraging that students are demanding merit and taking a stand against nepotism and favouritism-based quotas. States must ensure that public sector systems are fair.

Second, several commentators have pointed out that economic success in a country may not be enough to buy a population's acquiescence. Basic rights and equal distribution of resources are key for young people, the lack of which can lead to the toppling of a strong repressive government. Despite documented growth of above 8pc in Bangladesh, people were frustrated by the nepotism of and suppression by the regime, which resulted in unemployment among skilled youth. Assuming that economic prosperity in a pluralistic society will silence dissent is to fool oneself.

Third, censorship of the press and social media, and shutdown of internet and mobile phone networks are not effective in quelling protests and getting the word out in this day and age. Despite a countrywide internet shutdown in Bangladesh, the young protesters persisted and achieved what they had set out to do, all the while using various tools to get information out. It is prudent to listen to the voices of citizens, especially those who shape the nation and its future, rather than attempting to suppress them. Investment in digital repression is counterproductive and futile, especially when public funds that should be spent on progress and development are spent on stunting the potential of the digital economy. Nobody wants to do business with or hire talent from a country where internet shutdowns and the censorship of applications and websites are widespread and arbitrary. According to various estimates by watchdogs, internet shutdowns in Bangladesh cost the economy billions of dollars in the past month.

Fourth, the patriotism of the soldiers in Bangladesh must be appreciated. There is nothing more patriotic than refusing to fire at one's own citizens for demanding their rights, something everyone is entitled to do. Militaries must not turn against their own people as that is the job of occupiers, and not of one's own military that is sustained by the taxpayers. After all, the state belongs to its people and is built by them; orders to attack them must have no place in society.

Fifth, it is inevitable that people will rise against political persecution, illegitimate power grabbed through rigged elections, and a compromised judiciary. Political parties have more to gain by governing through legitimacy rather than relying on state machinery that engineers the usurping of legitimacy and undermining the will of the people.

Moving forward, the challenges for any decentralised youth-led change movement after initial success are two-fold. First, strategising to avoid being co-opted by local actors, such as the military or political parties, who can take advantage of the power vacuum for their own benefit. In such a situation, it is key for representatives of the students to insist on being a meaningful part of any process of change built on the blood and struggle of well-meaning youth.

Second, and the tougher one intrinsically linked to the self-serving cooperation of local power-brokers, is ensuring that the local struggle does not fall victim to the strategic games of international power-brokers who reject any local democratic processes, as was seen in Egypt in the aftermath of the Arab Spring protests. This should hold true even if the short-term objectives of the movement align with the foreign powers' objectives in the region. The US helped install dictator Gen Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Egypt after helping him topple a democratically elected government led by Mohamed Morsi after 'Dictator-General' Hosni Mubarak was forced to step down by young protesters.

The power of a frustrated and informed young polity cannot be underestimated, and their struggle and idealism must not go to waste.

[The writer is director of Bolo Bhi, an advocacy forum for digital rights.]​

 

[Saif]

Tales of the revolution from Chattogram

Throughout the days of fear, uncertainty and lack of security during the revolution, the students of Chattogram remained united and steadfast while after the revolution, they took it upon themselves to help out the community. The change, brought forward by the students, can now be felt...

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Tales of the revolution from Chattogram

Photo: Rajib Raihan

Bangladesh just witnessed a one-of-a-kind student movement which later transformed into a revolution, leading to the historical downfall of the Prime Minister. The whole country stepped forward and Chattogram was no different, living up to its name of "Bir Chattala." Throughout the movement, the students of Chattogram remained united while after the revolution, they took it upon themselves to help the community. The change, brought forward by the students, can now be felt throughout the city.

Mostafa Jishan, a student of University of Science and Technology Chittagong (USTC) says, "Honestly, I had nothing to do with the quota reform. My mother is a government employee and I, myself, can use the quota. However, when I witnessed the unjust shooting of Abu Sayed, I had to join the protest. How can the government allow law enforcement personnel to shoot innocent students like this?"

The students had to go through unprecedented horror. One such experience was shared by Tahamid Chowdhury Priyom, a student of Chittagong University of Engineering & Technology (CUET).

"The experience on July 19 at Bahaddarhat still haunts me. A student was shot right in his chest. There was no ambulance. He was taken to the hospital in a rickshaw by some of his friends. To this day, I still don't know if he is alive or not."

Reazul Islam Remon of Chittagong University (CU) says, "There was a lot of gunfire at Muradpur just before the curfew started and my family was scared. I had a long beard, but my mother forced me to trim it."

Another daunting experience was faced by Md Sadek Al Sunny of International Islamic University of Chittagong (IIUC) who says, "On August 4, we went to New Market where people were being attacked by law enforcement personnel. I was really close to the frontline when chaos ensued. More than 200 of us quickly took shelter inside Shah Amanat Market but thugs kept looking for us. We hid there until four in the afternoon when we were rescued. I witnessed two women getting shot and killed near Hazari Market that day. My biggest regret is having to leave their bodies behind."

The coordination amongst the protestors played a big role for the protest to succeed and it was the student coordinators who enabled it. One of them was Mohammed Tawsif, a student of East Delta University (EDU). When asked about how he became a coordinator, he said, "I joined as a protestor but was selected as the coordinator from East Delta University later on."

He recalls how he was constantly at risk throughout the protest, due to being a coordinator, "I had reasons to believe law enforcement personnel were looking for me and when they were conducting raids, they were targeting coordinators. Two coordinators from different universities that lived nearby got arrested. I was in fear that I could be next"

The risk was even greater when he was out on the streets. He says, "There were many instances where I was either chased or beaten by law enforcement personnel or goons. At Cheragi Pahar, I inhaled tear gas for the first time and I started vomiting and needed to rest. On August 4 alone, there were many moments where I thought I would die. One of those moments was at Jubilee Road in front of Golam Rasul Market. A person who was standing right beside me got shot. It could easily have been me."

However, after a tough journey, the objective was achieved, and it was special for Tawsif.

"When I got confirmation that the Prime Minister (PM) had resigned, I cried. Mentally, I had prepared to fight for the whole month of August. There were days I thought I wouldn't make it alive or get arrested. My sister would cry and not eat – waiting for me. After receiving the news, I felt relief that all the sleepless nights were worth it," he shares.

After the Prime Minister's resignation on August 5, there was joy but there were also instances of violence. One such experience was shared by Mona Ahmed, a student of Jahangirnagar University. She says, "My experience at the victory procession was terrifying. After hearing about the PM's resignation, I immediately joined the procession with my friends. We walked towards Dampara from GEC Circle, and law enforcement personnel threw tear shells and sound grenades at us near BAWA School and College.

We took shelter at Shilpokola. We decided to head back home but then my mother called to inform me that an angry mob had gathered outside my house, looking for a local leader that lived next door with his family. The individual has a wife and kids who are completely innocent, why must they suffer for someone else's crime? I decided to stay at a friend's house for the time being, but I was scared for my family's safety."

Another troubling experience was faced by Sudipto*. He says, "When the PM's resignation was announced, I was happy for my country, but I also knew us minorities would be at risk. The attacks began the next day. I had to advise my own mother not to wear shakha and shindur outside. Why must I feel so insecure in my own home? Every time we voice our concerns, people tell us to be patient. They fail to understand that all we need is for them to hear us and stand by us in these troubled times."

Amidst the tough times, Sudipto also went out to help the community, "I've been involved in cleaning and wall painting activities near the Central Railway Building. I consider this my duty as a citizen of the country. Playing a part in its reform and development is the least I can do."

*Name has been changed upon request.​

 

[Saif]

Four new teams formed to rebuild Anti-discrimination Student Movement

Four new teams have been formed to restructure the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, a platform which was launched to force the Awami League government to reform quotas in public service jobs. The teams are named as organising wing, programme implementation wing, media and communication wing,

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Four new teams formed to rebuild Anti-discrimination Student Movement
bdnews24.com
Published :
Aug 20, 2024 00:14
Updated :
Aug 20, 2024 00:14

Four new teams have been formed to restructure the Anti-discrimination Student Movement, a platform which was launched to force the Awami League government to reform quotas in public service jobs.

The teams are named as organising wing, programme implementation wing, media and communication wing, and authorisation wing.

Abdul Hannan Masud, one of the coordinators of the platform, confirmed the committees’ formation in a statement on Monday.

These four units will mainly work towards restructuring the Anti-discrimination Student Movement platform. In the meantime, the committees formed with the support of the coordinators will remain in place and all the committees will be reconstituted afresh at different levels, the statement read.

The authorisation wing of the platform will work to form a new committee to protect the order and prevent confusion over fake coordinators.

The members of the organising wing are –

Abu Baker Majumder 2. Abdul Hannan Masud 3. Rifat Rashid 4. Shahin Alam 5. Shyamali Sultana Jedni 6. Naeem Abedin 7. Sanjana Afifa Aditi, and 8. Khan Talat Mahmud Rafi.

Programme implementation wing members are - 1. Hasnat Abdullah 2. Sarjis Alam 3. Abdul Kader 4. Mahin Sarkar 5. Arif Sohel 6. Akram Hossain Raj 7. Hamza Mahbub 8. Noor Nabi 9. Shubho Ahmed 10. Shahinur Sumi 11. Mobassher Alam 12. Hasib al-Islam 13. Mohammed Russell 14. Umama Fatima 15. Anika Tahsina 16. Rawnak Jahan 17. Mehdi Islam, and 18. Takiuddin Ahmed.

Media and communication wing members are – 1. Rizwan Rifat 2. Abdullah Salehin Ayon 3. Tahmid al-Mudadir Chowdhury.

The authorisation wing will be headed by two – Sarjis Alam and Abu Baker Majumder.​

 

[Saif]

Showing August 5 revolution in bad light

The unarmed student-led mass upsurge that toppled the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5 stunned political observers everywhere. Appreciative of such an unprecedented movement by students of universities, colleges and even schools, most such observers are trying to comprehend the dynamics of the

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Showing August 5 revolution in bad light
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Aug 19, 2024 22:05
Updated :
Aug 19, 2024 22:05

Thousands of jubilant people cheer and wave flags at Shahbagh intersection in Dhaka on Monday, after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and left the country. Her departure defused tensions that had been rising during weeks of deadly demonstrations against the government Photo : FE photo by Shafiqul Alam

The unarmed student-led mass upsurge that toppled the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5 stunned political observers everywhere. Appreciative of such an unprecedented movement by students of universities, colleges and even schools, most such observers are trying to comprehend the dynamics of the street agitations that could unleash such tremendous youth power that traditional political party failed to demonstrate. But to all appearances, the Indian political observers and the media that reflect their views are not willing to see anything but anarchy and persecution of the Hindus and destruction of their properties and places of worship in thar earthshaking event. To them, the student-led mass struggle against the authoritarian pre-August 5 government in Bangladesh as one spearheaded by Muslim extremists whose only mission was to kill Hindus. But being the next-door neighbour of Bangladesh, they should have been able to understand Bangladesh, its people and their struggles better than the rest of the world.

Consider the deluge of falsehoods disseminated through the Indian media about imaginary atrocities unleashed on the Hindu community of Bangladesh. And there is also gullible audience eager to believe those lies without further scrutiny because those resonate with their own fears and prejudices. RumourScanner Bangladesh, a fact-checking or information verifying organisation, has found from its study on these fake messages, images and video clips that some 50 accounts on the social networking site X, formerly Twitter, were behind spewing disinformation about imagined Hindu persecution in Bangladesh in the wake of August 5 revolution. All those X account holders were operating from India. According to the experts surveyed for the World Economic Forum's 2024 Global Risk Report, India was ranked highest for the risk of misinformation and disinformation.

Joyojeet Pal, who is Associate professor of Information, School of Information at the University of Michigan, USA, says, 'There are three challenges with online dangerous speech and propaganda: sophistication, believability and virality'.

'The levels of polarisation and media distrust in India are such that there are pockets of citizens who are quickly willing to believe things about groups they see as antagonistic to their interests, so believability is already high'. When believability of such online disinformation and false propaganda is high in a society, their potential for getting viral is also higher. Add to that the use of advanced technology including AI to make the fake reports look and sound real. And such distortion of facts has been going on unabated since August 5 to the detriment of people-to-people as well as normal diplomatic relations between the two close neighbours.

Clearly, the intention of those involved in false propaganda was to show the struggles and achievements of the people of Bangladesh in a bad light before the international community. But an investigative report by the BBC published recently has proved that most of such videos showing atrocities being committed against Hindus in post-Hasina Bangladesh shared online were false. "And while reports on the ground have found violence and looting impacted Hindu people and properties, far-right influencers in neighbouring India shared false videos and information that gave a misleading view of the events', the BBC report maintained.

In fact, post-August 5 developments in Bangladesh provided the far-right and Islamophobic quarters not only in India, but also in other parts of the world including Britain with an opportunity to churn out false and distorted stories of violence and murders committed by what they term the so-called Islamic Jihadists, though the movement launched by Bangladeshi students was completely secular in nature. Tommy Robinson, a far-right British influencer, who had been sharing unverified videos on post-August 5 events, claims there is 'a genocide of Hindus' in Bangladesh. However, BBC investigation found his claim and video clips shared online in support of his claim to be baseless.​

 

[Saif]

After the euphoria, the concerns

An incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful Bangladesh.

www.thedailystar.net

After the euphoria, the concerns

VISUAL: STAR

The young people of the country deserve to be congratulated, their heroism celebrated, and their momentous accomplishments acknowledged. Their dedication, bravery and sacrifices to free the country from a deeply unpopular regime justly earned them the affection, admiration and gratitude of the people.

However, the pace and abruptness of these unprecedented developments must give us pause. After all, the actual movement and the fall of the regime occurred within only one month of turmoil and bloodshed. Moreover, the political and psychological legacy left by the previous regime heightens some concerns.

First and foremost, some resentments and frustrations of the people that had accumulated over several years, some sentiments of revenge and retribution among those who had suffered injustice, and some opportunists simply taking advantage of a fluid situation, have all led to various incidents of violence and vandalism. While some of this is expected, it must be resisted.

This lawlessness is particularly worrisome since some people have ransacked government (read people's) properties, destroyed revered historical markers relating to our Liberation War, and attacked minority communities simply because they are vulnerable. Given the fact that the police themselves remain discredited and demoralised, such crowd gangsterism becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy and invites disaster.

Even though people like Gustave Le Bon, Sigmund Freud, Nobel Laureate Elias Canetti and others have studied the psychology of mob behaviour, the phenomenon remains unclear. There are theories of deindividuation when people supposedly lose their sense of individual identity, personal responsibility or moral authority; of people demonstrating "bystander effects" that attract random participants by appealing to their sense of enhanced power; of people responding to simplistic, exaggerated and overly sentimental rhetoric, signs and codes; or of people becoming emboldened to do what they can get away with in the culture of impunity typically associated with the fall of an autocrat.

These groups must be calmed and contained as soon as possible, or it will become progressively difficult to do so later. It is uplifting to witness courageous and committed young people volunteering to combat such sinister forces and protect public order and minority communities. The worst seems to be over. But the anxieties persist, made sharper in the age of social media, AI bots, and deep fakes. One hopes, like Lincoln, that "the better angels of our nature" will prevail. But let us not forget that he himself was killed.

The problems Bangladesh faces today are surely daunting. But an incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful country. The youngsters have fulfilled their responsibilities. Will the elders find the moral clarity, economic foresight and political courage to fulfil theirs?

Second, the rapidity and drama with which the situation unfolded made it impossible for any "day after" scenarios to emerge. There was no time or opportunity to develop any ideals, programmes, goals, or a clear direction forward. So, the situation remains fraught and fragile. This becomes more problematic in the moral vacuum, personal distrust and social erosion that resulted from years of misrule and mischief, and the hyper-polarised political environment that had been created.

Moreover, the very idea of "politics" had been devalued and mangled by successive regimes. The classical notion of "politics" was built around concepts of public service, the common good, and the people's welfare. But in Bangladesh it had become a sport (the word "khela" had been routinely used) in which cynical, cunning and self-serving people desperately and shamelessly pursued the acquisition of personal profit and power.

Additionally, the guardrails that protect democracy, such as independent judiciaries, robust parliamentary oppositions, vigilant media houses, lively civil society platforms, or autonomous institutions of higher education had all been overwhelmed, finessed out of existence, or serially threatened and undermined.

Similarly, political parties that exist are not based on policies, ideologies, or democratic practices. They merely represent some patron-clientelist configurations where some sycophantic and opportunistic followers cluster around a "leader" who demands a cultish reverence (which is often shown in extravagant and comical ways).

The two organised parties which had held power in the past are burdened by their own history of bad governance, electoral abuses, violence against opponents (including assassination attempts and farcical cover-ups like Joj Miah), ethical lapses, constitutional tinkering, endemic corruption, and nepotistic family control. Other parties are shadowy and limited in their organisation and appeal. The consequent political vacuum in the country looks like an abyss staring back at us.

Even the "deep state" in Bangladesh has been debilitated by inefficiency, bribery and political patronage. Access to almost all government services (which are people's rights) as well as the regular functioning of the economy, became contingent upon payments to syndicates, power brokers and toll collectors, and navigating through serpentine and costly procedures and paperwork.

The economy, suffering from inequality, inflation, unemployment, low forex reserves, and a banking sector in shambles, was turned into a vast kleptocracy of the lumpen-bourgeoisie and their bureaucratic enablers. It embraced the principles of predatory capitalism and concentrated on maximising aggregate indicators of growth and undertaking some dazzling megaprojects, while disregarding quality-of-life indicators such as human rights, civil liberties, ecological conservation, economic justice, gender equity, and public safety. To reset directions and craft policies that would prioritise the interests of the people would be a complex undertaking.

Third, the previous regime is down, but not out. They may lie low for the time being, some may have fled, some arrested, some may announce retirement. But they are still there. The fact that so many of their followers are armed, are used to violence and, unlike most other parties, have a mass basis, makes their presence more ominous.

However, while we condemn their behaviour that brought us to this sad situation, that party's role in our national movement for independence and, particularly, the charismatic presence of Bangabandhu in that struggle, cannot be dismissed or minimised. One must demonstrate some maturity and objectivity in separating his inspiring leadership at that critical juncture in our national history from his obvious missteps and misjudgements later.

Along the same lines, weaponising "muktijuddher chetona," the hawking of "official" narratives by claiming exclusive partisan ownership over the war (even pitting freedom fighters against the people e.g., through "quotas") and interjecting the hateful word "Razakar" during the current unrest, were all crude and cruel interventions. However, the war itself, and the artefacts and relics of that glorious period of our national history, must not be tarnished but appreciated, preserved and studied (hopefully by scholars and researchers and not slogan-mongering party hacks).

Finally, the "India factor" lurks around the corner. There is no doubt that India deserves our respect and gratitude for its actions and sacrifices in our Liberation War. It had harboured millions of our refugees, hosted our government in exile, provided weapons and training to our freedom fighters, offered critical diplomatic support and, eventually, fought a war with Pakistan in which 3,843 of its soldiers were killed and 9,851 wounded.

The initial relationship was predictably rosy but soured later. Many bilateral issues (such as trade barriers, market access, illegal immigration, borders, water sharing, etc) could all be resolved if good faith negotiations between equals had been pursued. However, India's patronising attitudes and the insensitivity to the interests and demands of Bangladesh increasingly forced the latter to look weak and dependent. In popular perception, India turned from a "good neighbour" into a "neighbourhood bully."

The relationship became more complicated through the unleashing of communal forces in India through the ascent of proto-fascist forces pursuing a Hindutva agenda of supremacy and intolerance which led to systematic assaults on India's Muslim history and heritage, as well as the rights and practices of minorities. This would affect the people of Bangladesh as well.

Finally, India left the impression that it was more interested in cultivating a relationship with a particular "party" than with the sovereign country that international law and norms dictate. This politicised its role and compromised its neutrality. And since that "party" stands discredited in Bangladesh today, and its leader has found protection in India, the situation becomes murkier yet.

The problems Bangladesh faces today are surely daunting. But an incredible opportunity has been created to build a more democratic, just and beautiful country. The youngsters have fulfilled their responsibilities. Will the elders find the moral clarity, economic foresight and political courage to fulfil theirs? The nation wishes them success and waits in hope and prayers.

Dr Ahrar Ahmad is professor emeritus at Black Hills State University in the US, and director general of Gyantapas Abdur Razzaq Foundation in Dhaka.​

 

[Saif]

Beacon of inspiration in South Asia

BANGLADESH experienced a political earthquake when prime minister Sheikh Hasina resigned following a nationwide protest in August led by the youth, particularly the Gen-Z generation. The ‘Gen-Z Revolution’ shares striking similarities with the Arab Spring, underscoring the powerful impact of...

www.newagebd.net

Beacon of inspiration in South Asia
Zulker Naeen 21 August, 2024, 00:00

A scene of student protests in Dhaka on July 18. | New Age/Sony Ramany

BANGLADESH experienced a political earthquake when prime minister Sheikh Hasina resigned following a nationwide protest in August led by the youth, particularly the Gen-Z generation. The ‘Gen-Z Revolution’ shares striking similarities with the Arab Spring, underscoring the powerful impact of youth-driven movements in bringing about significant radical change in Bangladesh. Like their Arab counterparts a decade earlier, these uprisings were a consequence of widespread dissatisfaction with corrupt governance. The youth of Bangladesh were driven by frustration with autocratic governance, economic inequality, and a desire for greater political freedom.

This revolution in Bangladesh — from a demand seeking reforms in the quota system for public services to a call for Hasina’s resignation — marks a pivotal moment in the country’s political landscape, driven by a generation of young people disillusioned with the status quo. This movement emerged from deep-seated frustrations over economic inequality, job scarcity, and a political system that many viewed as corrupt and unresponsive to their needs.

Sheikh Hasina’s leadership since 2009 has brought significant economic advancement but has also been characterised by an authoritative governance style. The July Revolution, driven by the increasing dissatisfaction of the unstoppable youth, abruptly terminated her 15-year rule over Bangladesh. Textbooks are being rewritten to downplay the darker periods of the Hasina regime, and there is a concerted effort to build a new national identity that reflects the aspirations of a younger generation.

The ‘Bangla Spring’ symbolises a youth-driven movement aimed at challenging the existing political order, advocating for more democratic governance, and rejecting the autocratic practices of the ruling regime. It reflects a broader trend of youth engagement in political activism, with students at the forefront of pushing for systemic change.

This metaphor of rebirth and renewal traces its origins back to the Arab Spring in the early 2010s, where the collective voice of the youth reshaped the future of entire nations. As we witness the recent youth-led revolution in Bangladesh, the question arises: Is this another ‘spring’? And why does the metaphor continue to resonate so powerfully?

Back to history, the Arab Spring began in December 2010, when Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor, set himself on fire in protest against police corruption and ill-treatment. The suicide in public ignited a wave of protests that spread throughout Tunisia to other Arab countries, including Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and Bahrain.

Similarly, in South Asia, widespread ‘Gota Go Gama’ protests in Sri Lanka in 2022 exemplify the immense power of youth in driving political change, much like the recent uprisings in Bangladesh. As Sri Lanka’s economic crisis deepened in 2022, it was the nation’s youth — primarily university students — who became the backbone of a sustained, months-long movement that ultimately toppled the government.

Recently, on August 9, the ‘Reclaim the Night’ marches across West Bengal, sparked by the horrific rape and murder of a young doctor, have resonated deeply with the spirit of the student-led revolution in Bangladesh.

Now that the movement has spread to other Indian cities like Delhi, Hyderabad, Mumbai, and Pune, it goes beyond just a demand for safety; it represents a broader political awakening, a sort of ‘spring.’ The echoes of Bangladesh’s revolution have crossed borders, fuelling a fire in West Bengal that challenges not only the status quo but the very fabric of a system that has long failed its people. Recently, the Pakistan Student Federation issued a stern condition to the government, demanding the release of former prime minister Imran Khan by August 30. This demand follows closely on the heels of the successful student-led revolution in Bangladesh, which has sparked similar sentiments among the youth in Pakistan. This student marches from Islamabad’s D Chowk to bring true freedom, signalling a potential escalation in the already tense political landscape of Pakistan. Undoubtedly, the echos of the Bangla Spring are influencing and inspiring youth movements in neighbouring countries and their political discourse. Perhaps a growing sense of solidarity and shared response among South Asian youths makes them increasingly willing to challenge established political orders in pursuit of justice and freedom.

It was clear when the Kolkata students marched and organised sit-in demonstrations with banners expressing solidarity with Bangladeshi students who were laying chests in front of the gun while protesting against the government in July. Undeniably, this solidarity shown by Kolkata’s youth was a powerful testament to the boundless spirit of youth who stand united against oppression and injustice. It has illustrated that the voice of students knows no borders when it comes to demanding rights and challenging any discriminatory systems.

After this dramatic fall of the Hasina regime, the ‘Bangla Spring’ represents more than just a moment in Bangladesh’s history; it has become a beacon of inspiration for young populations in neighbouring countries like India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. The Bangla Spring may very well be the catalyst for a new wave of uprisings across South Asia, as the seeds of revolution are already being sown in fertile soils with discontent. Students and young activists in India have taken to the streets to protest policies they believe undermine democracy and secularism. A growing youth demographic in Pakistan is increasingly demanding systemic change, challenging the status quo with unprecedented vigour because of economic stagnation and political instability. Similarly, in Sri Lanka, young people have been at the forefront of protests against economic mismanagement and political corruption, echoing the spirit of the Bangla Spring in their demands for a new political order.

As young people across the region unite in their demands for a more just and equitable future, they are collectively reshaping the narrative of their nations, signalling that the spirit of the Bangla Spring is alive and spreading, poised to redefine the future of South Asia. Now, it is a clear picture of the streets where the humid air will reverberate with the powerful chants of ‘We want justice,’ a cry that transcends mere slogans to become the very anthem of the march. The streets will be alive once again with the march of students, their faces aglow with the light of mobile phones, candles, and flaming torches. Carrying the national flag with pride, they will stand united, hand in hand, and their voices will be amplified by the auspicious sound of conch shells, a call for justice that echoed through the daylight and night.

Under the cover of umbrellas or soaked by the rain, they will continue their march — a symbol of unwavering determination. Despite the gridlock late at night, the streets won’t contain the tide of marchers. Such a sea of humanity is not an ordinary protest — it is a collective awakening, a powerful testament to the enduring spirit of a people united in their pursuit of justice and change. Similarly, the Bangla Spring, the new dawn of revolution, marks a pivotal chapter in South Asian history, where the youth of Bangladesh became the torchbearers of a revolution — marching to the streets, armed with nothing but their convictions and a desire for change with the spirit of spring — a season of hope, resilience, and transformation. As we watch the events unfold in Bangladesh, it is clear that this movement has the potential to reshape not only its own country’s political landscape but also inspire similar movements across South Asia. Whether this is a new ‘spring’ or just a revolution, one thing is certain: the youth of Bangladesh have made history, and their actions will reverberate far beyond their nation’s borders.

Zulker Naeen is a research coordinator at the Centre for Critical and Qualitative Studies, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

A liberation for Bangladesh, a lesson far beyond

AS A Malaysian who has frequented Bangladesh over the last 15 years, there is a huge soft spot in my heart for this country. Over more than a decade, I have come to love Bangladeshi people, food, culture and language; I can now even speak some Bangla! (well, basic Bangla which is probably...

www.newagebd.net

A liberation for Bangladesh, a lesson far beyond
Raudah Mohd Yunus 23 August, 2024, 00:00

| New Age/Md Saurav

AS A Malaysian who has frequented Bangladesh over the last 15 years, there is a huge soft spot in my heart for this country. Over more than a decade, I have come to love Bangladeshi people, food, culture and language; I can now even speak some Bangla! (well, basic Bangla which is probably equivalent to the fluency of a 3-year old Bengali kid). This gradual familiarisation with Bangladeshi culture and people has led me to become somewhat well-versed in the country’s history and politics.

From the 1971 war to the recent mass student protests that have finally liberated Bangladesh from Sheikh Hasina’s autocratic grip, my concern for Bangladesh and its future is very much similar to that I had grown for Egypt, where I had spent six years of my early adulthood studying medicine at its Alexandria University. In Egypt, I had seen the good and the evil. For six consecutive years, I revelled in the relentless beauty of the Mediterranean Sea, and enjoyed street foods like kushari, ta’miyya, and the ful-falafel sandwich. I made numerous unforgettable friendships with the locals, from classmates in the campus to the bawwab at the apartment building where I lived. At the same time, I witnessed horrendous atrocities committed against Egyptians, especially students and young people. Despite the widespread political suppression and a palpable climate of fear, Egyptian youth take to the streets every now and then, and were often met with tear gas and bullets from the Egyptian special force known for their brutality.

Frankly speaking, I cannot remember how many times I saw clashes between students and these special forces in our campus and heard news about medical students being arrested, or someone’s father or brother imprisoned. Such was the heavy price Egyptians paid for speaking the truth and demanding something better for the nation. There were days when I had to squeeze myself in between protesters and the security personnel through the university main gate, to catch my classes without being late. In those times, I often felt remorseful that I could not stand with my classmates or help amplify their voices. I was mostly a bystander trying to make sense of the complexities of Egyptian politics with my young and naïve mind.

Given my earlier acquaintance with Egypt, encountering Bangladesh gave me a distinct sense of déjà vu. In Dhaka, the super-crowded streets and impossible-to-navigate traffic reminded me of Cairo al-zahma (‘Cairo the Crowded’). My favourite scenes of green paddy fields and children splashing in ponds along the rail line from Dhaka to Brahmanbaria often brought my memories back to the peaceful life in rural Egypt where farmer families work hard to make ends meet. Some of the rural Egyptian children made it to prestigious medical schools across the country only to be bewildered by the marginalisation of poor students and favouritism shown to their peers from the upper class. What is more, they received harsh treatment if they dared voice out opinions that challenged the authority.

Indeed, this was a common experience among millions of Bangladeshi youth, especially the poor who travel from remote villages to study at universities with the hope of securing better jobs and improving the lives of loved ones left behind. Universities that were supposed to be centres for learning and intellectual development turned out to be a nightmare for innocent students. Many of them soon learnt that these were the places of discrimination, suppression of democratic voices and movements, and outright brutality by political forces such as the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of Hasina’s Awami League.

All these bring memories from my days in Egypt. On one sunny day my friends and I were strolling in a park in Egypt’s Abu Qir when a car suddenly pulled up next to us. A young gentleman jumped out, asking where we were from. Perhaps it was obvious from our looks that we were not locals. When we told him about our country of origin, he started pleading for advice on how he could get out of Egypt and travel to a foreign land for better life opportunities. I was taken aback by his sudden, emotional plea. But what I gathered from him was trauma, pain and anger. That man represented the anguish of the millions of young Egyptians who felt betrayed by their country.

Bangladeshi youth were no different. The high out-migration of young people, along with a severe brain drain phenomenon that the country has been grappling with, was a testament to the collective frustration experienced by the young generation, especially those with education and skills. Needless to say, these precious gems would be more than happy to serve the country if given the right treatment and opportunity. Alas, Sheikh Hasina and her colleagues in the government were more interested in ill-gotten wealth and power than investing in their own fellow countrymen!

An ever-present vibe I observed and picked up through conversations with locals in Dhaka and rural areas in Bangladesh that I have visited was fear and intimidation. Among the university students, a recurrent topic was bullying and physical aggression by the BCL members while regular families spoke of kidnapping, forced disappearances and looting of properties by the Awami League’s officers and supporters. Most of these atrocities were committed with impunity. As a result, ordinary people are often too scared to voice their genuine views or make any political demands, because they know too well the consequences.

Back home in Kuala Lumpur, through Bangladeshi expatriate friends, I heard every now and then that someone they knew escaped to Malaysia because of the persecution and harassment they had faced for speaking out against Hasina’s misrule and corruption. As such, I have seen how these forced migrations had caused intense suffering and torn families apart. Some of these victims had to spend years in hiding, moving from one place to another. Some even died in exile, never to see their loved ones again. These stories came from my very own personal encounters; thus, I wonder how many Bangladeshis shared the same fate and fled to other parts of the globe to avoid torture and death.

In July 2024, Bangladesh’s streets erupted in violence. To be more accurate, the country was gripped by mass student protests sparked by a discriminatory job quota system. The protests had begun as a peaceful movement until they were met with violence and attacks by security forces and thugs linked to the ruling party. Protesters were deterred by bullets and tear gas, causing a total of nearly one thousand deaths. The number of those who would die later due to injuries is unknown. Among the resistance icons was Abu Sayed, a 25-year-old student from Rangpur who was shot point-blank by the police despite standing with his arms open to show that he did not intend any harm to people around him. To aggravate Sayed’s families’ grief, the then prime minister Sheikh Hasina subsequently staged a two-minute drama of ‘deceitful compassion’ where she invited Sayed’s family to her office, hugged his mother and shed tears, promising her proper investigation and justice. Of course, the two-minute meeting was full of photographers to make sure the drama was well-captured and memorialised, making the whole nation aware of Hasina’s ‘empathy and benevolence’.

Nonetheless, as violent crackdowns continued, Bangladesh’s students defied death and persisted. The increasing brutality against them only strengthened their resolve. On July 18, the government shut down the internet and all communication networks. The next day, the government deployed the military and imposed a national curfew. Bangladeshi friends who live around me in Wisconsin were anxious and panicking over their inability to communicate with loved ones back home. Some of them narrated heart-wrenching stories of how sick family members were unable to move or access health care because of the curfew. For the ill needing urgent medical attention, living through the sudden movement restriction was like waiting for a death sentence.

The protests grew wider and more intense, to the point that police and army officers could no longer bring themselves to use further violence to quell the gatherings despite the ‘shoot-on-sight’ order. On August 5, Hasina fled Bangladesh after a 15-year misrule that has deeply scarred the nation. A wave of shock, relief and joy swept over Bangladesh and beyond. It was a moment of triumph and liberation! Three days later, 2006 Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus arrived in Dhaka to lead Bangladesh’s interim government. There was a mixture of emotions — hope and joy, along with sorrow and grief for the martyrs who had given their lives but did not witness this spectacular victory.

Thirteen years ago, on February 11, 2011, Hosni Mubarak was ousted following 18 days of intense protests throughout Egypt. His 30-year autocratic rule ended with the uprising of Egyptians who could no longer tolerate a brutal, corrupt and undemocratic government that served not its people but vested interests of the elites and western powers. Similarly, Hasina’s 15-year dictatorship and oppression ended with the revolution of Bangladeshi youth who could no longer endure political injustices and socio-economic discrimination that favoured the few at the expense of the many. The political landscape in Egypt has taken different turns and directions since then. But we pray and hope that the liberation of Bangladesh from the grip of Hasina and Awami League will be a reason to celebrate for a very long time.

As I watch political scenes in Bangladesh unfold, I can only pray hard that this liberation brings lasting peace, justice and prosperity to the millions of Bangladeshi youth who had risked their lives to fight for a better future. May this liberation protect and uplift the oppressed, poor and destitute — from the rickshaw wallas who illuminate the vibrant streets of Dhaka to political refugees living in exile and away from their loved ones. This defining moment is a lesson and reminder to all the corrupt and tyrannical regimes out there. Particularly, Bangladesh’s revolution is a warning to the genocidal Israeli occupation that their day of reckoning is coming soon.

Raudah Mohd Yunus is a public health specialist. She is currently a postdoctoral researcher at the Medical College of Wisconsin, USA.​

 

[Saif]

Revolution before us

Neither students nor the masses who joined them in the political upheaval that reached its peak on August 5, could, perhaps, comprehend what they had done. That the entire nation owned August 5 and was ready to defend it at all costs was evident when people in every neighbourhood held all-nig

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Revolution before us
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Aug 25, 2024 22:39
Updated :
Aug 25, 2024 22:39

Neither students nor the masses who joined them in the political upheaval that reached its peak on August 5, could, perhaps, comprehend what they had done. That the entire nation owned August 5 and was ready to defend it at all costs was evident when people in every neighbourhood held all-night vigils to drive back robbers as the police fled their stations immediately after the fall of the past government. It was a case of total collapse of law and order. But the nation was united behind students to face any challenge to their independence and national sovereignty. The armed forces also rose to the occasion and stood beside the people.

Students managed road traffic in absence of traffic police and the people were with them heart and soul. Now the nation is facing another daunting crisis, the most devastating flash floods in the last 31 years inundating 11 north-eastern and south-eastern districts. About 5 million people are affected. Will the hardly three weeks old interim government of Dr Yunus be able to tide over this new crisis? But Dr Yunus and his team of advisers are not alone in meeting this new challenge. The whole nation is behind him. Whether natural or manmade, Bangladeshi people have shown in every case of past calamities their resilience against all odds. As always, such resilience is demonstrated through national unity. Consider the long queues of people with food, water, clothes, cash money at the TSC (Teacher-Student Centre) of the Dhaka University where some three thousand students of the anti-discrimination student have been busy collecting and packaging donated relief goods for the flood-stricken people. Notably, their relief goods collection started since August 21 following the heavy rainfall the days before in the Indian state of Tripura causing floods there. To make matters worse, in the face of building water pressure, the Dumbur dam on the Gumti river in Tripura was reportedly opened resulting in the sudden deluge in the downstream areas of Bangladesh. The student volunteers have also been coordinating the entire relief operation through their committees formed across the nation for the purpose. The energy of the nation's youth is now unleashed for the humanitarian cause of helping the flood-hit people. All such activities are taking place spontaneously without seeking any state support. So, the government can now plan, and it has already been doing so, how the yet bigger challenge of post-flood rehabilitation work could be met. On this score, the Chief Adviser, Dr Muhammad Yunus, on Saturday, August 24 met NGO leaders and stressed utilising their expertise as well as local knowledge (the experiences of the people in their centuries-long struggle against floods and other natural disasters) to carry out relief operation and post-flood rehabilitation in a coordinated fashion. At this point, he did not fail to bring to the notice of those present on the occasion the extraordinary scene at the TSC.

We also witnessed such concentration of youthful energy when they braved the bullets of the autocracy and brought about its downfall. But they would not have been able to achieve that had their brothers, sisters, parents, friends and neighbours not also joined them.

It is a kind of unity among the people that the nation saw during the Liberation War in 1971. So, it is not just accidental that people are calling August 5 as the day of second independence.

People, in the thick of street fights, skirmishes and brawls during what were later known as revolutions of the past, did not know they were becoming part of history. The famished Paris mob that stormed the Bastille fortress on July 14, 1789 did not know that their action would go down the history as one that would change the world. So were the working class women protesting against food shortages and high prices of bread in the streets of Petrograd (then-capital of Russia) on February 23, 1917 unware that they were part of revolution that not only changed the Russian, but the world history.

In fact, no revolution is ever planned. It happens. History later records it as a revolution. So, was what happened on August 5, 2024 a revolution? Being the part of the fast-changing events, it is not possible to grasp what the totality of it is looking like. Will it all reach a successful end?

Many revolutionary events in history did not end up in the expected way in the long run. The republican revolutions of 1848 in Europe, for instance, finally ended not with a bang but a whimper. So, did many others. This is how some historians would like to describe great social and political events of the past. Success or failure of a revolution is in the mind of the historian who narrates it. Revolutionary events, like storms, take place to bring about a radical change in the existing order of things.

The August 5 was such a revolutionary moment with the potential to change the oppressive structure of the state and governance. Hence was the outburst of protesting masses, whose energy was unleashed to destroy the existing order-the physical structures and the narratives of that oppressive order. So did a few instances of excesses were seen to have been committed to the chagrin of some cultured members of society. True, the people who bring about changes are in the thick of things. They have no scope to observe and analyse events from a distance and come up with a value judgement ---if those were good or bad!

But if excesses do not happen, that is anything but revolution. It is up to history to judge that.​

 

[Saif]

The urgent path out of Bangladesh’s current fragility

Having analysed the drivers of democratic transitions in the context of Bangladesh, on balance, we may still be on track to beat the odds.

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The urgent path out of Bangladesh’s current fragility

FILE VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The youth-led movement's victory in wresting freedom from an autocratic, kleptocratic government has provided us with the rare opportunity to once more rebuild our nation from scratch, to let go of all previous baggage and perforce political and geopolitical settlements on top of which Bangladesh had to be built. We have managed to raze all of that to the ground and before us lies a clean slate.

However, this is an urgent call to collectively be cognisant of the fact that our country right now is at an extremely critical stage. We are at this point, in essence, straddling a high, thin ledge, on one side of which lies the potential for a strong, sustained democratic Bangladesh and on the other side the spectre of crippled, failed nation.

Statistics, unfortunately, offer no solace either. In modern history, student-led movements against autocratic regimes have been one of the most studied phenomena in the realms of politics and political science. Here, statistics show that most countries fail to achieve that holy grail of a corruption-free, economically stable democracy, the vision of which generally fuels the movement towards its culmination of ousting an unpopular regime.

The post-movement results however fall anywhere along the spectrum of a country either descending into a failed state, reverting to some other form of autocracy, falling into military control, or managing to attain some success but by no means anywhere near the anticipated goal. Therefore, the aftermath of a successful movement is a political "Bermuda Triangle" so to speak—the potential to transition to democracy following many a successful uprising has disappeared exactly at this stage.

Post-movement, Bangladesh is at that fragile stage right now. If we want to beat the odds, and beat the statistics, we absolutely must draw lessons and do things differently. This begins with the urgent realisation that the key drivers of a successful mass uprising and those of a democratic transition post long-term autocracy are vastly different.

The necessary drivers of a democratic transition, following a successful movement include: firstly, a temporary governance arrangement that is non-partisan, socially legitimate with clear time limits and with predominant responsibility to establish an enabling environment for the conduct of free, fair elections; second, a set of functioning state institutions that would enable the conduct of democratic elections; third, existence of pro-democracy political parties with clear democracy mandates; and finally a regional environment that is supportive at the very least.

It is then important to analyse whether these drivers are present and if so, how do they manifest in case of Bangladesh? In case of their absence, what can be done as corrective action?

Taking the first driver, we have largely met that condition by establishing, in the immediate aftermath of an autocratic regime, a non-partisan, interim government that is socially acceptable to all stakeholders. Also fully understood is that the interim government will be working towards ensuring a democratic general election. However, a clear time limit and the overall terms of responsibility are yet to be set officially, which are essential elements of any temporary governance arrangement.
Nevertheless, concessions may be made for not being able to immediately set a time limit or terms of reference, as the interim government took reins at a time of deep national crisis. Almost all state institutions have been rendered completely dysfunctional through the infestation of the upper ranks with inept, corrupt, and partisan personnel.

This brings us to the second stated driver of having some key functioning institutions in place for the conduct of elections. It can therefore be argued that the reforms being undertaken by the interim government, which include the law enforcement agencies, judiciary, election commission etc., are required, at the very least, for democratic elections to be held.

Having said that, it will, however, be an astute move by the interim government to try and keep within a time frame of 120 days, as was stated in the erstwhile caretaker government provision. An interim arrangement, in juxtaposition to an active constitution of a parliamentary democracy, continuing for a longer period lays it open to several risks. These include the risk of being challenged on the legitimacy of reforms that cannot be directly linked to the formation of an enabling environment for general elections, the risk of being viewed as a form of power nab backed by the military (akin to the 2006-08 situation), consequently the risk of losing goodwill and support of international, pro-democracy allies; and perhaps most importantly, the risk of allowing our great "neighbour" time to re-insinuate itself once again and debilitatingly so, into our socio-political sphere.

Moving to the third driver, this requires the existence of pro-democracy political parties that in mandate and action engage to protect and uphold the principles of democracy. In functioning democracies, political parties tend to fulfil a vital intermediate role between citizens and the state, in which they represent citizens' interests and translate these into policy agenda. Now, in Bangladesh, most existing political parties will state that they are pro-democracy by "general intent," but by no means do they represent citizens' interests nor are they responsive to the needs. Instead, parties are engaged in struggle for power and access to state resources. In addition, 15 years of hostile rule by a single party have, to a great extent, left an impoverished political culture.

To ensure a sustainable democratic transition, we therefore need political parties that are explicitly pro-democracy, reinvigorated to embrace and represent the needs of the citizens, and eschew focusing on personal interests and patronage systems. Although there is no dearth of political parties in Bangladesh, extensive party reforms are necessary to have them surface into the modern era and serve as vehicles of representation. As such, one of the key tasks that the interim government should engage on, and this can relate directly to its primary mandate of electoral preparations, is to dialogue with political parties on required reforms, to be able to carry forward the kind of democracy we Bangladeshis are dreaming of.

The fourth and final driver, and perhaps the most significant one, is sadly one that is missing in case of Bangladesh: a regional environment that is supportive for a democratic transition. Through a combination of geography and an unrelenting, detrimental presence in our internal affairs, "regional" for us has unfortunately devolved into meaning only India. With Sheikh Hasina gone, perhaps for the first time in the history of Bangladesh, most serendipitously, India has been left with little or no "game" in this country, so to speak. However, we are indeed feeling the effects of this: the inexorable effort to try and establish the "invisible foreign hand" conspiracy theory, for instance, to not only undermine the agency of Bangladeshis to oust an autocracy but to also try and create a narrative for India to come (back) in to counter the "foreign hand."

Then there is misinformation vastly exaggerating the attack on minorities. Despite more and more reports to the contrary, India continues to overplay this in local and international media. These are all but a few post-Hasina shenanigans of our great neighbour. The situation has been aptly described by a well-known international publication which headlined, "India 'over-invested in Hasina and under-invested in Bangladesh' – and is now panicking"

If democratic elections are held timely, for the first time India might find itself in a position where it neither influences the ruling party nor the opposition. This is a highly undesirable state of things for India and something it would try its level best to remedy. Therefore, the longer we go without a democratically elected government, the more vulnerable we remain to overt and covert ploys being set in motion to regain a structure of influence in Bangladesh.

Having analysed the drivers of democratic transitions in the context of Bangladesh, on balance, we may still be on track to beat the odds. However, this will require us, both collectively and individually, to be aware of our current vulnerabilities and our fragility such that we can address these and make that transition to a democratic society, that so many before us have failed to achieve.

Mir Nadia Nivin is an international governance and institutional reform specialist having served previously with the UN in many countries around the world helping strengthen governance and implementing reforms.​

 

[Saif]

Developments for and against anti-discrimination movement

Bliss it was in that dawn to be alive But to be young was very heaven Nothing could be more appropriate for Bangladesh right at the moment than the famous couplet penned by William Wordsworth in his The Prelude. Living in this time is bliss because it opens the prospect of correcting the systemic

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Developments for and against anti-discrimination movement
Neil Ray
Published :
Sep 01, 2024 21:52
Updated :
Sep 01, 2024 21:52

Bliss it was in that dawn to be alive

But to be young was very heaven

Nothing could be more appropriate for Bangladesh right at the moment than the famous couplet penned by William Wordsworth in his The Prelude. Living in this time is bliss because it opens the prospect of correcting the systemic wrongs for the nation's journey to its cherished goal. But why is it heaven to be young? It is because they have dared to be the torch-bearers of not only an adventure on the road to a dream destiny but also challenged the rest of society to become their co-travellers.

First, they did it successfully by bringing down the government that represented the obsolete authoritarian system. Then, again they led from the front to take society at large along with themselves in mitigating the sufferings of the flood victims in the south-eastern areas of the country. The contrast between responses from either the deposed government or the people in general in the wake of cyclones Amphan or Remal and floods in Sylhet and those now witnessed is unmistakeable. Sure enough, the country's students or youths are the beacon of hope for the nation.

However, is the nation or even a section of students ready to go all the way with the mainstream students who have been striving to cement the student-people bond in favour of a social transformation for the better? Certainly, there are forces within the ranks of both students and people who joined the mass movement ---and those apart from anti-social elements ---inimical to the causes the leaderships of students are fighting for. The 200 or so higher secondary examinees who stormed the secretariat to wrest the cancellation order from the newly installed government expose a glaring deviation. Then the numerous incidents of resignation by teachers under duress in several cases accompanied with humiliation and physical assaults are contrary to the spirit of the anti-discrimination movement.

The other negative development is the non-compliance at the grassroots level of instructions issued by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) hierarchy. There are reports that immediately after the entrenched extortionist gangs of the deposed government left the scene, their places have been taken over by the counterparts from the BNP. Initially, students monitored some lucrative spots for extortion such as Karwan Bazar and the new batch of extortionists could be kept at bay. With the student vigilance gone on account of concentration to both study and collection of relief materials for the flood victims, the social parasites have staged a comeback.

However, one particular incident involving such a takeover of Shimulia ferry ghat (jetty), fish jetty and trawler jetty inspires hope. More than a hundred BNP lower ranked leaders and followers, reports a contemporary, brought out a protest rally demanding expulsion of the president and general secretary of the BNP unit of Kumarbhog, Louhajang for their capture of the jetties and starting extortion from there and shops all around. Remarkably, the general secretary of the Krishak League of Louhajang Upazila took lease of the jetties from the Bangladesh Inland Water Transport Authority (BIWTA) on payment of Tk 16,000,000 for the current fiscal year.

In this case, the protest has come from within the party rank and file. This bodes well for all including the interim government because such social resistances make its job easier. There is no alternative to banishing extortionists from society. Not only do they hold hostage business and transports but also contribute to stoking inflation. Now is the time to bring an end to this anti-social culture once for all. The social parasites ---no matter which party they belong to ---must not be given any space if the purpose is to create a society free of discrimination.​

 

[Saif]

We must not allow sacrifices of the martyrs to go in vain

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus sends out a message on the occasion of a month since the student-led mass uprising in Bangladesh.

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We must not allow sacrifices of the martyrs to go in vain
The chief adviser’s message on the occasion of a month since the student-led mass uprising

Thousands of students and people from all walks of life have made the ultimate sacrifice for one of history’s most glorious revolutions. FILE PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

On September 5, we celebrated a month of achieving Bangladesh's second independence. Thousands of students and people from all walks of life have made the ultimate sacrifice for one of history's most glorious revolutions.

They have ended the 15-year-long dictatorial rule of the fascist Sheikh Hasina, under whose leadership a brutal massacre was conducted. Sheikh Hasina has fled, leaving behind a corrupt state and a fragile economy. It is our responsibility to establish our Bangladesh in her full glory.

I am remembering those brave young people, workers, day labourers, and professionals who embraced death as they stood up against a heinous, murderous, fascist power. I am remembering the journalists killed during the movement. I convey deep respect to everyone who was martyred in this revolution.

I also want to salute the thousands of people who were wounded, who were hit by deadly force to be left crippled for life, and those who lost their eyes.

Last month, when I was given the responsibility of leading the interim government, I was inspired by the selfless sacrifices of Abu Sayed, Mugdho, and every known and unknown martyr, to take the responsibility despite all my limitations.

I am committed to fulfilling the dream of building a new Bangladesh that our young revolutionaries have ignited in the hearts of the people of the country. Inspired by the sacrifices of the martyrs, we want to change the course of history. We want to commence a new era.

You took an oath to realise your dreams. Your dreams, painted across the walls of urban and rural localities, still stand in front of us adorned in colours.

During the revolution, you discarded your studies to spend your stressful, sleepless nights with friends and then in the daytime, you said your final goodbyes to each other and took to the streets to resist a cruel regime. At the end of the revolution, you guarded the religious minorities of the country and their places of worship, and took the responsibility of directing traffic across the country. I know your studies have been harmed. So now, it's time to get back to your studies. Schools, colleges, and universities have been reopened. I urge you to go back to class and to your campuses. Because we need a well-educated and skilled generation to take home the fruit of the revolution.

It has only been a month since the interim government took responsibility. Despite that, we have undertaken important reform work to achieve the true goals of the revolution. Our first task is to ensure justice and accountability for the killings of July and August. To conduct a free and neutral investigation into the massacre under the leadership of the United Nations, we have invited the United Nations Human Rights Office. They have come to the country and started their work.

Other than this, I have also spoken to leading international law experts with a view to creating a tribunal of international standards to try those individuals accused of crimes against humanity during the months of July and August. We want to extradite the murderers and bring back the money that corrupt individuals, politicians, and bureaucrats have embezzled during the time of the autocrat. We have started discussions with specialist institutions to this end.

One of our prime responsibilities is to ensure the free treatment of the thousands who were severely injured during the revolution. Countless young students have lost their eyesight because Hasina's criminals shot rubber bullets aiming for their eyes. We will try with everything we have to bring back the light in their eyes. We are continuously working to create a full list of those martyred and wounded. The main list is ready. Now, we are collecting information on those whose bodies have been taken far away to make the list complete. Work is at the final stage to create a foundation to cover the expensive treatment of the hundreds of wounded who need long-term treatment, as well as to look after the families of the martyred. We will never forget those whose martyrdom gave us the birth of a new Bangladesh.

Recently, we signed the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. As a result, we are internationally committed to ending the "disappearance culture" established by the dictator. Separately, we are forming a commission to investigate each and every incident of enforced disappearance in the 15 years of the fascist rule. Our hearts go out to the families who have spent years after years in painful wait for their missing fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers.

The Aynaghars ("Houses of Mirrors," where victims of enforced disappearance were kept) have been closed down. We will soon be able to know about the suffering and pain of our brothers and sisters who were victims of enforced disappearance.

I presented a report of the important reforms our government has undertaken in my address to the nation at the end of last month. We are continuously meeting political parties, editors, political leaders, members of civil society, and diplomats. They are supporting our reform initiatives. We have been overwhelmed by the massive support we have received from our foreign friends. Our brave and patriotic expatriates have also been engaged in the efforts to reform the nation. I want to thank them all sincerely.

On this memorable and sad occasion, I want to express endless gratitude to the families of every martyr and every person who was wounded. I will invite the family members of every martyr to the capital, and I will meet them within a few days. I want to assure them that we will never betray the dreams of the martyrs.

We are moving forward. Now, our big challenge is repairing the damage created by misrule and dictatorship. For this, we need unity and coordination.

We all take the oath to not allow, as a nation, the blood of the martyrs and the sacrifice of our wounded brothers and sisters to fail at any cost. We will never allow the opportunity they have created for us to slip out of our hands. On this memorable occasion, we vow again to create the Bangladesh of their dreams.

May the Almighty help us all.

Prof Muhammad Yunus is the chief adviser of the interim government of Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

Don’t stop till the job is done

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged key organisers of the student-led mass uprising to continue their efforts to make students’ and the people’s dream of a new Bangladesh come true.

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Don’t stop till the job is done
Yunus tells organisers of student movement about building a new Bangladesh

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus talking to organisers of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement at the Chief Adviser’s Office in the capital’s Tejgaon yesterday. Photo: PID

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus yesterday urged key organisers of the student-led mass uprising to continue their efforts to make students' and the people's dream of a new Bangladesh come true.

"For the dream, they sacrificed their lives. We must make that dream a reality. We have no other way," he said.

Not only are the people of the country eager to build a new nation, but Bangladeshis all over the world are also saying they want to be a part of realising that dream, he said at a views-exchange meeting with the students at the Chief Adviser's Office yesterday.

Yunus said when he sees graffiti on the walls, it surprises him. "How did the students come up with so many words? There were no poets, no writers, and no scholars behind them," he said.

Warning the students about possible attempts to sideline them from their nation-building work, he said, "Don't give up until the job that you have taken up is done."

Students have awakened a wave; they have also awakened the youth of the whole world. "The youth of other countries also say they want to learn about us because they need this in their country too," Yunus said.

He urged the students to write to him at least once a month so that the government does not go off course.

Bangladeshis did not get such an opportunity to rebuild the country since its birth. All should remain alert so that no one can take this away, he said, adding that if the opportunity was taken away, there would be no future for Bangladesh.

Nearly 150 students from various educational institutions who played key roles during the uprising were present at the event.

Briefing reporters at the Foreign Service Academy later on, Chief Adviser's Special Assistant Mahfuj Alam said issues related to Bangladesh-India relations came up in the discussion.

"Sir [Prof Yunus] repeatedly said that we need good relations with our neighbours, but it needs to be based on equity, honour, and justice."

MOB JUSTICE, VIOLENCE

During the views exchange, a student leader pointed out that stopping the incidents of mob justice is one of the main tasks of the interim government.

If mob justice spreads to different parts of the society, then a vested group can infiltrate and definitely try to destroy the students' unity, the leader said.

Mahfuj in the briefing said, "The government has a clear position regarding mob justice. It can in no way be allowed."

He said the law would take its own course when it comes to vigilante justice like attacks on mazars, temples or any person.

"People will not 'try' anyone who was part of the fascist government or the sycophants that surrounded it. Rather, they will remain alert so that there is no compromise [with the perpetrators] and no one betrays the martyrs and those who got injured," Mahfuj said.

He said that the government has already taken some stern actions and will take even stronger measures.

RELIGION IN POLITICS, CASES

Another student leader said religion has consistently been used as a political tool and this has to be stopped.

Mahfuj after the event said a student of BRAC University raised the issue of religions being used in politics.

He said there were no discussions regarding the matter as it involved the constitution and other institutions.

When a reporter asked about the large number of people being accused in cases, Mahfuj said that a due and standard process should be followed when a case is filed.

CAMPUS POLITICS

A woman student leader said a teacher or a student may have their own political ideology, but on campus they should only be a teacher or a student.

"We don't want to see any politically labelled teacher or student on campus," she said.

Mahfuj said many agreed in the meeting that the kind of student politics Chhatra League and Awami League practised should not return to campuses.

There is an ongoing debate and discussion at educational institutions about what kind of politics the students and teachers can be involved in on campus. The government will decide only after seeing a consensus reached through that debate, he said.

OTHER SUGGESTIONS

The student leaders recommended that the interim government take steps to control the price of essentials and ensure voting rights of the people by reforming the Election Commission.

They said the government should focus on increasing agricultural production by providing subsidies to farmers, lowering the costs of pesticides, diesel, and farm equipment.

They also expressed concerns over brain drain; border killings; and law and order.

A student leader appealed to Yunus to take steps so that those who go abroad for postgraduate and PhD degrees return home afterwards.

Another student called upon the interim government to allocate a greater portion of the GDP to the education sector.​

 

[Saif]

Keep up efforts to build a ‘dignified, unique’ Bangladesh

Yunus urges students; tells them to utilise the unique opportunity to build the nation

www.thedailystar.net

Keep up efforts to build a ‘dignified, unique’ Bangladesh
Yunus urges students; tells them to utilise the unique opportunity to build the nation

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus today urged students to keep up their efforts to build Bangladesh as a "dignified and unique" country.

"Don't give up until the task that you have taken up is completed," he told students at an opinion exchange meeting at the Chief Adviser's Office, alerting them that there might be efforts to isolate them from their nation-building work.

Prof Yunus said Bangladesh did not get such an opportunity since its birth, and there will be no further if this opportunity is missed.

"We will build a dignified and unique country together. People from the whole world would come and learn from you," he said, urging the students to keep up the momentum.

"Don't come out of your efforts," said Prof Yunus, adding that this is a collective dream that needs to be materialised.

The Nobel Laureate said the young people who brought an opportunity to build a new Bangladesh are on the right track.

"You are right and transparent in your thoughts. Write to us at least once in a month. Remind us repeatedly if anything remains undone. Keep reminding us so that we do not deviate from materializing your dream," he said.

Prof Yunus said the students have done an extraordinary job and they have no intention to deviate from doing whatever is necessary for building a new Bangladesh.

He said the students did not only create a wave of change in the minds of people in Bangladesh but also people around the world.

Prof Yunus said this is the beginning of a new world led by the youth. "You are history."

Much of Dhaka has turned into the graffiti capital of the world. Young students and children aged as young as 12-13 have painted the walls of this 400-year-old city with images of a new democratic environment-friendly Bangladesh.

"This surprised me. Each word written on walls is important," said Prof Yunus, adding that, "We are here to build a new Bangladesh. We need to do it together."

Nearly 150 students from various educational institutions who played key roles on the ground were present at the opinion exchange meeting held at the Chief Adviser's Office.

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam said there was an emotional atmosphere and they could not hold tears at one stage when Prof Yunus was sharing his experience based on what he saw in his eyes.

Advisers Farida Akhter, Dr Asif Nazrul, Syeda Riawana Hasan, Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud were also present at the programme.​

 

[Saif]

Fragile unity and challenges ahead

REVOLUTIONS or mass uprisings have been both triumphs and tragedies in history’s archives, marked by the inevitable complexities that follow the overthrow of entrenched regimes. The July uprising, which brought down the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule, is no exception. This student-led...

www.newagebd.net

Fragile unity and challenges ahead
HM Nazmul Alam 19 September, 2024, 00:00

REVOLUTIONS or mass uprisings have been both triumphs and tragedies in history’s archives, marked by the inevitable complexities that follow the overthrow of entrenched regimes. The July uprising, which brought down the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule, is no exception. This student-led uprising was hailed as a watershed moment for democracy in Bangladesh, one that revived the country’s aspirations for freedom and justice. Yet, only months after the fall of the AL regime, cracks have begun to appear in the unity that drove this monumental change. Disillusionment, political infighting, and opportunism now threaten to undermine the spirit of the July uprising.

The July uprising was a united front of students, civil society, and political activists who stood firm against the dictatorial excesses of the Awami League. Similar to the aftermath of the American Revolution, where the promise of liberty was tested by the challenges of nation-building, Bangladesh now faces its own set of trials. The founding political leaders of the United States — George Washington, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson — experienced deep frustration as their new nation struggled to find order amidst chaos. As historian Gordon Wood noted, the revolutionaries feared that their grand experiment in democracy might fail due to uncontrolled disobedience and disorder.

The same fear hovers over Bangladesh today, as those who fought for liberation from dictatorship now find themselves involved in conflict. The power vacuum created by the fall of the AL has allowed former members of the Bangladesh Chhatra League and the Bangladesh Juba League — the student and youth wing of the deposed regime — to reemerge under false pretenses. Camouflaged as the members of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, these individuals allegedly engage in extortion and land grabbing, tarnishing the reputation of the BNP and the broader spirit of the uprising. These actions, alongside other examples of similar misconduct, threaten to erode public trust in the very forces that once promised a new era of transparency and justice.

This disunity comes at a perilous time. The staunch supporters of the ousted regime are actively working to discredit the uprising and destabilise the current interim government. Their strategy is clear: create chaos in key sectors, such as the industrial workforce and the bureaucracy, while exploiting divisions within the forces that led the uprising. Such tactics are designed to reverse the hard-earned gains of the uprising. As in the post-American Revolution period, when currency instability and conflicting land claims sowed discord, Bangladesh too is witnessing turmoil in its political and economic fabric.

One of the most poignant literary references to such post-revolutionary chaos can be found in Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities (1859), where the revolutionaries, initially united in their fight against oppression, fall prey to infighting, vengeance, and paranoia. The reign of terror, which followed the French Revolution, serves as a stark reminder of how revolutionary unity can unravel into violence and lawlessness. Bangladesh, standing at a similar precipice, must heed this historical lesson.

In this context, the BNP now faces the critical task of preserving unity within its ranks. The main leaders of the party have been vocal in their condemnation of any unlawful actions carried out in the name of their party. Their stance is clear: the BNP will not tolerate opportunistic elements using the uprising for personal gain. This sentiment echoes the words of John Adams, who once lamented the ‘turbulent’ aftermath of the American Revolution, worrying that personal greed and unchecked ambition could destabilise the Republic.

Despite the BNP’s efforts to distance itself from those who engage in criminal activities, some elements within the interim government and rival political factions are reportedly quick to blame the party for any unrest. This political opportunism has deepened the divisions that already threaten to fracture the spirit of unity demonstrated during the July uprising. In this fragile period, the interim government must ensure that justice is not only done but also seen to be done. Swift, decisive action against those responsible for post-revolutionary lawlessness is imperative.

However, this responsibility does not rest on the interim government alone. Political leaders from all sides must prioritise national unity over individual gains. The BNP, despite the allegations it faces, has made important strides by committing to the formation of a national government if and when in power. This commitment to inclusivity mirrors the sentiments of the American revolutionaries, who, despite their differences, recognised the need for a strong central government to stabilise their fledgling nation. The US Constitution, ratified in 1787, was a product of compromise and collective vision. Similarly, Bangladesh must foster an inclusive, representative administration to ensure stability and long-term prosperity.

The upcoming elections will serve as a crucial test of this unity. Should political leaders allow divisions to fester, they risk repeating the mistakes of post-liberation Bangladesh in 1971, where infighting and factionalism led to decades of instability. History, both from Bangladesh and abroad, teaches us that the aftermath of mass uprisings is often fraught with danger. As Dickens famously wrote, ‘It was the best of times; it was the worst of times.’ For Bangladesh, the outcome depends on the choices its leaders make today.

The interim government’s role in state reform is also paramount. Without comprehensive changes to the judiciary, law enforcement, and other key institutions, the next government may inherit a system prone to the same abuses that characterised the AL regime. Much like the Constitutional Convention of 1787, which sought to rectify the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation, Bangladesh must embark on a path of institutional reform to safeguard its democratic future.

Yet, amidst the political wrangling and opportunism, the spirit of the July mass uprising must not be forgotten. At its heart, the revolution was about reclaiming the people’s right to freedom and justice. To let this hard-fought victory slip through their fingers due to political opportunism would be a tragedy. As Benjamin Rush wrote in despair in 1812, ‘America’s revolutionary experiment on behalf of liberty… will certainly fail.’ Bangladesh’s revolutionaries must ensure that their own experiment does not meet the same fate.

In conclusion, the July mass uprising was a momentous victory, but its future remains uncertain. The cracks in unity demonstrated recently must be addressed before they deepen into fissures that could unravel the entire movement. Bangladesh stands at a crossroads: it can either solidify its democratic gains through political cooperation and institutional reform, or it can allow disunity and opportunism to undo the progress achieved. The stakes are high, and the lessons of history are clear. It is now up to the nation’s leaders to ensure that the hard-earned gains are preserved for future generations.

H M Nazmul Alam is a lecturer of English and modern languages at the International University of Business, Agriculture, and Technology.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising and some thoughts of Bangladeshi-Americans

NRBs gathered in New Jersey showed eagerness to assist in the journey of the new Bangladesh forward.

www.thedailystar.net

July uprising and some thoughts of Bangladeshi-Americans
Snapshots from my latest conversations with Gregorians in North America

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

It was heartwarming to see so many old faces from my school days as I attended the second reunion of Gregorians of North America (GNA), held on September 14 in New Jersey, US. Nearly 200 former students of St Gregory's High School, Dhaka had gathered—many with their spouses—from all over the US and Canada. The occasion was one of reconnecting, reminiscing, and exchanging stories, anecdotes and school-era jokes.

The most popular session was the one that focused on how Bangladesh became a Test-playing cricket nation and how we can build upon our recent extraordinary Test performance against Pakistan. There were many exciting comments regarding the ongoing tour of India. The session consisted of our early cricket heroes such as Syed Ashraful Huq, Yousuf Babu, and Khandker Nazrul Quader Lintu. Their personal stories of early failures, hard work and subsequent success entertained us all. Their experience-rich comments about the future kept everyone in rapt attention, and we wondered why these three stars are not a part of our present-day cricket board leadership, especially when so much is changing at the top echelon of professional bodies.

Shahudul Haque—Gullu to us all—kept the audience enthralled with the story of his incredible journey of walking more than 15,300 miles in 1,425 days (three years and 11 months). Starting on October 17, 2020, he has walked every day. Everyone gasped when he recounted that on rainy days, when he cannot go out, he climbs up and down the stairs of his 13-storey apartment building for as many times as it takes to complete his daily routine of minimum five miles. The circumference of Earth is nearly 25,000 miles, of which he has already passed the halfway mark. For someone who is in his mid-70s, such a feat of endurance made him an instant hero of the event.

Where I had the privilege to speak was a session titled "Recent events in Bangladesh and how NRBs can contribute in the changed circumstances." Everyone spoke in a manner that proved that they had been following the recent uprising most meticulously. There was a lot of pride in what has been achieved, accompanied with some feeling of uncertainty, especially regarding the various forces that appear to have been unleashed. While there were some uncertainties regarding reforms, a consensus seemed to prevail about significantly trimming the prime minister's power and fixing their tenure in office to a maximum of two terms.

Generally, they all welcomed the toppling of the previous government, having suffered the humiliation for many years of belonging to a country whose reputation of corruption, nepotism, abuse of power, cronyism and unaccountable power surpassed most others of similar category. Like us at home, the non-resident Bangladeshis (NRBs) also wondered how the Sheikh Hasina government could become so unbelievably oppressive. Whatever details I could provide led to more in-depth questions about the gradual deterioration of the quality of governance in Bangladesh. They wondered, like many of us, how a powerful regime like Sheikh Hasina's could fall so fast, so completely, and so ignominiously. People's power made it all possible.

They marvelled at the bravery of our young. Though we have a long tradition of student movements, the distinguishing feature of the July uprising was the participation of younger generation—boys and girls from schools. The Road Safety Movement in 2018 seemed to have broken the psychological barrier of school students to get down to the streets to fight for what they considered to be right and just. Families descended on the streets of Dhaka with courage and bravery that armies get trained for years to master. What amazed the NRBs over and over again were the stories of these students, spontaneously joined by the general public—including women, the elderly and young mothers—who continued to demonstrate for days in spite of police killing. To defy the trigger-happy police, Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) and Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) members for days, without the slightest sign of fear or despondency, will surely be recorded as one of the most courageous mass demonstrations in the world. The GNA audience were mesmerised by how young women participated with equal intensity and courage as their male counterparts in the daily battles with police and other forces. This marked a new phase in their sense of equality, confidence and self-assertion.

The NRBs' faith in Prof Muhammad Yunus seemed boundless. They all believe that he is the right person for the job, but are worried as to whether he would be given the time he needs for the reforms people expect him to deliver. The length of his tenure remained a lively topic throughout the event.

Fear was expressed about too many issues being placed on the agenda and that the enormity of the task would jeopardise the interim administration's success. The formation of six commissions with highly competent leaders somewhat assuaged the fear among the audience that substantive work could now be expected in some crucial areas.

What impressed me immensely was the eagerness of the NRBs gathered in New Jersey to assist in the journey of the new Bangladesh forward, which has so suddenly emerged. The whole session was full of questions as to how these highly qualified Bangladeshi-Americans could help in the progress of their country of origin. There were professionals from academia, business, engineering, IT, medicine, pharmacy, and even cybersecurity. Those present mostly consisted of mid- to high-level professionals who, though they were US citizens, were eager and willing to partake in the new journey. They cited the example of their Indian counterparts who have made significant contributions to India's march forward. They greatly regretted the failures of past governments to tap into these highly trained intellectual resources, who have now gained strength and momentum and are ready to assist their country of origin. What they eagerly wanted was a dependable conduit—either governmental or through the private sector—to channel their professional and academic expertise to their counterparts in Bangladesh. Given Prof Yunus's experience and personal expertise on knowledge transfer, these NRBs feel confident that their long-cherished wish is on the verge of being fulfilled.

My brief exposure and fragmented exchanges convinced me that it's high time we established professional linkages with these highly qualified and equally highly motivated NRBs, and use their knowledge to assist in our journey in the potential-rich 21st century. We need to urgently set up some sort of mechanism to make use of this huge reservoir of talent that can help transform Bangladesh.

If knowledge is the most important resource of future advancement, then the global citizens of Bangladesh origin are eagerly waiting to serve Bangladesh in providing that crucial resource. It has been foolish on our part not to seek their collaboration earlier. It will be self-defeating, in fact suicidal, to continue in that direction.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Daring to defend the anti-discrimination student movement

I don’t think Hasina fell because of my writing. Then why do I continue writing?

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Daring to defend the anti-discrimination student movement

In the second half of that month, the government sought to eliminate the student protesters by means of point-black shootings, airstrikes from helicopters, and other violent measures. PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

Some academics, journalists, and writers – including myself – started discussing the formation of the Forum for Bangladesh Studies in 2021. It was officially launched on October 10, 2022. Under the aegis of the forum, I have had the opportunity to work closely with some of the best minds of our country, including Dr Badiul Alam Majumdar.

My involvement with the forum helped me become more conscious of what was going on in Bangladesh during the 15-year autocratic rule of Sheikh Hasina. It also brought on a greater sense of urgency for me to write and publish opinion pieces devoted to issues of the day and taking the Hasina regime to task. However, I was perturbed by the fear of possible government reprisals.

After reading some of my essays critical of the Hasina government, one well-meaning academic friend once cautioned me saying, "Be careful." I understood his message but couldn't stop writing. His kind concern for my safety increased my respect for him.

I shared my disquiet with Dr Badiul Alam Majumdar. He told me that if we stopped writing, that would embolden the repressive regime, and if many of us wrote, it would be difficult to hound us. He added that he kept raising voice against the regime's abuse of power to have a clear conscience. I agreed with him and increased the volume of my writing on what was happening in Bangladeshi politics.

However, despite conquering my fear of government oppression, I faced an unforeseen backlash from some of my friends. My stance against Hasina's autocracy alarmed them. Like me, they hated the regime to the bone, but they didn't consider it safe to maintain communication with someone who wrote columns in newspapers criticising the government. They went to the extent of not answering my phone calls; I respected their standpoint and stopped calling them.

I failed to see much logic in being overly fearful. I thought it was important to show solidarity with brave and courageous writers and journalists who were writing from within Bangladesh against the oppression of the Hasina regime. Moreover, the newspaper editors who published my writings were all based in Bangladesh. So, living thousands of miles away from the country, why should I be scared?

Then came the anti-discrimination student movement in July 2024. In the second half of that month, the government retaliated against student protesters with point-black shootings, airstrikes from helicopters, and other violent measures. Generally, an invading force uses such methods to subdue an occupied nation. But our own security forces used them, killing and maiming thousands of our students in broad daylight. Images of the cruelty of the government were unbearable—they had a chilling effect on me.

At the same time, I was outraged to see that some of our intellectual elites were providing the government with intellectual cover-ups while our unarmed students were being killed en masse. I understood their security concerns, but I thought that, at the very least, they could remain reticent. Instead, they chose to abet autocracy. Perhaps, they thought that the regime would survive that wave of protests, and with time, things would once again fall in place.

Fear gripped all of us—in Bangladesh and in its diasporas. We could not anticipate such a murderous venture by the Hasina government to quell the student movement, nor did we comprehend the logic behind using our security forces to kill our young people in the streets.

I suffered from a severe Hamletian dilemma. Shall I or shall I not write about the government repression on the student protesters? I wanted to write, but would my writing jeopardise the security of my family members in Bangladesh?

The internal battle within me was raging. It was between my urge to rise to the occasion and write, and the need to consider the safety of my family members back home. As I was torn between these two dominant emotions, on July 30, I received a request from a journalist friend in Dhaka, saying, "If possible, please write a piece on the student movement… we all are distraught. But we are speaking."

This message reinforced the severity of the situation and the urgency to speak up. It boosted my morale and I shed my fear and hesitancy. I immediately produced two essays: "What leads students to defy death on streets" (New Age, July 31, 2024) and "Violence against students: A tribute to our little John Hampdens" (The Daily Star, August 4, 2024).

I had written "Hasina's memory-killing tactics and our responsibility" before Hasina fell and fled on August 5. But it was published afterwards, on August 7.

In post-Hasina Bangladesh, my friends who sought to distance themselves from me now answer my phone calls. Intellectual elites who were hesitant until the morning of August 5 to call a spade a spade now describe Hasina's rule as an autocracy. Many of them who adjusted with the Hasina regime then are now readjusting with the interim government and with the new reality. They lived a comfortable life then and may continue to do so now. But I have great respect for those writers and journalists who wrote and spoke against Hasina's autocracy at a time when others didn't consider it prudent to do so. I feel morally privileged that I belong to this group.

Did my writings over the years shake Hasina's autocracy? Did they help mitigate the sufferings of people in Bangladesh and elsewhere? Or, did they embolden the anti-discrimination student movement? The answers to all these questions are probably in the negative. Not many writers are able to make a material difference in society through their writings. In "In Memory of WB Yeats," the Anglo-American poet WH Auden writes in reference to his fellow litterateur WB Yeats's literary career:

Mad Ireland hurt you into poetry.

Now Ireland has her madness and her weather still,

For poetry makes nothing happen.

Yeats's literary career was largely inspired by the troubles in his country, Ireland, and he wrote to fix them. But, according to Auden, Yeats's work didn't do much to establish peace and stability in Ireland. Likewise, Hasina's autocracy got me out of my academic cocoon and motivated me to write essays on down-to-earth issues that affected Bangladesh during her rule.

But I don't think Hasina fell because of my writing. Why do I continue writing then? To use Dr Badiul Alam Majundar's words, I write out of a need to have a clear conscience. Regardless of its effects on others, my writerly commitment to noble causes serves as a source of moral comfort for me. This is very important to me. I would like to end this essay with a relevant quote from the 11th century polymath Ibn Hazm, "It seems unworthy of a man to consecrate himself to something which is not higher than he is…. One who consecrates himself to lesser things is like one who trades a precious gem for a pebble."

Dr Md Mahmudul Hasan is professor of English at International Islamic University Malaysia.​

 

[Saif]

Rethinking nationalism in the wake of Bangladesh’s uprising

If the country is to rebuild itself, it must establish a national identity that unites its citizens and secures the future of the state.

www.thedailystar.net

Rethinking nationalism in the wake of Bangladesh’s uprising

In the wake of the 2024 uprising, the intellectual debate on nationalism will be crucial for shaping Bangladesh’s future. FILE PHOTO: PALASH KHAN
The 2024 student-public uprising in Bangladesh has reignited a critical conversation about the future of nationalism in the country. At the heart of this dialogue is the tension between Bangalee nationalism, born from the liberation movement of 1971, and Bangladeshi nationalism, which has been touted as an alternative. Mahfuj Alam, an important figure in the uprising, recently gave a speech that has gone viral, advocating for a shift towards a more inclusive and tolerant form of nationalism. His reflections raise important questions about the relationship between the state, society, and the individual.

Mahfuj's core argument revolves around the necessity of reforming the individual's moral character in order to reform society, which, in turn, would lead to the reform of the state. This bottom-up approach emphasises the role of personal ethics and social change as the foundations for state-building. His call for a shift away from Bangalee nationalism towards a more inclusive framework challenges the foundational ideas that have shaped Bangladesh's identity since its independence. However, this argument overlooks the complex interplay between the state and the individual and risks simplifying the path towards a more inclusive and tolerant nation.

At the crux of Mahfuj's speech is the idea that the state cannot achieve moral integrity unless its citizens first cultivate their own. This line of thinking, while partially valid, turns the relationship between the individual and the state into a one-way street. It places the burden of societal reform on the individual, ignoring the role the state itself plays in shaping the moral and ethical fabric of society. Institutions, laws, and policies are powerful tools that can influence and guide individual morality. In fact, they are often essential in protecting individuals from moral decline.
A more nuanced understanding of the relationship between the state and the individual would recognise it as a two-way process. The state has a responsibility to foster an environment where individuals can develop moral character, but individuals alone cannot bear the full burden of societal reform.

Mahfuj's vision of state-building through a bottom-up approach, where individuals and society must first be reformed before the state can be rebuilt, reflects a classical liberal view of the state. Yet, this approach can be slow and unwieldy, especially in moments of crisis like the present one. In contrast, top-down approaches, where the state takes the lead in reforming institutions and shaping societal norms, are often more effective in times of urgency. While bottom-up reform is necessary for long-term change, moments of national crisis demand swift, decisive action that only top-down approaches can deliver.

A key point in Mahfuj's argument is his call for a paradigm shift in nationalism, moving away from the secularism of 1971-based Bangalee nationalism towards a new, more inclusive form of nationalism. He critiques Bangalee nationalism as exclusionary, arguing that the rise of authoritarianism in Bangladesh has its roots in the secular framework established after 1971.

According to Mahfuj, the secularism that underpinned Bangalee nationalism failed to be inclusive, leading to the alienation of various social and religious groups, and, ultimately, contributing to the rise of authoritarianism. His vision is one of a secularism that embraces all ideologies and paths in the land, one that is more inclusive and reflective of the diversity within Bangladesh.

This critique of Bangalee nationalism is not without merit. The secularism that was central to the formation of Bangladesh in 1971 has indeed struggled to accommodate the full spectrum of identities within the country. However, Mahfuj's proposed solution—a complete break from Bangalee nationalism—raises its own set of questions. Is it truly necessary to abandon Bangalee nationalism altogether? Or can secularism be reinterpreted in a way that addresses its historical shortcomings while preserving the legacy of the liberation struggle?

The issue at hand may not be Bangalee nationalism itself but rather how its principles have been applied. If secularism were reimagined to include the diverse perspectives that Mahfuj envisions, it could serve as the basis for a reformed Bangalee nationalism that is capable of guiding Bangladesh through its current challenges. This would eliminate the need for a wholesale shift to a new nationalist paradigm, such as Bangladeshi nationalism, and would allow for a continuity of national identity rooted in the history of the 1971 struggle.

Mahfuj's call for a new nationalism, framed as a shift from Bangalee to Bangladeshi nationalism, also invites scrutiny. Can Bangladeshi nationalism, with its focus on a broader national identity, truly offer more inclusivity than a reformed Bangalee nationalism? And if it does, is that inclusivity inherent to Bangladeshi nationalism, or is it simply a matter of how secularism is applied within it? If the latter is true, then Bangladeshi nationalism may face the same application-based challenges as Bangalee nationalism has over the past five decades.

These debates are crucial as Bangladesh emerges from the 2024 uprising. The question of nationalism, and whether a paradigm shift is necessary, cannot remain unanswered for long. If the country is to rebuild itself, it must establish a national identity that unites its citizens and secures the future of the state.

The paradigm shift in nationalism that Mahfuj advocates may indeed be necessary, but only if it can offer a more inclusive, tolerant, and pragmatic path forward. Whether this shift comes through a reformed version of Bangalee nationalism or a move towards Bangladeshi nationalism remains to be seen. What is clear, however, is that any solution must address the deep-rooted issues of redemption, reconciliation, and inclusion that have haunted Bangladesh since 1971.

In the wake of the 2024 uprising, the intellectual debate on nationalism will be crucial for shaping Bangladesh's future. The state must address questions of identity and belonging to rebuild effectively. Beyond the immediate crisis, the focus should be on creating an inclusive and cohesive national identity. As Mahfuj rightly notes, the failures of redemption after 1971 must not be repeated. Moving forward, the state must reimagine its role in fostering an inclusive society that reflects the aspirations of all citizens.

Kazi ASM Nurul Huda is an associate professor of philosophy at the University of Dhaka and holds a PhD in philosophy from the University of Oklahoma, USA.​

 

[Saif]

Can you ‘mastermind’ an uprising?

The July uprising is too seismic to be credited to any individual

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Can you ‘mastermind’ an uprising?
The July uprising is too seismic to be credited to any individual

The student coordinators had no choice but to declare an all-out movement against the government—it was the demand of the moment, not a pre-
designed plan. Photo: PID

The July uprising claimed the lives of hundreds of people, but resulted in a seismic shift in the history of Bangladesh. The movement was a perfect storm brewed by a number of contributing factors that all seemed to align as if by divine intervention, resulting in the ouster of Sheikh Hasina's tyrannical regime. Thousands of activists took to the streets—students, workers, professionals, and intellectuals alike. Each contributed in their own way. Why, then, is there this search for a "mastermind" behind the entire movement?

This search for a mastermind cannot be solely blamed on the media or overenthusiastic social media users. Even the interim government's Chief Adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus introduced Mahfuj Alam as the brains behind the movement at an international event—although Mahfuj himself refused to be called the mastermind, a fact even the chief adviser alluded to. This reminds me of a quote from Friedrich Hayek, who said that the curious task of economics (or social science) is to show people how little they know about what they think they can design. Hayek was wrong about many things, but one of his ideas has withstood the test of time: the concept of spontaneous order. Following the trend of classical liberal thinkers before him, Hayek believed that order could arise from spontaneity.

Many social norms are established not by the enforcement of explicit rules but spontaneously for the sake of efficiency. I believe social movements follow a similar logic.

A social movement is shaped by many factors, with a plethora of internal and external actors playing their part. The July uprising was no exception. It is true that there was an organisation providing a backbone to the movement, with stellar leadership initiatives and a distribution of responsibilities that contributed to its success. When one group of leaders was picked up by security forces, another stepped up to guide the movement. The well-defined demands that evolved over time were also crucial in bringing the movement to its one-point conclusion.

The formulators of these demands and those who pushed for the final anti-regime stance deserve commendation. But calling them the "brains behind the movement" seems like an exaggeration. In fact, most leaders were and still are unknown to the public, aside from the two advisers to the interim government and a few recognisable faces repeatedly shown in the media. Many other leaders worked behind the scenes and deserve credit. But the point of my article is to argue that attributing credit to specific individuals is misguided.

In social science research, we often say that there are "spandrels"—developments that occur as a byproduct of various factors, including time and context, almost by (sometimes fortunate) accident. These factors cannot be ignored. As many film directors and novelists would say, there are more characters in a story than just protagonists and antagonists. Sometimes, the setting or time itself becomes a character. In a similar manner, I believe the primary actor in the July uprising was not an individual but the city, the moment, and the momentum of that moment. As events unfolded, the movement evolved, and the perfect conditions were created for it to propel forward.

If any one individual had not been present at that moment, the movement would not have faltered—others would likely have stepped in to make decisions. We cannot know if those decisions would have been as prudent, but the momentum of the moment demanded nothing less than what transpired. Even if key individuals had been replaced, the outcome would likely have been similar, as the movement had already taken on a life of its own.

Many people are congratulating and valorising the efforts of the coordinators, who have become national heroes. But other actors also played crucial roles, such as activists of opposing political parties, journalists who risked their lives, and expatriates who helped raise international awareness of the situation in Bangladesh. Their contributions cannot be overlooked. More importantly, the spontaneous order that defined the movement should receive primary credit for its success.

Thousands of people participated in the movement, risking their lives, writing on social media, and demanding the removal of an autocratic regime even before the one-point demand came about. Such widespread enthusiasm cannot be engineered—it can only be sparked by the momentum of the moment, which was the primary factor in the movement's success.

I am not undermining the efforts that the student leaders put in. They deserve credit for stewarding the movement. But can they really be called the masterminds, as if they planned every step and pre-designed the entire movement in their minds? Nobody could predict what would happen the next day as the movement progressed. The decision of the student leaders to launch the one-point programme upon their release from the custody of security forces was certainly pivotal, leading thousands to march to Ganabhaban on August 5. But the moral legitimacy of the Hasina regime—if there was any—had entirely vanished the moment the first bullet was fired at students. The student coordinators had no choice but to declare an all-out movement against the government—it was the demand of the moment, not a pre-designed plan.

In fact, I can attest to private conversations with movement leaders who confessed they never imagined the movement would become so massive and succeed in toppling the government during its early days. Hence, attributing the role of masterminds to the leaders is a bit of a stretch. It is natural for us to seek order and reason in historical events that defy explanation, but to claim that there was a mastermind behind the July uprising is to oversimplify a complex and multifaceted movement.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising: The garage of compassion

On July 18, Dhanmondi-27 had become one of the flashpoints when protesters took to the streets to enforce the “complete shutdown” called by the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

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July uprising: The garage of compassion
2 doctors set up makeshift clinic, saved over 100 lives in 2 days

On July 18, Dhanmondi-27 had become one of the flashpoints when protesters took to the streets to enforce the "complete shutdown" called by the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

As violent clashes broke out between the demonstrators and police, who were backed by the then ruling party activists, the roads and alleyways had turned into a warzone, resulting in deaths and myriad injuries.

However, many of those wounded were too afraid to seek medical help.

Cops were stationed in front of a number of hospitals, causing a fear of arrest in anyone who sought treatment. Many were overwhelmed with patients while others refused to provide treatment. Some charged exorbitant fees.

Amid the bloody violence, two young doctors – Dr Worthy Jukhrif and Dr Hritisha Aktar Mitheen – stood out through their sheer sense of duty.

Not only did they open their doors to the wounded, they converted their building's garage on Satmasjid Road into a makeshift clinic.

Other residents provided ample support with supplies -- bandages, antiseptics, orsaline, mineral water, and even dry biscuits.

In two days, Worthy and Mitheen treated over 100 injured people -- turning the garage into a sanctuary for those who had nowhere else to turn.

DUTY TO THE PEOPLE

Around 2:00pm on July 18, as clashes went on, tear gas clouded the streets and nearby alleys, while rubber bullets were strewn almost everywhere.

"For the first time in my life, I heard the sound of bullets. Something I had only seen or heard on television was now frighteningly close," remembered Worthy, who is an OT assistant at Ibn Sina Hospital and also works as a health show presenter on a private television channel.

From her balcony, she saw injured students huddled below -- bloodstains on their clothes, terror in their eyes.

"I knew I couldn't just stand by."

She rushed downstairs, where fellow residents -- including Dr Mitheen, a former medical officer at Labaid Specialised Hospital -- had also gathered.

"Humanity is what I acted upon. I couldn't hold myself back," said Mitheen.

Residents of the building quickly brought whatever first-aid supplies they could find.

One of the doctors' neighbours, Khurshid Jahan, said, "Seeing them wounded only reminded us that we have children too and we must act.

"As ordinary people, we had very little to offer, but I tried to provide as much comfort to the students as was possible while Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen treated their wounds. My husband and daughter provided them with water, first-aid supplies and clothes."

At first, the wounded were being treated in the building's reception area. As more people arrived, two beds were set up in the garage and treatment continued there.

The doctors tried to provide utmost care – they removed pellets, dressed deep wounds and offered counselling.

Worthy said, "Some of the injuries were horrific – backs, heads and chests riddled with shotgun pellets lodged deep into their muscles. At least 10 victims came with pellets in their eyes."

The more severe cases were referred to trusted clinics that were willing to help, despite the fear of a ban hanging over their heads.

One particular patient left a lasting mark on Worthy – a 10-year-old who had come with pellets all over his body.

"I treated him and told him to go home. Within a few hours, he returned with another pellet in his forehead. I treated him again and he left.

"Later that day, some students showed me a video of the same boy, lying lifeless on the street … I didn't know his name, but I couldn't stop thinking about him … I still suffer from sleepless nights at the thought."

The next day – July 19 – the curfew was imposed and helicopters hovered overhead.

But the doctors continued treating the wounded – students, guardians, pedestrians, whoever came for help.

Even when supplies ran low, the building's residents reached out to pharmacy owners and managed more.

As word spread, more and more people came to this unlikeliest of clinics for help, when all other doors were slammed shut on their faces.

THREATS AND SURVEILLANCE

Around 8:30pm on July 19, police fired tear gas shells towards their building, situated on Satmasjid Road, forcing them to close the gates and bring students inside for safety.

Some men in civilian clothes questioned the building's guards, asking who the residents were and why they were treating protesters. They threatened them with dire consequences if anyone stepped outside.

"Initially, I didn't focus on the threats. But when they asked about us, I was a little nervous. We, however, carried on with our work … Our primary duty was to humanity. Whatever I did, I did for my country," Mitheen said.

Soon enough, residents began noticing drones flying above the building.

"Some colleagues from the media informed me that only three houses in the Dhanmondi area were under surveillance. Ours was one of them," Worthy said, adding that their phones were also being tracked by then.

Despite the anxiety and fear of arrest or interrogation, nothing could come in between these doctors and their sense of duty.

"I found peace knowing that I treated those students out of my duty to my profession. Helping others should be driven by humanity, not politics – blood carries no political identity.

"Despite everything, the gratitude from the students made it all worthwhile."

After the fall of the Sheikh Hasina-led government, the students who had found refuge in the garage returned on August 6. They thanked the two doctors for standing by them when no one else did.

For the new Bangladesh, Mitheen hoped that no one else would fall victim to oppression.

"We achieved victory for the brothers and sisters who gave their lives. The shedding of their blood must not go in vain."​

 

[Saif]

The psychological costs of an uprising

The systemic issues make even the admission of one’s struggles a minefield

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The psychological costs of an uprising

This idea that one must recover because another has done so is deeply troubling. It has the effect of inflicting even more suffering on those already grieving. VISUAL: SHAIKH SULTANA JAHAN BADHON

In July, a friend told me about a student protester whose anxieties had become so severe, they wanted to be captured by the police just for the ordeal to be over with. The anguish expressed in such a desire is just a snapshot of the horrors experienced by individuals who saw a state turn against them in one of the most harrowing times in the country's recent history.

Nawshin, a student of Dhaka University, remains traumatised, "I saw the police firing with my own eyes, and I saw the kids fighting back with bricks and sticks." She found herself having a panic attack multiple times, an occurrence that is not typical for her.

The fact that she lives alone, away from her family in Dinajpur, made her situation worse. "I felt like I was living in a prison," she said. Without much cash, bKash inactive, and limited messages owing to a small phone balance, her woes were exacerbated by the tightened claws of a state machinery grasping for power by any and all means. We know, but we forget to mention, the case of many such students who were away from family at that time. Have they been able to find, in a new city they might have begun to call home, even a sliver of the peace they previously found there? Is it possible now to return to dormitories that saw raids, arrests, and the violations of privacies—including by the unlawful checking of phones? Can peaceful sleep come, even months after, when the walls of one's room stopped being a protected place?

The disruption of one's intimate space violated in this manner has been one of the most defining moments of the entire period of uncertainty we lurched into; the violence outside was another. However, the period after August 5, has its own issues. Raian Abedin, a student of North South University who partook in the protests, said, "I just cannot come to terms with a reality that shifted this violently and quickly. I know so many who suffered deep, deep wounds from the protests. While I myself was fortunate enough to not face the worst, the smell of tear gas, and the fear of death still comes back to me like a memory. What we are doing now is forcing normalcy, because we have to keep living no matter what."

Presenting a "normal" face to society is a struggle many face even in peaceful times. In the aftermath of an emergency, this issue becomes intensely complicated. It is after all, an event of massive proportions that shot its roots through every household. Zareena (name changed for privacy), a mother of two sons, who participated in the uprising, shared, "Because of the surroundings I am in and the upper-class society we mingle in, the people I usually mix with were not too invested in the situation. I felt I could not fully express my feelings."

While parents such as Zareena have been supportive, many friends and family may unwittingly be insensitive to those suffering from the memories of July. Dr Mehtab Khanam, an honorary professor in the Department of Psychology at Dhaka University, and a practicing psychologist, discussed how harmful making comparisons can be, and stated, "A lot of hurtful and judgmental comments are often passed wherein a person who is struggling might be asked why they are unable to manage when someone else in the same situation has."

This idea that one must recover because another has done so is deeply troubling. It has the effect of inflicting even more suffering on those already grieving. It is an issue afflicting not just the young, but parents like Zareena who feels she was unable to do much in her neighbourhood. Seeing the children on the streets as akin to her own children, she stated, "I have survivor's guilt that I was alive when they were out on the streets risking their lives."

For many, the return to one's previous life has been made difficult by reminders of the violence that occurred in the places they regularly pass through. For Nawshin, the Dhaka University campus bore remnants of the violence, not just in her memory, but also in the graffiti memorialising the martyred. She said, "Each time I go to campus, I am reminded of the blood. Each time I enter, I feel like I am once again traumatising myself."

However, violence has not become just a memory after August 5. It has remained an active threat for many. Nawshin stated that she never needed to think about what she wears, but now, it is a fear she carries.

Raian stated, "The protests were not the end of the story. If anything, they gave rise to numerous new things to worry about." Recently, there have been accounts of mob lynchings and increased attacks on women, but also in the retaliatory acts of violence against family members of the Awami League and the increased threats posed against systemically vulnerable communities. Even protesters themselves are finding themselves in uncertain situations. Musharrat Hossain, senior lecturer at North South University, stated, "In the aftermath, we are seeing that many students at the frontlines of the uprising are now being sidelined. At all campuses, vested groups seem to be awaiting their chance to take their stakes from the movement. In many cases, those who had put their lives on the line are not getting their due recognition."

At present, even identifying the underlying issues poses challenges. For one, not enough time has passed for us to know if people have post-traumatic stress disorder. Moreover, the symptoms of distress and various stress disorders are numerous, ranging from disrupted sleep and changes in appetite to a loss of ability to function or control one's moods. Making the situation worse is the lack of understanding that the majority of the population has towards mental health issues. Dr Mehtab Khanam stated, "There remains a lot of stigma about mental health. A majority of the nation's citizens are unaware of matters regarding mental health." Locating the problem to one of the fundamental aspects of modern society, she states, "It is unfortunate that we have been unable to develop an education system that is able to make all aspects of a child flourish." She mentioned the lack of attention to vital life skills, whether communication, anger management or problem-solving, that remain untaught in our educational institutions.

In a similar vein, Musharrat Hossain said, "The reality is we have to help the students heal. Teachers have been altering their syllabi to accommodate student's needs after such a violent period. In truth, however, we have failed to truly help them heal. Trauma-informed teaching is something we are unable to do in our universities at this point."

The systemic issues, along with the more vicious cultural stereotypes surrounding mental health, make even the admission of one's struggles a minefield. Pair this with the mushrooming of individuals claiming to have solutions for those already in a vulnerable condition, and you have a recipe for the exploitation of people with mental health struggles. I asked Dr Mehtab Khanam how an individual can know for certain that the professional they are seeking help from is a legitimate entity, and she replied, "There is currently no way to know." The answer is distressing, but Khanam explains, "At present, while there is a licensing body for psychiatrists, no such body exists for psychologists. Further exacerbating the situation is the existence of very short courses that require only a small amount of training. For a psychotherapist and a psychologist, it is not only hours of training that are required, but application of knowledge and also personal sessions for the therapists themselves."

For people battling mental illnesses for a long time, the problems are far too intimately known. Many see the answer in individual efforts, but the fact might be that just as the uprising took thousands, this challenge too will take thousands to solve. In the case of Bangladesh, it would be millions. Musharrat Hossain lays the responsibility on institutions. She said, "There is no such thing as people's reform. It must happen at a policy level, and the current period is crucial for us to act in order to prevent the vulnerable from being further abused and marginalised."

What we do know however, is that in some ways, a cultural shift has occurred post-July, if not at a mass scale, then at least among many individuals who had previously not been as concerned about the state of affairs in the country. When asked if the uprising made her more protective of her children, Zareena said, "No, the courage has increased. If the need arises, I would expect my children to stand for what is right. Unless I am satisfied that the sacrifice of all those we lost was successful, I will remain concerned about the current situation of Bangladesh."

Aliza Rahman is a member of the editorial team at The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Of our hopes and fears

AS THE euphoria surrounding Sheikh Hasina’s ouster to India slowly died down, we have slowly begun to excavate the wreckages of her authoritarian rule in our surroundings as well as our collective memories. If we look critically, the immediate past — the period immediately preceding her...

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Of our hopes and fears
Nayel Rahman 10 October, 2024, 00:48

New Age

AS THE euphoria surrounding Sheikh Hasina’s ouster to India slowly died down, we have slowly begun to excavate the wreckages of her authoritarian rule in our surroundings as well as our collective memories. If we look critically, the immediate past — the period immediately preceding her departure — appeared to be unique in the country’s history. From mid-July to mid-August, the country experienced something that cannot be explained by a simple term like political violence.

In those tempestuous times, we saw protesters being shot down by snipers sitting on top of tall buildings and sharpshooters from helicopters. We saw mass graves. We saw piles of corpses being set on fire. We saw people being hounded down in construction sites and underpasses and shot from point blank range. We saw people being shot and bodies being dragged out of their homes. We saw helmeted militiamen of the Chhatra League and Juba League, the student and youth wings of the Awami League, shooting indiscriminately at protesters and attacking them with machetes. We saw internet and media blackouts. In many ways, it was a state’s full-on assault against its own people.

The disturbing images that appeared in our social media feeds and, in rare cases, mainstream media were out of the ordinary even by Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian standards. From the mutilated, disfigured bodies of fallen military officers in Pilkhana, crushed human remains under Rana Plaza, bloated and macerated bodies on the Shitalakhya to seemingly lifeless bodies lying down in pools of blood at Shapla Chattar, we already had our own initiation and education in processing the macabre imagery. Still, nothing prepared us for what we saw and experienced in the long July.

The bloody violence took us back to our own past and forced us to confront disturbing scenes that we never expected to see again. Although the violence of 2024 was reminiscent of our sufferings in 1947 and 1971 to some degree, unlike the events of the past, it was a unique experience too. The violence was exclusively perpetrated by our own people. Unlike 1947 and 1971, we can’t blame people of different religions or ethnicities and go on vilifying our religious and ethnic minorities for crimes that most of them didn’t even participate in. As the descendants of the Hindus and the Biharis will attest, they have become our prisoners of history ever since then and probably will have to carry the burden of guilt as long as they live.

At this point in our history, we cannot single out a particular community and blame them for what happened to us. We also cannot wish away the killers and the thugs, who are essentially part of our own community, neighbourhoods, workplaces, and public spaces. Now we have to establish peace and reconcile with them while prosecuting those who have been directly involved in killing and seriously injuring people.

For us, it is no longer an investigation of police brutality and application of excessive force but a twofold task of far more important nature. We have to investigate, prosecute, and punish the massive human rights abuses inflicted by Sheikh Hasina’s law enforcement agencies and her armed militiamen, and, equally importantly, we have to build a community and forge a nation from the remnants of her rule.

Besides, during the regime’s reign of terror, it devised its own system to suppress dissent and eliminate political opponents. The strategy involved judicial and extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, which had its own specialised infrastructure in the much documented Aynaghor. Merely punishing those who are responsible isn’t enough. We need to put appropriate checks and balances in place so that these crimes do not happen once again.

Our experience from the long July also differs significantly from the years past, as our victory was solely earned by our own people. The creation of Pakistan necessitated an alliance with other Muslims in the subcontinent, while in 1971, we sought help from neighbouring India. In 2024, no one from outside was looking out for interests as students, workers, and common people fought Sheikh Hasina’s men on the streets.

With no one to blame for our predicaments but our own and no one to share the credits of our success with, it’s time for a new nation to emerge from the ashes of its own ancien régime. Its citizens should take duties and responsibilities of nation-building upon themselves while ensuring rights and liberties.

In the dying days of fascism and the turbulent period that followed, we have lost hundreds of lives. Many of the wounded have lost their limbs and will never go back to their old lives. The mental scars will take years or decades to heal. Sheikh Hasina, her family members, and her cronies have hollowed out the economy and put the country in billions of dollars in debt. They have outsourced our foreign policy and sacrificed our national interest for their own political and financial gains. Their mismanagement of state affairs and efforts to capture it badly damaged and compromised our internal and external security. The bloated, corrupted, largely ineffective state machinery resembles more like a white elephant than public institutions whose efficiency and expertise can be used to drive reforms. Bangladesh of today is more fragile and susceptible to external shocks than ever before.

Away from politics, our sociocultural lives have been affected by the tension surrounding our identity. The corrosive culture wars that came along only intensified over the years and made us our own worst enemies. We are extremely fearful of the people who appear to have different ideologies and whom we think threaten our way of life. The demons that still haunt us are almost forcing people to take retributive actions and promote vigilantism.

However, among all the chaos and disorder, there is room for optimism. As the law enforcement officials deserted their stations and the army personnel struggled to deal with the ensuing bedlam around the country, Bangladeshis were asked to fend for themselves. We came through the ordeal with our heads held high.

Some of us in combat fatigue foiled suspected military coup attempts in the barracks. Students and the general public warded off a judicial coup attempt at the High Court. People banded and bonded together to form neighbourhood watches to protect minority communities and their places of worship and protect themselves from thugs and looters. Younger generations volunteered to control traffic.

There are hundreds of scenes from the period following Hasina’s flight that showed Bangladeshi people have rediscovered something that was lost as we collectively dealt with modernity, urbanisation, fractious politics, and the identity crisis. Nowadays, we talk more about building the state, the economy and society. In those darkest moments, it was community that pulled us through.

The personal connection that we lost over many decades was already starting to rebuild when Sheikh Hasina’s government tried to go from door-to-door to quell the uprising. In a few cases, people of apartment buildings or neighbourhoods came to the rescue of the protesters who were hiding or about to be detained. The period following Sheikh Hasina’s departure merely solidified people’s resolve, and they organised themselves to protect not only themselves but the people who live around them and help military personnel.

Most of us wondered what kept people going through that critical time when even a countercoup might have thrown us into a prolonged period of instability. It’s hard to pinpoint a specific reason, but regaining ownership of the country might have been one. Suddenly, people began to realise that the country doesn’t belong to a dictator, her family, the oligarchs, and their coalition partners. The moments of togetherness that we saw were not cursory shows of solidarity.

Just because our former rulers didn’t do their job and merely used their power and privilege to extract maximum benefit from people they were sworn to protect, we can’t afford to leave the county to them or future successors with similar motives. For the powerful, it was an opportunity to climb up the ladder and leave everything behind when the time comes. For the ordinary people, it’s still their home, and no matter where they end up in life, they will always belong here.

Along with their sense of ownership and belongingness, people are going through a period of heightened political awareness. From roadside tea stalls, university campuses, cafes to living rooms of people’s homes, politics have become a constant theme of conversations.

The country’s artists and musicians have already drawn inspiration from the long July. Rap and Hip Hop have become the younger generations’ genre of choice for protest. Street art and graffiti have become the main mode of artistic expression. Almost every noticeable landmark now has artwork, graffiti, or calligraphy commemorating the movement. Among old classics, DL Roy’s ‘Dhono Dhanyo Pushpe Bhora’ had such a resurgence that it has become the people’s anthem.

The country’s intellectuals have broken the shackles put on them by the Digital Security Act. The intellectual stupor has gone away. So far, intellectuals and academics like Farhad Mazhar, Ali Riaz, and Rifat Hasan have become vocal about rewriting the constitution. Zia Haider Rahman, the renowned novelist, has come up with ideas to increase public engagement in the constitutional process. From social media to op-ed pages, people are coming up with ideas to change the old ways of governance.

In almost every way, the post-fascist era has become a potentially epoch-making time for Bangladesh. It is rare to see a moment in history where almost all the political, social, cultural, and intellectual forces are converging on something new. The people have come through a struggle where they have broken out of the captivity by themselves. Their experience of the Hasina regime told them they needed to take a clear break from the past and build the country anew. Let us not waste this precious moment with our pessimism, timidity, lack of political imagination, and apprehension about changes.​

 

[Saif]

Transition from autocracy

BANGLADESH experienced its first transition from autocratic rule after the fall of the regime of president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in August 1975. The second instance of transition from autocratic rule commenced with the fall of president Ershad in 1991. The third transition from autocracy to...

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Transition from autocracy
Faizul Latif Chowdhury 10 October, 2024, 00:40

New Age

BANGLADESH experienced its first transition from autocratic rule after the fall of the regime of president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in August 1975. The second instance of transition from autocratic rule commenced with the fall of president Ershad in 1991. The third transition from autocracy to democracy has started with the fall of the Sheikh Hasina regime on August 5 this year.

The nature and duration of the three autocratic regimes mentioned above differ widely. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman ruled the country for around three and a half years till he was killed and his government toppled in 1975. Thereafter, the transition to democracy under an elected government took a long time. With a short interlude of only three months under president Khondoker Mushtaq Ahmed — following the killing of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman — the country entered the transitional phase under the charismatic leadership of General Ziaur Rahman, who steered the process under a softcore Martial Law regime. Although he had to tackle a series of military coups in the cantonments, he enjoyed mass popularity and faced little or no resistance from people in general. Ziaur Rahman amended the constitution of the country to restore the multi-party democratic system that was eliminated by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in January 1975.

However, Ziaur Rahman decided to enter politics and, accordingly, floated a new political party under his leadership. The second general elections of the country were held in 1978, in which his party, namely, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, emerged as a strong political party with a wide popular base. Although relegated to the opposition bench, the leaders of the Bangladesh Awami League were happy to regain a role in national politics.

President Ershad’s autocratic rule came to an end when he resigned in 1991, in the teeth of a powerful political movement, after ruling the country for nearly a decade. General Ershad was the chief of the army and, in 1983, brought down an elected government mandated to be in power for five years till 1983. Because of this military coup, the country could not experience a transition from democracy to democracy and relapsed to autocratic rule once again.

Transition from president Ershad’s autocratic rule to democracy was a case of pacted or negotiated transition. The handover of power was smooth, and the transitional phase was managed by an extra-constitutional interim governmental system, which was referred to as ‘caretaker government’. While essentially an application of the doctrine of necessity, the model was later accepted by all political stakeholders, and, accordingly, the parliament led by Begum Khaleda Zia modified the constitution of the country in 1996 to permanently provide for caretaker government prior to general elections for electing a new government.

The world has experienced a high rate of transition to democracy in different countries since the end of the Second World War. Unfortunately, reversal to autocracy was not infrequent. It is to be recognised that Bangladesh overcame the difficulty of building self-enforcing democracy by innovating a political arrangement as noted above. It is a matter of record that the system of ninety-day ‘caretaker government’ facilitated and managed an acceptable transition from democracy to democracy. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party came to power under the leadership of Begum Khaleda Zia in 1991, the Bangladesh Awami League came to power under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina in 1996 and Bangladesh Nationalist Party again came to power in 2001 under the leadership of Khaleda Zia through elections held under caretaker governments.

Success of a caretaker government and transition from democracy to democracy depends on the personalities involved. Also, as experienced in many countries around the world, the role of the military and the role of the foreign powers in the context of international and regional geopolitics need to be factored in for understanding the dynamics that determine the development and sustainability of democratic institutions.

An entirely free election alone is not the only sign of a successful transition to democracy. However, free elections constitute the necessary condition for securing the next democratic regime. The outcome of the 1991, 1996 and 2001 elections, held under the auspices of caretaker governments, proved to be acceptable for national and international communities.

On the contrary, it is frequently argued the caretaker government headed by chief adviser Fakhruddin Ahmed, which assumed office in January of 2007, did not act fairly as a consequence of which the outcome of the general elections, scheduled to be held in April 2006 and actually held towards the end of 2008, became questionable. As it has been alleged, the military, under the command of General Mainuddin Ahmed, executed the hidden agenda of reinstating the Bangladesh Awami League to power under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina while ousting the Bangladesh Nationalist Party under the leadership of Khaleda Zia from the political scenario. It is presumed that one day the tenure of the Fakhruddina-Mainuddin government will be studied as a prelude to dictatorship.

It would not be an injustice if the regime of Sheikh Hasina, enduring over fifteen years, is termed fascistized dictatorship. No wonder that many take pleasure by ranking Sheikh Hasina alongside Gerardo Machado, Chiang Kai-shek, Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, Joseph Stalin, Paul Kagame, Kim Il-sung, Hugo Chavez and Jorge Rafael Videla. All of them created police states and ruled their respective countries pursuant to their will and goals.

The term ‘police state’ has evolved over a long period of time since 18th-century Prussia. Today, police states are typically characterised by a highly centralised form of authoritarian government, pervasive state surveillance, coercion and extortion, and covert impunity for repression, torture and corruption. The police force is militarised and employed for social control, repression of the opposition and suppression of dissent. The judiciary is subjugated and is left with no choice but to listen to the dictates conveyed via the attorney general. There is hardly any respect for civil liberties and human rights. The Human Rights Commission and the like are rendered redundant. The media degenerates to serve the purpose of the ruler. A regime of intimidation prevails in all spheres of social and political life, leading to self-censorship. The citizenry as well as the officials of the state apparatus is required to align their attitude and behaviour with the ideology of the ruling dictator. Any deviation is brutally muted. The principle adopted was: If you don’t like a dog, give it a bad name and hang.

Sheikh Hasina, once considered to be an icon of democracy, successfully transformed Bangladesh into a police state since the formation of her government in January of 2009. It will demand systematic research to identify the milestones of the transformation process, their chronological order and interconnectedness. When she fled the country on August 5, after ruling the country with an iron hand for nearly 16 years, Bangladesh has essentially been rendered into a country not much different from Francoist Spain.

Large scale killing of army officials in the BDR headquarters in Dhaka, obtaining a decree from the Supreme Court declaring caretaker government system ultra vires to the values entrenched in the constitution of the country, hurried abolition of the caretaker government system from the constitution, ruthless suppression of opposition politics in every possible way, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killing, crackdown on Islamic forces in the name of fighting terrorism, strict punitive measures for dissent and criticism, implementation of megaprojects without following due process for generating large amount of wealth via kick-backs, legal impunity for side-tracking the procurement process, plundering of banks and smuggling of black money out of the country, promotion of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as an idol, etc, are apparently elements of one thread.

The ouster of Sheikh Hasina from power in the morning of August 5 came through an undaunting revolt of the people, spearheaded by the young students of the country. The mighty regime of the Awami League crumbled in a trice. Internationally reputed figure Nobel Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus formed an interim government without the slightest resistance. The military did not stand on the way, although, admittedly, it was they who had arranged a safe flight for Sheikh Hasina to flee to India. However, the scenario of 2024 widely differs from that of 1975, the year in which Sheikh Hasina’s father’s Sheikh Mujibur Rahman regime was toppled, on many counts.

One can observe that the sudden end of the Mujib regime in August 1975 left a weak legacy to tackle during the transitional phase. Foremost of all, the military came forward to initiate and facilitate the regime change. Bangladesh had a negligible role in the international and regional geopolitical scenario, and there was almost no raising of the eyebrow among the foreign powers, including India. There was no private media to agitate, directly or indirectly, against the change. There was no social media through which to allow ventilation of anger by the Mujib supporters. Admittedly, the economy was in poor condition, but its basic fabric had not been distorted or shattered. As to the popular support, the activists of the Awami League were mostly unarmed and had little financial capacity to stage a counterrevolution. Most importantly, the military had no interest in politics or rent-seeking.

On the contrary, the legacy of Sheikh Hasina is pretty strong and capable of staging a counterrevolution. Hasina supporters believe that if their mistress could return to Bangladesh, she could grab power once again. Hasina’s legacy comprises a divided society rife with the culture of hatred and cancellation; a supportive community across all levels and sectors — rich with arms, money and muscle power; a police force full of officials personally loyal to Hasina’s ideology; an army commanded by generals with personal allegiance to the fallen prime minister; a civil administration dominated by Hasina supporters who upheld and facilitated the myth of development; and a judiciary submissive to the dictates of Hasina. In addition, there are hundreds of businessmen who upheld the principles of the fascist regime; a broad-based media that facilitated the erosion of democratic values and establishment of fascism; and a wide body of intellectuals and cultural activists who believe in Mujib’s one-party democracy and promoted him as the ‘greatest Bengali in a thousand years.’

New Age/ Mehedi Haque

To be continued.....................​

 

[Saif]

It would not be an easy task to pinpoint a certain event or time that caused Bangladesh’s democracy to slide into dictatorship since 2009, but the leadership under Sheikh Hasina is a good starting point. She had certain radical goals and plans up her sleeve that included sticking to power by hook or by crook, plundering national wealth in the name of development, and the establishment of an environment of intimidation and subjugation of the judiciary as well as the military. She saw it through that all democratic constitutions crumbled under her will and shrewd strategies. She successfully created a large pool of Awamiphiles across all sectors of the nation.

It has been observed that the nature of a political regime depends on the personal characteristics of its leader. It has been said that Joseph Stalin used to poke his nose into everything and instil fear in his subordinates. Sheikh Hasina was a good copy of Stalin made in a domestic mould. She created an environment of intimidation and established a mafia regime by all means. She was ingenious in spotting that mega-projects based on suppliers’ credit and foreign loans could be sources of a big amount of kickback. Later on, she chose banks as a better source of funds to plunder and syphon out of the country. The economic capital of the nation that built up over a long period was plundered away to a great extent.

She had an obsession with the death of his father and other members of the family who were killed in the early hours of August 15, 1975. With little care for the armed struggle in 1971, she believed that it was her father who gifted the nation with an independent state. She never forgave the followers of his father, who went silent and didn’t take to the streets to protest the killing. She considered the killing of her father a betrayal of the Bengali nation and consistently harboured prickliness about it. This made her vengeful. It cannot be forgotten that she evicted her predecessor, former prime minister Begum Khaleda Zia, from her home in 2010. The latter was officially allotted the residence on humanitarian grounds following due process after former president Ziaur Rahman was assassinated in a military coup in 1981.

Sheikh Hasina had little love for the country. She just needed power to keep ruling the country and extract its economic wealth. She demonstrated a lack of respect for others. She picked up people with criminal orientation and promoted them with a view to establishing despotism. She was unabashed in her falsification of facts and use of manipulated statistics to cheat the people. She was a psychopath who believed that the country and its wealth belonged to her. Also, she believed that winning a free and fair election was not essential for a legitimate right to power; rather, an election should be staged as required by the constitution, and people should be made to accept it through propaganda. She did not hide her mind and said, ‘I want power; I need absolute power.’

The history of Bangladesh would certainly have been different if the Bangladesh Awami League, after winning the elections held in December 2008, chose any other leader else than Sheikh Hasina as the prime minister of the country.

SOCIAL scientists around the world have tried to pinpoint the characteristics and dimensions of change in and from authoritarian rule since the breakdown of long-enduring authoritarian regimes in Spain and Portugal in the 1970s. Venezuela has proved a difficult case for achieving a democratic system. The world witnessed with dismay how the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ that spurted out in 2011 eventually actualised only in Tunisia, while other countries ended up with military coup d’etat (Egypt) or bloody civil wars (Libya, Syria, and Yemen).

Conceptualising the transition experience is a difficult task. A lot of factors affect the process of transition from autocracy to democracy. There are a lot of challenges to overcome, foremost of which is to tackle the legacies of the autocratic regime. Although the prospect for enduring democracy is not a far cry, it is indeed difficult to achieve.

An entirely free election after a prolonged period of dictatorial rule is the acid test of the transition to democracy. However, the management during the interim period is critically important.

The interim government led by Mohhamad Yunus, formed in the style of caretaker government, has many challenges to face to pave a way towards self-reenforcing democracy. The agenda before his government is long. One of the firsts is to tackle the legacies of the Sheikh Hasina regime in a strategic way so that any attempt at a counterrevolution can be thwarted at once. A socio-political environment needs to be created that will rule out catapulting Sheikh Hasina back into her chair.

Every dimension of the state has suffered profound erosion during sixteen years of despotic rule. They need to be repaired before an election is held. Over sixteen years, the regime of Sheikh Hasina has actively facilitated diverse public authorities to coordinate on extra-constitutional activities, eventually transforming the politico-institutional setting into one of autocratic rule and kleptocracy. Democratic values destroyed by the Sheikh Hasina regime need to be restored and recreated. Separation of powers is to be restored and nurtured. Impunity for corruption and misdeeds needs to be addressed for establishing the rule of law. There is no doubt that reform of the constitution, or writing a new constitution ab initio, is needed to prevent the rise of autocracy in the future. Radical thoughts are needed for it.

The influence of the international environment and foreign actors on regime change critically matters given the geopolitical scenario that has evolved in the first quarter of the 21st century. Political scientists around the world largely believe that United States policy towards regime change can play a significant role.

Political leadership between authoritarianism and democracy matters in a significant way. Bangladesh is lucky to have Professor Yunus as the helmsman. He not only enjoys the trust of the nation; he also enjoys the support of world leaders and international institutions. It is reasonable to hope that he will be able to achieve Bangladesh a favourable status in regional geopolitics. Also, support of the United States may play a crucial role, as illustrated in the recent history of different countries.

It is encouraging to note that US deputy secretary of state Richard Verma, who previously served as the US ambassador to India, recently said that decisions on elections and interim government are for the Bangladeshi people to make. With emphasis, he remarked, ‘I think the most important thing is to try to support democratic, peaceful, lawful transition in Bangladesh rather than its future direction. Our role is to support them in their democratic journey.’

Faizul Latif Chowdhury, former civil servant, is professor (adjunct), Independent University Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

‘We need to clearly articulate what we mean by a discrimination-free Bangladesh’ | The Daily Star

Anu Muhammad discusses the people’s aspirations for equality, the ambiguity around ‘discrimination,’ and the challenges faced by the left in Bangladesh. From class and gender inequality to ethnic and religious discrimination, this conversation highlights the crucial issues we must address to...

thegreatwave.thedailystar.net

We need to clearly articulate what we mean by a discrimination-free Bangladesh

Anu Muhammad public intellectual and former professor of Economics at Jahangirnagar University, talks about the people’s aspirations for a just and equal society, the current ambiguity around the term ‘discrimination’, and the failure of the left in Bangladesh, in an interview with The Daily Star.

The rallying cry of the student movement that turned into a mass uprising was an end to discrimination. To what extent is that overarching vision being realised?

A deeply corrupt and oppressive regime, in power for a decade and a half, has been overthrown by the July uprising in Bangladesh. It’s important that we remember that a broad cross-section of Bangladeshi citizens of diverse religious, ethnic, gender and class backgrounds participated in the movement. At least a thousand killed in the lead up to and during the uprising, over a hundred of the deceased have been identified as labourers. Moreover, among the deceased students whose identities have been ascertained, a majority hail from working-class, peasant or lower-middle-class families. Of those injured, approximately 400 have suffered eye injuries, and many have lost limbs. The vast majority of these individuals are from impoverished backgrounds and lack the financial means to afford medical treatment. This dimension of the mass uprising has not received adequate attention thus far. The participation of the working class, the impoverished, and the marginalised sections of society in this movement, as well as their grievances and expectations, have not been adequately addressed in the discourse or discussions of policymakers, the educated leadership, or the interim government, almost two months after the uprising.

One common consensus that emerged from this popular uprising and the subsequent change in government is the desire for a Bangladesh free from discrimination. Despite ideological, political, generational, and social differences among the various organisations and individuals who participated in the uprising, there is a unanimous call for a society free from inequality and discrimination. Even the graffiti drawn on the walls conveyed such mature messages. The demand to end discrimination—so clearly expressed by the people on the streets—is yet to be articulated with equal clarity by those now in positions of power. The walls proclaim that all Bangladeshis, regardless of their religion—be it Muslim, Hindu, Christian, or Buddhist—should have equal rights. They assert that religion should not be used for political gain and raise questions about the rights of indigenous peoples. They demand gender equality, and an equitable Bangladesh. But what do the student leaders and those in the government mean by the use of the term ‘discrimination’? It is crucial to clearly articulate these demands and engage in a deep analysis of what we truly mean by a “discrimination-free Bangladesh”.

What forms of discrimination or inequalities are most prevalent in Bangladeshi society right now that should be addressed? If we are to go by the outcries on social media, it would appear that the most oppressed people in Bangladesh are male Muslims…

Yes, indeed, it would appear that way. But if we are deal with the issue in all seriousness, we have to understand that Bangladesh is grappling with various forms of discrimination, with class discrimination being a prominent one. Even neoliberal economists acknowledge the significant increase in inequality in Bangladesh. Over the past two decades, the real income or GDP share of the bottom 90 percent has declined. Income is now concentrated in the hands of the top 10 percent, with the top 1 percent capturing the lion’s share. The root cause of this inequality lies in the political economy.

We must discuss issues such as workers’ wages, the increasing commercialisation of education and healthcare, and the consequent alienation of a large segment of the population. Families are going bankrupt seeking medical treatment or educating their children. These processes—deprivation coexisting with growth—are causing a large number of people to become increasingly alienated. Those who are alienated, living in poverty and deprivation, were a significant part of the recent uprising. What will happen to them, and what programmes will be implemented to lift them out of their current desperation, is a crucial question.

The second form of discrimination is gender discrimination, not just between men and women but also involving other genders. This discrimination occurs both within and outside the home. We need to acknowledge the existence of various genders and respect them. Discrimination in areas such as property rights, employment, and mobility must be addressed. For instance, a woman’s dress or freedom of movement often faces various social restrictions and obstacles. Recently, we saw how a man was harassing a number of women for their clothing, or because they were sitting alone on the beach.

Next, we have the issue of ethnicity. Until now, the existence of ethnicities other than Bengali in Bangladesh has not been officially recognised in our constitution, society, or even among the political leaders. We see the recognition of indigenous peoples in graffiti on walls, but not in policymaking. Due to this discrimination, while Bangladesh as a whole may have escaped authoritarian rule, the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) remain militarised. The people of the CHT are still not free. Just as extrajudicial killings have been a significant issue in other parts of Bangladesh, they have also occurred in the CHT, but this issue is not being discussed openly.

Religious discrimination is another major issue. Not only are people of different religions facing discrimination, but even within the same religion, there are minority groups which are being targeted. It’s not just the dominance of one religion, but a specific sect within a religion that is being imposed. The events of the past month and a half, such as attacks on shrines, mosques belonging to different sects, and temples, are evidence of this. Minorities both within and outside of Islam are living in constant insecurity. The government has not taken sufficient measures to address this issue and reassure these communities that they are also protected. I recently spoke with some Hindu teachers who expressed their deep concerns about the safety of their relatives and friends. They reported incidents of their houses being demolished, looting, and job losses. It’s impossible to imagine a non-discriminatory Bangladesh where certain groups continue to live in a constant state of anxiety and fear. Not only that. recent mob killing, indiscriminate filing of cases and arrests are also matters of concern. The government needs to take a strong stance on this issue.

Does our current constitution adequately address the issue of discrimination?

We have engaged in continuous struggles—both before and after the Liberation War—because our aspirations of a just, discrimination-free society could not be fully reailsed. We’ve fought for our language, for the right to education, and against military rule, ethnic oppression, and inequality. This struggle has had an impact on a part of our constitution that prohibits discrimination based on race, religion, or gender. Additionally, the constitution states that the state is responsible for providing education and healthcare to all citizens. There’s also a provision that constitutional principles supersede other laws. However, subsequent amendments to the constitution have introduced numerous discriminatory, oppressive, and communal provisions, contradicting these fundamental principles.

The 1972 constitution was a paradox. On one hand, it spoke of equality and justice. On the other, it marginalised minority communities and centralised power, paving the way for greater authoritarianism. The dream of an equitable Bangladesh was born before 1971. The Liberation War of 1971 was also fought with this very dream, and a part of our constitution reflects this aspiration. Therefore, we must maintain this continuity. We must recognise that this struggle is not new, but rather a continuation of past efforts. This continuity must be reflected in the constitution, and we must clearly articulate in our constitution what we mean by an equitable Bangladesh.

Our walls proclaim that all Bangladeshis, regardless of their religion—be it Muslim, Hindu, Christian, or Buddhist—should have equal rights. PHOTO: Star

The left played an instrumental role in the 1969 mass uprising. What has happened to left-wing politics in Bangladesh since?

The 1969 uprising was the peak of left-wing politics in Bangladesh. Without the millions of workers from Tongi, Adamjee, and other areas coming to Dhaka, the mass uprising would not have reached its climax. This mobilisation of workers was primarily led by the left. The same was true in Chittagong. The dominant force in student organisations at that time was the left.

After 1969, during the Liberation War of 1971, a clear division emerged in our national politics. One faction, particularly those involved in Islamic politics, sided with Pakistan and committed war crimes. On the other hand, the Awami League and other forces, particularly those aligned with nationalism, and the left fought for liberation. This nationalism was largely Bengali nationalism, which was not all-inclusive. Those in the left camp fought for liberation and talked about socialism. However, after independence, a section of the left merged with Bengali nationalism and essentially equated left politics with Awami League politics. This was a mistake. Left politics and nationalist politics are not the same. There were also other left-wing groups who did not side with the Awami League, but they faced severe repression from 1972 onwards. Their discourse also had flaws.

After the 1975 coup and the subsequent martial law, those who came to power included individuals who were pro-Islamic and anti-liberation war. This led to a narrative of liberation versus anti-liberation, which continued throughout the 1980s and after. Consequently, the significant issue of class struggle was overshadowed. This was a major failure on the part of the left. They could have regrouped in the 1980s but failed to do so. In the 1980s, the anti-Ershad movement led to political mobilisation, and an alliance formed under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia. A section of the left aligned with Hasina, while another aligned with Khaleda. This was a suicidal act. The left failed to maintain a distinct identity and instead chose to follow either Hasina or Khaleda. Only a small, insignificant left-wing faction remained independent.

Another threat came from various neoliberal economic policies, such as structural adjustment programmes and World Bank policies. These policies led to the dismantling of major industrial bases in Bangladesh. I believe that the World Bank’s suggestion to privatise or shut down Adamjee and other jute mills lacked any sound economic logic. In my opinion, they had a political agenda too. They wanted to dismantle the organised working class. They aimed to eliminate industries where the working class could unite. Previously, places like Adamjee had living arrangements for workers. The left’s main base was in those jute, textile, and sugar mills. Those industries were dismantled, starting in the 1980s and concluding around 2002. This was another significant blow for the left.

The left leaders failed to adapt to the new shape of the working class, which was now dominated by the garment industry and informal sector. Secondly, their failure to differentiate themselves from the politics of nationalism or religion weakened the left base in Bangladesh. Furthermore, many left leaders joined the Awami League, while another set joined the BNP or the Jatiya Party, which was disastrous. If we look at the leadership of the BNP, Jatiya Party, and Awami League, we’ll find many former leftists. In fact, former leftists have been ruling the country for a long time. However, they have not advanced the cause of left-wing ideology. The growth of the left parties has stagnated.

Do you still see any hope for the left in Bangladesh?

When we hear the phrase “discrimination-free Bangladesh” or see it written on the walls, it’s essentially a left agenda. If we can articulate what it means to talk about equity and oppose inequality, then we must inevitably move towards left-wing politics. Without the left, the fight against inequality cannot progress. Right-wing politics, or any other form of politics, inherently promotes inequality. Whether it’s religion-based politics, nation-based politics, or nationalist politics, they all promote inequality. The dominant neoliberal economic model is also inherently inequitable. I believe that the aspirations of society are fundamentally left-leaning. And the discourse of the majority who are involved in movements is also left-leaning. However, this is not articulated or recognised in the politics of the leadership. Right-wing politics, on the other hand, cannot represent people’s aspirations. By partially addressing issues of inequality, they essentially deceive the people.

How would you evaluate the interim government’s role in addressing some of the concerns you have highlighted?

A significant portion of the killed and injured during this uprising came from working-class families, and we haven’t yet seen any substantial government attention regarding the full protection they need. When we look at the government’s response to labour movements, it becomes clear that their perspective on workers hasn’t changed from the previous government. They consistently adopt the same stance: whenever there’s a labour movement, the government sides with the employers, echoing the employers’ language and arguments. And they often resort to blaming imaginary external conspiracies.

Whenever there’s a possibility of change created by peoples’ movements or mass uprisings, various social groups try to get their dues. However, the demands of the deprived people must be addressed. While there may be external influences fuelling the workers’ movement, it’s undeniable that they harbour deep resentment. We must understand the reasons behind this resentment. It stems from issues like unpaid wages, various forms of abuse, mass layoffs, and the non-payment of wages to those who participated in the labour movement. These are just some of the many grievances that contribute to their anger.

There are various gender discrimination and gender issues in society, and the government is showing no signs of addressing them. There are also serious problems with public education and healthcare. There is a lack of attention to mega projects that are a burden on our economy and pose significant risks to our environment. While this government cannot solve everything, its perspective should be clear. For instance, projects like Rampal and Rooppur pose significant risks to Bangladesh if we don’t find a way out. I’m not saying this government can cancel them immediately, but they should at least prepare the ground to do so. From the government’s statements, it seems they plan to continue with all existing agreements. But if that’s the case, what will change? The previous government signed many harmful agreements that went against national, public, and environmental interests. If these agreements continue, then the politics will also remain the same. These are major concerns for us. We haven’t seen a significant enough difference in the government’s approach to these issues.​

 

[Saif]

A tale of courage and compassion

Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen not only opened their doors to the wounded but also converted the garage of their building on Satmasjid Road into a makeshift clinic.

www.thedailystar.net

A tale of courage and compassion
We salute the two doctors for their efforts during the uprising

VISUAL: STAR

During the July-August uprising, the compassion, integrity, and dedication of two doctors—Dr Worthy Jukhrif and Dr Hritisha Aktar Mitheen—stood out in their commitment to humanity and their profession. On July 18, Dhanmondi-27 became one of the flashpoints when violent clashes erupted between pro-reform demonstrators and police, who were backed by activists from the then-ruling party. Many injured demonstrators were too afraid to seek medical help as the government cracked down on protesters, even stationing police in front of hospitals to intimidate anyone seeking treatment. Some hospitals were overwhelmed with patients, while others refused to provide care.

Amid this difficult situation, Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen not only opened their doors to the wounded but also converted the garage of their building on Satmasjid Road into a makeshift clinic. With the support of other residents who contributed supplies, the two doctors treated over 100 injured individuals. Despite their own trauma and shock from the events unfolding around them, they set up two beds in the garage and provided critical care, including removing pellets, dressing deep wounds, and offering counselling to the injured, thus transforming their garage into a sanctuary for those with nowhere else to turn.

The doctors recently recounted some of the horrific injuries they treated, explaining that, as a result of their efforts, on July 19, police targeted their building with tear gas shells. Additionally, men in civilian clothes questioned the building's guards, inquiring about the residents and why they were treating protesters. They even issued threats of severe consequences if anyone stepped outside. Despite these and other forms of harassment and surveillance, Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen stood their ground for the sake of humanity, embodying the highest ideals of the medical profession and demonstrating profound compassion for their fellow countrymen.

Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen have demonstrated just how noble the medical profession can be—something that many other doctors and carers did during the uprising. We salute them for their selfless efforts. We also urge the interim government to properly recognise the services of all such people who contributed through their acts of kindness and commitment to the nation during the mass uprising, so their example may inspire future generations.​

 

[Saif]

Extraordinary situation calls for extraordinary measures

BANGLADESH, following the overthrow of an extremely repressive government of the Awami League, in the face of a great democratically oriented student-mass uprising and subsequent voluntary disappearances of all the League leaders from the country’s political scene, obviously with a view to...

www.newagebd.net

Extraordinary situation calls for extraordinary measures
Nurul Kabir 10 October, 2024, 00:10​

BANGLADESH, following the overthrow of an extremely repressive government of the Awami League, in the face of a great democratically oriented student-mass uprising and subsequent voluntary disappearances of all the League leaders from the country’s political scene, obviously with a view to escaping court proceedings for their political, economic and criminal offences, is now passing through a critically important transitional phase of history. The great July movement, which culminated in prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s resignation and fleeing to India on August 5, apparently looked like a ‘revolution’, which many a politician and intellectual of the country still call it adorably, but in essence it was not. By the simplest definition, a ‘revolution’ is a political Event that overthrows one class of people from power by another class, enabling the winning class to build its own state machinery on the debris of that of the defeated one. And, obviously, such a revolution takes place under the leadership of an organised revolutionary party with a philosophically thought-out set of political, economic and cultural agenda, to be implemented in the post-revolution society.

The victorious July movement of the masses — more than 80 per cent of some 1,500 martyrs of and some 22,000 critically injured in the movement came from under-privileged sections of society — has definitely overthrown the autocratic regime of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League, but the autocratic state machine that successive governments of the country’s ruling class have built up in Bangladesh since its birth and Hasina’s has further brutalised it over a decade and half remains intact with all its repressive laws, rules, policies, resources and practices.

Moreover, despite enormous courage, profound commitment and great tactical skills of the student leaders, who transformed their initial anti-job quota agitation eventually into a mass movement for the ouster of the League government, they were not a homogenous force organised under a revolutionary party with a comprehensive revolutionary agenda.

They are, in fact, a patriotic group of courageous young boys and a few girls, coming from different political traditions and containing heterogeneous politico-philosophical thoughts. Not surprisingly, the young leadership of the successful mass uprising invited, visibly ignoring the exiting constitution of the state, Professor Muhammad Younus, a Nobel peace laureate of particularly western repute, who might have been in prison if Hasina had continued in power for a few more months, to lead an ‘interim government’ to carry out certain ‘reforms’ — political, constitutional and economic, et cetera, and hold free and pair national elections for transferring power to an elected authority. The political parties and the national army have complied with wishes of the students. This is an extraordinary time.

Meanwhile, the young group of student leaders is learnt to be trying to launch a political party of their own while it has not yet formulated any manifesto and agenda for the planned party. It is, indeed, impossible to determine the political characteristic of a political party in the making — revolutionary or reformist — without analysing its manifesto and agenda. Hence, at this point of history, this is irrelevant to talk about the ‘revolutionary imposition of a revolutionary agenda by a revolutionary party’.

Under such a circumstance, the question arises as to what kind of reforms the interim government of Professor Yunus intends to carry out and in how much time it should accomplish its interim agenda. The Yunus administration has, meanwhile, announced half a dozen commissions to prescribe — in 90 days of the constitution — constitutional, electoral, judicial, public administration, police and anti-corruption mechanism reforms. It has not issued any political and philosophical guideline/s for the commissions to make recommendations to base on. Thus, the citizens concerned are left with nothing but speculating about the possible nature of the recommendations to come, and that too, based on the personal politico-philosophical orientations of the individual members of the commissions.

Bangladesh essentially needs democratic reforms in almost every sector of its collective life while the most important one being the democratisation of the constitution of its state. In a democratic dispensation, the constitution is expected to be a document reflecting the ‘general will’ of the people — the ‘sovereign’. It is the constitution that guarantees the legitimate rights of the citizens, on the one hand, and provides legitimate power for actors of different branches of the state to exercise, on the other. The constructional provisions of a democratic state, a republic in other words, must recognise the importance of the state to remain perpetually accountable to the ‘sovereign’ — the people, that is. Understandably, a genuine representation of different sections of the people — irrespective of their class, ethnic, gender and religious identities — is essential in the entire constitution making/reforming process, right from the beginning. Here, in the present case, the ‘beginning’ begins from the constitution of the ‘constitution reforms commission’ while the commission has only marginal representation of women, but it does not have any ‘representation’ from the national and religious minority communities, constituting a significantly large section of the country’s population having their own difficulties and aspirations in the existing undemocratic dispensation. Besides, despite the existence of many peasant and labour organisations in the country, no representation from these huge classes of people is there on the constitution reforms commission.

If morning shows the day, evidently, the interim government of Professor Yunus, which has appointed the commission, intends to offer the post-July mass-uprising Bangladesh a patriarchal, Bengali Muslim majoritarian piece of constitution of the state, ignoring the fact that the great mass uprising against autocracy was participated in and supported by, although by different degrees, all sections of the people — Bengalis and non-Bengalis, male and female, Muslims and non-Muslims, the rich and the poor.

If this is the kind of reforms that the interim government intends to carry out in other sectors as well, Bangladesh has no chance to get out the old political, economic and legal order. It should realise that an extraordinary situation, arising out of magnificent student-mass uprising that has generated new hopes and aspiration in society, needs extraordinary measures to fulfil the new demand of history — a genuinely democratic transformation of the pseudo-democratic republic.

Nurul Kabir is editor of New Age​

 

[Saif]

Credit for August 5 uprising belongs to students, not any party: Jamaat Ameer

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman has stated that the credit for the August 5 mass uprising does not belong to any political party but rather to the students and the people. He remarked that the nation has been freed from fascism through the bloodshed and sacrifices of the youth and the gene

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Credit for August 5 uprising belongs to students, not any party: Jamaat Ameer
Published :
Oct 11, 2024 20:51
Updated :
Oct 11, 2024 20:51

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman has stated that the credit for the August 5 mass uprising does not belong to any political party but rather to the students and the people. He remarked that the nation has been freed from fascism through the bloodshed and sacrifices of the youth and the general public.

"We seek to earn the genuine love of the people through our work. We do not want divisions between the minority and the majority. We envision a society where temples, like mosques, do not require security. If anyone attempts to disrupt our harmony, we must unite to resist them," he said.

Dr Shafiqur Rahman made these remarks as the chief guest at a workers' conference organised by Sylhet Metropolitan Jamaat, held on Friday at 3:30 pm at the Kushiyara International Convention Hall in South Surma, Sylhet, UNB reports.

The event was presided over by Muhammad Fakhrul Islam, a member of Jamaat's Central Executive Committee and Ameer of Sylhet Metropolitan Jamaat, and conducted by Secretary Muhammad Shahjahan Ali. Several thousand workers from the city attended the conference.

In his address, Dr Shafiqur Rahman added that during the regime of the 'fallen fascist', Jamaat-e-Islami suffered the most oppression. "Our top leaders were executed on charges of crimes against humanity, and they were martyred. Today, history has marked them as the real perpetrators of crimes against humanity," he concluded.​

 

[Saif]

How we go about the Bangla Spring now will define its future | The Daily Star

Between “July 34-36”, Bangladesh saw the explosion of a united democratic desire among people of all classes and professions. The demand for democracy was the revolutionary desire then. Following on from that, establishing meaningful democracy is going to be the true revolutionary programme now...

thegreatwave.thedailystar.net

How we go about the Bangla Spring now will define its future
Altaf Parvez

Before the Bangla Spring, there was a perception around the world that in the era of “surveillance states”, transformative politics cannot emerge victorious. This, after all, was the era of spies, of reactionists, of populism—an era of Pegasus’s dominance. But if George Orwell was alive, he would have looked on in awe at how the people of Bangladesh have flipped “1984” in 2024. This is why this mass uprising has communicated new hope among the oppressed peoples of the world. They are now thinking, “Victory is possible.” As a result, there is a global necessity to protect this uprising in Bangladesh. At the same time, conservative attempts to discredit and derail it are also nothing unnatural.

Lethargy in civil administration

Already, the Bangla Spring has faced some troubles within the country. There is some scepticism in society about the strength of the government that has been formed following the uprising. The government is facing a multidimensional crisis as it struggles to project an image of power. Perhaps as a byproduct of this, the administration has not been as active as expected. The activity in police stations has not resumed in full swing, and the police are yet to conduct patrols like they used to. Incidences of stealing and hijacking are on the rise.

The fire incidents in Gazi Tyre and Pran-RFL factories spread terror among industrialists. In Gazi Tyre, looting took place for an extended period of time, after which it was set on fire, yet no effective preventive steps were seen. The fact that industrialists, afflicted by fire and terror, are having to go around asking for security in different places is definitely a matter of embarrassment for the interim government.

At the same time, the pre-announced destruction of shrines in various places is spreading fear in rural society. No one in the administration seems to be considering it their responsibility to stop these attacks. Although warnings of legal actions against those involved were issued by the chief adviser’s office, their effects were negligible.

In fact, even during the terrible floods in Greater Noakhali, the civil administration was unable to assume the role of leading the coordination efforts. Instead, people had to place their trust in the army and students. Even though hundreds of trucks filled with relief goods left Dhaka, a tremendous weakness was observed in coordination among involved groups, especially with regard to prioritising marginal areas that needed the relief on an emergency basis.

Many volunteers were seen distributing relief in places close to highways and big roads, taking some pictures, and coming back. It’s as if there was nothing to be done about getting rid of the floodwaters other than distributing relief and blaming India! The people of Greater Noakhali and surrounding areas were in an unthinkable state of suffering because of waterlogging.

People don’t want to lose trust

Similar to Noakhali, the spirit of the mass uprising was almost absent in the civil administration’s response to flood in other affected districts as well. In all sorts of offices including educational institutions, there is only the circus of removing the officials who have been there until now and replacing them with new ones. The political-philosophical direction behind why the “old” ones must be removed and why it’s necessary to replace them with “new” ones has not been communicated to the field level.

As a result, these institutions have fallen into the cycle of signing attendances and various groups vying for control. Trying to avail everyday “services”, people can’t find any sign of the “Second Liberation War”.

At the end of the “war”, people are finding it hard to understand how they could be participating in the reconstruction of the country. In other words, there is no clear political and administrative “vision” that has been delivered to the districts and upazilas even after an incident as big as a mass uprising. The stimulus and promises seem to be stuck in TV screens. Unbeknownst to everyone, the seeds of hopelessness are being sowed even though the memory of the sacrifices of so many still burns freshest. But ordinary people are still not ready to lose hope. At least with Muhammad Yunus, they have a lot of trust.

Students belong on the ground, not in bureaucracy

In this tug of war between hope and despair, the students and others involved in the mass uprising could have taken the responsibility of building synergy between society and central administration. But the formation of students’ and people’s mass uprising committees in every district has not happened. They have not been assigned any specific activity relating to building the country. If the will is there, even now they can be used to accomplish a variety of nation-building activities.

On the ground, I have heard many say that the students could have solved many long-festering problems, such as illegal encroachment of rivers, without delay. By controlling traffic across the country on the first few days after August 5, students proved that they are ready to do any practical and technical task. They proved their worth again during the flood rescue and relief operations. At that time, “old society” did help them with open hands.

At the Bangladesh Agricultural University in Mymensingh, students were seen taking initiatives to produce saplings for post-flood agricultural rehabilitation. Many may remember that a similar spirit took hold in the tumultuous days of 1972-73. But the new government is failing to give this spontaneous youth force suitable tasks to keep alight the kindling of this fire. Instead of fashioning a “combined national role” for students, we have seen a handful of student leaders become advisers to the government. Perhaps a few more of them will join bureaucratic activities.

The highest achievement from all of this could be a “synergy” between the students and the people, and the old bureaucracy. But the demand of the mass uprising was not coordination with the colonial administration, or the debuts of students and new people within the bureaucracy. The demand was its complete reform. A full-body change. The consequence of the present organisational strategy is twofold. First, it’s leading to a bureaucratisation of talented student organisers as they waste their valuable time in administrative complications over appointments, transfers, suspensions, and so on. Second, watching the “coordinators” of the movement work like this could lead to pessimism particularly among the Generation Z.

Both scenarios would be extreme forms of self-sabotage. It is as though the “Spring” is being forcefully transformed into a “Winter”.

The uprising that started under the leadership of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement platform remains incomplete without the expected transformation of the state. That is why the entire leadership group of the student movement should have been on the ground for a much longer period. They should have highlighted the demands of reform from the field level. They should have compiled these demands and continuously presented them in front of the government. Only in this way could the uprising live on as a continuous process. The civil administration would not have been able to sit idle in sabotage like it is doing now.

But instead, some dangerous signs of superiority and chauvinism can be seen now. Some specific young people are being given the proprietary rights for the “mass” movement. Some are being affectionately given the title of “masterminds”. But if we removed the bubbles of individualism, we would see that the “mastermind” of the Bangla Spring is an all-encompassing desire for democracy. The students and the people turned the quota reform movement into a one-point movement a day before the “coordinators” uttered it. We must not forget that.​

To be continued....................

 

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The movement should be made more inclusive

Considering that the July-August movement did not happen under the leadership of one person or party or coalition, it is illogical for the student body of one university to claim sole authority over the movement. In fact, this movement does not belong to a coalition of many universities either.

The descriptions of those killed and wounded in the movement make it clear that it was a movement of people of all classes and professions. In fact, it is historically inaccurate to characterise this movement as having started with the quota reform question and ended with the fleeing to India of Sheikh Hasina.

The essence of the 14-15-year-long struggle of people of many classes and professions has lent itself to the Bangla Spring. Thus, it is not just a child born to the middle class during the month of July. Without the realisation of the desires of so many people through this long period of time, this movement will not stop. In that sense, only a fair election will not fulfil the demands of the labourers killed or wounded in this movement.

There are no universities in the spot—Dhaka's Jatrabari—where most people were killed during the movement. It is mainly an area of labourers. The bloodiest resistance during the mass uprising occurred here. These people did not sacrifice their lives on the issue of quota reform. Various longstanding crises in their day-to-day lives led them to take to the streets. They were unable to forget the feeling of insult borne out of an omnivorous culture of extortion and the denial of the right to vote in a number of elections.

So, the fact that people of these classes and professions are appearing in front of the government with their demands is not unnatural. It is all a sign of a society reborn that everyone, from labourers of pharmaceutical companies to rickshaw pullers, is engaging in processions and meetings. The incidents of beating up members of Ansar or doctors are very reactionary in nature. The central leadership of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement needs to rethink these issues.

To raise the inclusive profile of the movement, the demands of different classes and professions must be considered with importance. The organisers of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement can go to people from all walks of life and explain to them why it’s important to give room for political reforms. The powers of the movement need to be synergised with various marginal groups, instead of synergising it with the bureaucracy. Chasing away the different professional groups who are raising demands now will have a boomerang effect in the long run. Even now, the fact that the public is accepting this government as inclusive enough—despite the fact that there is no representation of workers and farmers in the adviser’s council—is because of their love for the students, and trust in some of the advisers. But nothing is permanent.

Meanwhile, the lack of participation by female students in the decision-making process of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement is becoming notable, whereas a big base of power for the July-August movement was the long processions that female students would call during days and nights. Not only on the university premises, but in districts and upazilas too, young women were in the vanguard of the movement with tremendous emotion and excitement. The traditional ideas about Bangladeshi women long held by our society have, by and large, been erased this time. Only an anti-discriminatory, democratic society can adopt the progressive elements of the recent movement. But in the field, there are some different tendencies too. One of them is to transform the mass uprising into a so-called “cultural war”. Already, Islamic parties are sitting together with a “revolutionary” goal, according to the media. Organisers of many “banned” organisations are having cases against them withdrawn, as per media reports. Many in the “intelligentsia” are raising public support to transform the current government into a “revolutionary government”. The “united power” of July 36 (August 5) is getting split into many subgroups like this. Many are trying to stuff their ideological desires into the spirit of the uprising.

But on the ground during July-August, the pictures were different. Everyone’s demand was for democracy. The anger against a massacre made this demand explosive. People stood up in front of deadly guns not because of some “revolutionary ideology”. It wasn’t the call of the intelligentsia that made them do it, it was the desire for a democratic society. It was against the limitless authoritarianism of one person. It was against unthinkable police dominance within society.

Between July 34-36 (August 3-5), Bangladesh saw the explosion of a united democratic desire among people of all classes and professions. The demand for democracy was the revolutionary desire then. Following on from that, establishing meaningful democracy is going to be the true revolutionary programme now. The intelligentsia making more “revolutionary” demands can be seen as undue pressure on the interim government.

But to fulfil the fundamental expectation of the Bangla Spring, some crucial reforms of the state’s colonial structure is a must. Among them are reforms for the local government system and many institutions like the Election Commission. To move forward with these reform programmes, it might be necessary to rewrite the constitution too. For that, experts have said that the proposed election could be organised in the form of the people’s council election of 1970. Meanwhile, the interim government needs to undertake some quick reforms, and for that, they need the political parties to participate and consent to them. Without this much-needed participation, it will be difficult to realise the goal of transformation and to make it durable. In this scenario, the centrist BNP needs to play a special role and stand with the government.

On the ground, BNP activists need to suppress their tendency to take control and occupy, and the prime responsibility of the leadership of the party has to be to help the government in their reform agenda.

BNP has a big responsibility

At this moment, BNP is definitely a major force among the political parties. They themselves have already proposed some reforms. As a result, there is little room for BNP as a power in the movement to disagree with the non-partisan students and people and the interim government. However, BNP’s reform proposals are very mild in their characteristics. A positive aspect is that Ganatantra Mancha, a major proponent of reform politics in Bangladesh, stands as an ally of BNP. If these two parties cooperate with the government that is enthusiastic about enacting reforms, there is no need to delay the elections.

If the election is left hanging for an indefinite period of time, then the development work on the ground is bound to slow down. Besides, without an elected government, there will be scant foreign investment.

From the upazilas to the national parliament, there are no public representatives at any level. On the one hand, the administration that has been a victim of partisanship is in extreme turmoil; on the other hand, the same structure has to deal with the pressure of implementing the annual development plan. The result is easy to guess. Thus, reform and elections must both be undertaken. In between all of this, those responsible for the corruption and crimes of past years must be brought to justice.

Despite credible news of the loot of thousands of crores of taka by mafias masquerading as industrialists and politicians, if they are not brought to justice and punished then the powers of the movement will have no option but to enact people’s courts in the country. The culture of corruption-disappearance-murder has put Bangladesh into an existential risk. To stop corruption on a structural level, the anti-corruption commission must be reformed according to the current political desire.

To move the reform agenda forward, news media must be rebuilt as mass media

The media world now has an enormous responsibility to understand the local nature of corruption. Revoking the Cyber Security Act and rescuing media organisations from the hands of businessmen-appointed mercenaries are the initial demands in this case. Broadcast mediums can be brought under a trust where institutions are managed in a journalism-friendly way.

Over the past years, the broadcast media has been used like tissue paper for the powerful, while hardworking journalists could not write or say much in fear of the Digital/Cyber Security Act. Cases and harassment were every-day occurrences.

The editor of the premier English newspaper of the country once told this writer about the 80 cases filed against him. How can the media contribute to building the country from this situation? But instead of any structural solutions, opportunist media “houses” of the past have suspended and appointed one or two people to resort to hide-and-seek games.

Attention also must be given towards stopping anti-Bangladesh campaigns in the outside world. An effective way of stopping this is to conduct credible investigations over the violent incidents that occurred in recent weeks and to use fact-checkers en masse. A second way is to engage the leadership of different religions and ethnicities in extensive diplomatic activities. In this, the government and the student movement must show the courage to neutralise any right-wing sabotage at the root.

Going forward, the pluralistic character of the mass uprising must be sustained throughout Bangladesh’s future.

Altaf Parvez is a researcher and writer​

 

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Protecting the gains of the ‘second liberation’

At present, there are four areas of profound challenges that require a more proactive approach.

www.thedailystar.net

Protecting the gains of the ‘second liberation’
Bangladesh - Gains of the second liberation

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

In my previous column, I mentioned that the "second liberation" of August 5 restored our citizenship, overthrew a violent authoritarian rule, and halted economic disaster. But clearly, the journey has only begun. The all-important task now is to sustain these gains.

The government has announced six commissions for critical reforms in that spirit. These commissions—looking into electoral, constitutional, anti-corruption, judiciary, administrative, and police reforms—are headed by some of the best people with long dedicated work in these areas. These are all areas where reforms chosen wisely and implemented effectively will put Bangladesh on a just, equitable development path.

In parallel, a high-powered white paper committee has been tasked to examine the experience of the previous government's rule to understand what went wrong with its economic management and identify the lessons for the future. While oligarchs and political cronies became wealthy, the economy plunged into a macroeconomic crisis, lost its competitive edge, reduced job growth, and became excessively concentrated regionally and in the hands of a few powerful people.

The economist in me hopes that the committee will highlight the critical importance of providing far more autonomy, authority and resources for critical financial management, evaluation, data collection and research institutions, such as the CAG, IMED, BBS and BIDS, so that the integrity of data and research is uncompromised, and that they are made available timely.

Even more profoundly, I hope they will point out that providing high-quality public services, support for small and medium businesses, and generally a good investment climate and good governance in our towns and villages will be impossible under an excessively centralised political economy. In sum, achieving the SDGs will require decentralising and devolving political, administrative and economic powers to urban and rural local governments. Only that can truly unleash our people's creative spirits and entrepreneurial energies.

The interim government has done well by tying the work of these groups to a tight frame of delivering their reports within three months. It is an ambitious target, and there will be a need to consult. However, a short period will require these groups to focus on the core issues and write crisply. Then we can have national conversations around their reports.

There are, however, four areas of profound challenges that require a more proactive approach. Unless these are met, the gains of the second liberation are in danger of being lost in economic instability and social unrest.

That is not speculative thinking. Economic and job growth and poverty reduction will slow without a quick return to stability. Bangladesh took nearly 20 years after independence to regain the per capita incomes of 1970, mainly due to political instability. Economic growth took off only by restoring democratic constitutional rule and legitimate elected governments that could back and sustain Saifur Rahman's vigorous fiscal and trade reforms.

So, what is to be done now?

First, sustaining the gains of August 5 requires not letting the economy falter. Yes, we have inherited a "mess," an endangered economy. Proper steps are being taken in fiscal, financial, education and other matters. But the voice of the private sector, which employs most of our workers, earns our foreign exchange and produces most of our output, must be in the cabinet. Let a labour leader be also included to get the voice of the workers. But the economy's day-to-day concerns must be heard from those directly involved. Yes, this enlarges the size of the cabinet. But to protect the gains of the second liberation and the success of the interim government, the economy—jobs and welfare of the people—deserves the highest consideration.

Second, we need a more forceful approach to restoring law and order. Yes, Bangladesh is undoubtedly in a unique post-uprising aftermath where the police, the primary weapon of suppression under the past regime, lack confidence and morale and are mostly unseen. Yes, it is also true that the law and order situation could be far worse, given the circumstances. Yet, these are inadequate arguments that undermine the interim government. If entrepreneurs and workers perceive a lack of understanding and lose confidence and security, economic activity will decline as factories close down, exports fall and jobs are lost. Social unrest will follow.

For starters, we need undivided attention. The current arrangement under which one adviser has both home and agriculture portfolios is extraordinary and needs change. The coordination between the justice and home ministries needs improvement. The filing of dubious cases indiscriminately to imprison members and fellow travellers of the past regime diminishes this government's credibility. We are not talking about forgiving leaders of the past autocratic government and party. They must bear responsibility for their decisions and actions that caused widespread mayhem. However, murder cases have been filed against ordinary people where the accused are known to have been far away from the crime scenes.

Let me give a specific example. The former planning minister, Prof MA Mannan, is an upright man. He tried to speak the truth in office, sometimes subtly, to point out wrongs and mistakes. Because of his truth-telling, he was removed from the cabinet in January. He is, in fact, someone who needs to be consulted about his experience, but he was arrested last month on an absurd charge of murder (he was granted bail on October 9). Even the students and people of his area protested on his behalf.

Then there was the question of assaults on indicted prisoners on the way to the courtroom. It did not require rocket science to stop such misdeeds, and it has been done. But there have been several incidents of lynching across the country, which erode confidence.

The government has taken the sensible step to endow army officers with magistracy powers, but it is unlikely that it would be enough given that they lack the necessary training and experience. A corps of police and RAB officers with integrity and experience can be formed as a special task force working with the now magistracy-empowered army to tackle crime and disorder swiftly. They can also subdue violence with dialogue and firmness, but with minimum force. The UN has been requested to provide the necessary training to the police force. Other bilateral partners can also be requested. But we need urgency.

Third, a more realistic approach is required for much-needed constitutional reforms. There is broad agreement about the critical parameters of the new political order we seek. These include providing much stronger checks and balances to power and enshrining civil and human rights with the full force of the constitution. Other ideas floating around are proportional representation, bicameral houses, with proportional representation in at least one of them; term limits for heads of government; freeing parliamentarians from the yoke of Article 70 in the case of non-budget and no-confidence motions; strong parliamentary committees and oversight especially in the area of financial management; and a political parties act that set up transparent and democratic codes of conduct.

It is worth highlighting that the need to move ahead with decentralisation and devolution in the country is missing here. Bangladesh is one of the most centralised countries in the world, where local governments control less than 10 percent of public expenditures compared to more than 20 percent share of local government in other lower-middle-income countries. Our cities and towns are in a mess because our mayors lack budget and authority. And yes, they also lacked accountability to the people under the last regime.

Fourth, that brings us to the crucial matter of process here. Should we rewrite a new constitution or make amendments to the old one? Writing a new constitution will, rightly, invite considerable controversy over issues that may be peripheral to the urgent, forward-looking tasks at hand. There will be the question of validity. A few pointed amendments that can implement reforms and then be put to a referendum may be a more manageable path.

Let us be blunt here: a new constitution that risks removing the separation between the state and religion and between the state and ethnicity could potentially create second-class citizens in Bangladesh. That will be tragically contrary to the spirit of the Liberation War, where hundreds of thousands of martyrs gave their lives for freedom and equality. The spirit of an inclusive, equal society is also at the heart of the anti-discrimination movement of the students and people who brought in the second liberation. A new constitution that does not recognise these truths will lead the country to backwardness and regress.

We cannot afford to lose our rich syncretic history and culture that made this land generously welcome migrants and visitors. If our people are to prosper, we need the embrace of the world: we need massive amounts of foreign investment for jobs, global market access, and the technology it will provide. We need other countries to embrace our workers by providing them with jobs abroad. We need a constitution and a country that unites its people in a liberal, open and equal society that the world will embrace.

Dr Ahmad Ahsan is director at the Policy Research Institute of Bangladesh (PRI), a former World Bank economist, and a faculty member at Dhaka University.​

 

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None to be arrested or harassed for involvement in July mass uprising: Home ministry

The student-people, who actively worked staying at the field level to make the mass-uprising a success, would not face any case, arrest or harassment for the incidents regarding the mass uprising

en.prothomalo.com

None to be arrested or harassed for involvement in July mass uprising: Home ministry
Special Correspondent
Dhaka
Updated: 14 Oct 2024, 16: 22

The home ministry has said no one would be arrested or harassed in cases filed from 15 July to 8 August for involvement in the mass uprising that saw the Awami League government stepping down after 15 years.

The ministry said this in a statement published today, Monday.

The statement reads, "A new journey towards building a discrimination-free new Bangladesh has started through the fall of the autocratic fascist government by the student-people mass uprising on 5 August.”

“The student-people, who actively worked staying at the field level to make the mass-uprising a success, would not face any case, arrest or harassment for the incidents regarding the mass uprising that took place from 15 July to 8 August last,” the statement said.

The home ministry asked the relevant authorities to maintain highest level of cautiousness in this regard.

It also asked the concerned officials to remain alert so that no one could take advantage by means of false information.​

 

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‘We must not lose focus from real political barriers’ | The Daily Star

Badruddin Umar, a leading Marxist intellectual, political analyst, and activist, talks about the recent student-led mass uprising and what lies in the political future of Bangladesh in an interview with Ananta Yusuf, Priyam Paul, and Shamsuddoza Sajen of The Daily Star.

thegreatwave.thedailystar.net

'We must not lose focus from real political barriers'

Badruddin Umar, a leading Marxist intellectual, political analyst, and activist, talks about the recent student-led mass uprising and what lies in the political future of Bangladesh in an interview with Ananta Yusuf, Priyam Paul, and Shamsuddoza Sajen of The Daily Star.

How has the recent mass uprising managed to succeed despite facing significant repression from state machinery?

Several mass movements have taken place in Bangladesh in the past, such as the ones in 1952, 1969, 1971 and 1990. The one we experienced this year probably faced even more repression than the 1969 Mass Uprising in then East Pakistan. We have been up against corruption since 1972, and Sheikh Hasina’s tenure since 2008 offered more of the same. However, the Awami League’s rule of 15 and a half years can be questioned in more ways than one.

Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian rule was supported by factors such as the army, police and judiciary. Because of that, the Awami League suffered as an organisation. In addition, leading representatives of the party were given licence to loot the country. It led to the party turning into a fraudulent and untrustworthy one. In fact, it ultimately led to party officials and workers not prioritising political mandates and promises. Some Awami League politicians functioning at the union and village levels earned crores of taka during Hasina’s reign. It’s unheard of. The former prime minister’s personal assistant is said to have amassed a fortune of over $30 million.

Hasina took dynasty politics to levels we could not have ever imagined. What happened to Sheikh Mujib’s former residence was unfortunate. But I would say that Sheikh Hasina is partly responsible for the incident.

Regressive taxes were implemented quite strictly and the middle and lower classes in the country suffered. People residing in rural areas were especially affected. Millions of dollars were transferred abroad. It’s akin to stealing money directly from the general public’s bank accounts. On top of the obvious financial scams, freedom and democracy were at an all-time low in Bangladesh. The student-led demonstration was a reaction to the overall situation; it was not confined to the demand for quota reform. Sheikh Hasina did not want to compromise, and that was one of the reasons why the Awami League was ousted. The situation had improved after legal changes were initiated following the initial protests. But power corrupts, and the Sheikh Hasina government did not negotiate with the students as it should have.

Incidents in July proved that law enforcement agencies cannot put a lid on a widespread mass movement in the country. Awami League should not have ordered its student wing, Bangladesh Chhatra League, to take part in violent ripostes. Former minister Obaidul Quader was apparently instrumental in inciting them.

Do you believe this popular uprising will substantially change the country’s political, economic and social arenas?

I do not think radical political changes will take place in the future. But I do believe that it will be difficult for another authoritarian government to come to the centre. The way leading Awami League personalities ravaged the country is quite shameful. It never happened before. Most of the preceding MPs were businessmen first, before being politicians. Although I look forward to the future, I am not sure that the political changes that we need will be initiated. I do not believe that our economy and education sectors will take giant leaps forward in the coming years.

It remains to be seen what steps the interim government, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and other leading political parties will take. Some may not like the BNP, but it is still one of the strongest parties in the country and will definitely look to join in during election time. BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami have supported the student movement, but they will look for legitimate political power following Dr Muhammad Yunus’s tenure.

Hasina took dynasty politics to levels we could not have ever imagined. What happened to Sheikh Mujib’s former residence was unfortunate. But I would say that Sheikh Hasina is partly responsible for the incident. Sheikh Mujib’s name and family affiliations have been utilised for political projects which have not been backed with the required resources. The Awami League’s corrupt run tarnished Sheikh Mujib’s legacy. She should have paid heed to her father’s reputation and realised that it was her in power, not her father. Using Mujib’s pictures at every meeting and Bangladesh embassies created a narrative that linked Awami League’s looting with Sheikh Mujib’s international stature.

One must also understand that India’s relations are not with Bangladesh, but with the Awami League. The BJP-led government has openly declared its alliance with the Awami League. Sheikh Hasina never ignored India’s demands, and that is why the country provided her shelter after her ousting. India’s Minister of External Affairs S Jaishankar spoke in parliament about the political scenario in Bangladesh. Jaishankar did not stress upon the number of lives that were lost during the movement, instead focusing on matters that are prioritised by his government.

It is difficult for Bangladesh to not pay heed to India. Similarly, India tries to maintain good relations with Bangladesh as the former does not have strong bonds with most of its neighbours. Thus, India will play its cards according to future political developments in Dhaka. New Delhi is definitely considering how to interact with the Awami League amid the political upheaval. Without a doubt, the imperialist powers will have inputs of their own as well.

Will the fate of the Awami League mirror that of the Muslim League, or is a resurgence possible?

I do not think the Awami League can make a comeback. Sheikh Hasina was the cult figure who represented the party. With her leaving the country under circumstances that were honestly completely unexpected, it is difficult to foresee a hasty return to mainstream politics for the party. The sad truth is that a number of important Awami League leaders were just not fit for modern-day politics. Muslim League’s decline was marked by its inability to adapt to the changing political landscape of Bangladesh, and that is exactly what the Awami League experienced. Will Awami League be able to win seats legally if they take part in elections today? I do not think so.

Awami League emerged in the 1950s and was in focus in 1954, when the government of the United Front (also known as a Awami League-led coalition) fell in the then East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Following this, the party’s structure was worked upon for more than a decade. By 1969, Awami League was organised and two years later, in 1971, it was politically relevant and supported by the masses. The movement in 2024 is like the one in 1952 in that, at its core, it is not driven by political parties per se.

The fact that the 2024 movement was mostly student-backed and not initiated by political parties does bring to the table some problems. Dr Yunus, the leader of the interim government, is not a political personality. I have written about Dr Yunus and Grameen Bank in the past. The US supports his micro-credit programme firmly, but real changes come with effective political reforms. Dr Yunus also has the backing of renowned international organisations.

Our current cabinet members are up against a political vacuum. The interim government faces many challenges in terms of making the political changes we actually need. Where the state structure is concerned, amending it requires constitutional and parliamentary elements to come into play. Thus, we need parliamentarians who are reliable and honest to make this happen. I am quite sceptical as to whether this will happen.

I am aware of the possibility of the formation of a student party in the future. This may be tough to achieve as the students do not yet have a strong social base like Awami League, BNP or Jamaat. I doubt whether the students will be able to achieve it, even though they have done well till now and two of them are in the current cabinet. I do believe that they will try to make it happen.

Is there a possibility of forming a new constituent assembly in the current context?

Our constitution has been amended quite a few times, and its history is controversial. The Bangladesh Constitution came from a Yahya Khan-appointed council. We all know about the 1970 election when political shifts took place. The following year, the Liberation War took place, which instilled certain political aspirations in the masses. Were those ambitions reflected in Bangladesh’s original constitution? I am not too sure.

Following independence, many personalities who were instrumental during the 1971 war were shunned. Instead, persons who were linked to the 1970 election were brought to the fore. If you ask me, it was akin to doing something illegal. It affected the contents of our 1972 constitution. In my opinion, our constitution needs to be totally revamped. This requires much political clout, which the interim government does not possess. Even if fair elections take place, will the amendments be made and accepted? It is tough to imagine.

What were the motivations behind the attacks on Hindus following the fall of Awami League regime?

After August 5, Hindus in Bangladesh have come under attack. It is deplorable and must be stopped. Muslims, too, are facing similar problems in our country. That must also be reported by the media. And the violence against Hindus in Bangladesh must not be given a political twist. Corruption and criminal activities are presently worrying everyone in Bangladesh. We must turn away from communal politics, especially during a time when our youth has sacrificed so much to see political changes take place. We must put an end to such political narratives as it is ultimately the Bangladesh brand which is being seriously affected. Ordinary Bangladeshis are secular and have been against communal politics since 1947. In recent times, the Indian government has given impetus to the notion that general Bangladeshis are anti-Hindu. Hefazat and Jamaat oppose communists and democrats in our country, not Bangladeshi Hindus. That’s an important point to consider.

We must put an end to such political narratives as it is ultimately the Bangladesh brand which is being seriously affected. Ordinary Bangladeshis are secular and have been against communal politics since 1947. In recent times, the Indian government has given impetus to the notion that general Bangladeshis are anti-Hindu.

We must not divert our attention from the real political barriers we face as a united nation. Hindus participated in the July mass movement along with Muslims. At the present juncture, we must try to mitigate differences rather than indulging in political manoeuvres of the past. Hindu-Muslim divides have impacted lives of many throughout the subcontinent for decades. Awami League came to power in 1996 with Jamaat’s support. Awami League has also collaborated with Hefazat for many years. We must be very careful, going forward, in relation to how we deal with and negotiate with such political obstacles.

What steps should be taken now to safeguard democracy?

Large-scale changes require a social revolution, which in turn calls for unwavering commitment and the right intentions. An organised political party in power is the need of the hour. Lenin was a firm believer in the solidarity of the general public. In Bangladesh, what we need right now is a platform which accommodates the demands of the masses. Such a framework needs to bring the people of Bangladesh together and truly pave the way for fundamental changes to take place. Vested interests and corruption need to be eradicated. We need to look past the politics of mistrust and misconception. Of course, it is not going to be easy.

During the 1970s and 1980s, many in Bangladesh were hopeful. In the realm of student politics, standout individuals would come forward to enter politics. Today, that is no longer the case. Most of the bright students are not optimistic about the future of Bangladeshi politics.

Student politics of the past was much more concerned with overall sociopolitical factors. Essentially, this quota reform movement was driven by opposition to the state of rights of the individual, even though it did touch upon matters related to the country. One must take into account that the quota reform movement did not initially stem from demands of progressive politics to be implemented in Bangladesh. It started as a protest against the lack of job opportunities and resonated with the public due to Awami League’s misrule since 2008. The government’s response to the protests angered the people further, and that led to a mass movement. We need student politics to attain its hopeful character of the past, where looking forward comes naturally, instead of pessimism taking over.

Since 1991, elections at the university level have been non-existent. When BNP came to the centre in 1991, student halls were invaded by its student wing. Then 1996 saw the Awami League regaining power and it led to a similar scenario in many university dormitories. This has been a recurring theme. The quota reform movement was, in part, against oppressors such as the Chhatra League.

Elections need to be restored at universities. The formation of credible student unions is a must-do, and students should be given the opportunity to experience free and fair elections. Teachers must not take part in divisive politics. They must pay heed to developing themselves as dependable educators and concentrate on matters such as research. Our education sector has, in fact, been affected by the lack of quality teachers. Today, Dhaka University and other academic institutions have appointed many professors in their ranks, but the sad reality is that educational standards in Bangladesh have dipped. We are really up against it when it comes to making the alterations we actually need.

I do not think that student politics should be banned. Why should students be deprived of such opportunities? Student politics in Bangladesh needs to be nurtured and guided. The unfortunate incidents taking place at our universities today are sad. The situation was not like this during our time.​

 

[Saif]

Ali Riaz for resisting pillars of fascism to materialise possibilities of July uprising

Constitution Reform Commission head Professor Dr Ali Riaz on Saturday put emphasis on evicting the pillars of fascism, based on which the recently ousted Awami League (AL) government ruled the country, to materialise the possibilities of July uprising. “The fascism lasted for the last 15 yea

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Ali Riaz for resisting pillars of fascism to materialise possibilities of July uprising
BSS
Published :
Oct 19, 2024 23:43
Updated :
Oct 19, 2024 23:43

Constitution Reform Commission head Professor Dr Ali Riaz on Saturday put emphasis on evicting the pillars of fascism, based on which the recently ousted Awami League (AL) government ruled the country, to materialise the possibilities of July uprising.

“The fascism lasted for the last 15 years depending on four pillars- institution, ideological hegemony, mass media and foreign powers . . . we have to tackle strongly these four pillars to prevent the recurrence of the fascism,” he said.

Dr Riaz, also professor of political science at Illinois State University (ISU) in the USA, said this while addressing a discussion titled ‘Stories of injured poets and writers in July Uprising’ organized by Literary Magazine Kaler Dhani at Dhaka College Auditorium in the city this evening.

With the fall of the autocratic AL government, he said, “We have witnessed the collapse of the first phase of fascism. And we are now going to enter the second phase of continuation of struggle against fascism”.

Noting that the previous fascist government had institutionalized the enforcement of extra force and intimidating people to cling onto power, the noted political scientist said, adding that it had also created an ideological hegemony.

Sometimes the hegemony was termed as Liberation War spirit through it was contrary to the Liberation War, he said, adding that narratives of development, glorifying individual and a special narrative of history were created to continue the fascism.

In the last 15 years, the so-called intellectuals accepted the slavery selling out their consciences, which was never seen in the country before, Dr Riaz added.

He said Bangladeshi intellectuals, poets and writers played vital roles during the 1969 and 1990 mass uprisings, but for the first time in the country so called and established intellectuals, writers, artistes and literateures did not join movement (July uprising) this time as the hegemony created in the name of ideology in exchange of money, property and facilities achieved a victory.

The noted political scientist emphasized on creating an alternative cultural hegemony and independent thought to challenge the ideological hegemony that is still prevailing in the society.

Noting that media cannot emerge as mass media in the country due to ownership manner, Dr Riaz said a big weakness of Bangladesh’s media is that there is no corporate media in the country; rather, the media turned into weapons to protect the interests of other corporate institutions.
As the country was ruled following the kleptocratic system and an elite group had a close relation with the government due to media ownership, he said, they had no option other than serving the autocratic regime for their own interest.

He emphasized on taking measures for supervising media independently and creating basic ethics so that the media can play its proper role and does not worship any individual.

Mentioning that foreign powers, especially India and China, helped the fascism to last for 15 years, Dr Riaz said, “If you do not want to let the fascism to return, you should be nationalist and safeguard the national interest”.

Shaheed Abrar Fahad’s younger brother Abrar Faiyaz, Jatiya Nagorik Committee Member Secretary Akhter Hossain, Dr Sakira Nova, writer and journalist Amirul Momenin Manik, journalist and researcher Dr Kajal Rashid Shaheen, writer Mohammad Nazim Uddin, Kabi Nazrul Institute Executive Director Md Latiful Islam Shibli, International Mother Language Institute Director Dr Mohammad Ashaduzzaman and columnist Shahidullah Farayezi spoke as guests.

Besides, among injured poets and writers Hasan Afif, Shah Hujaifa Ferdous, Hasan Imam, Masud Nur, Sherif Faruqui, Quader Mazhar, Ibrahim Nirob, Al Nahiyan, Md Asadullah, Morshed Alam Hridoy, Aktar Zaman and Saleh Ahmed Khasru shared their stories.

Kaler Dhoni Editor Imran Mahfuz and writer Zubayer Ibn Kamal moderated the event.

​

 

[Saif]

Are we trying to get ‘everything, everywhere, all at once’?

The euphoria of August 5, and the momentous days leading up to it, especially since July 15, are now being overshadowed by a cloud of uncertainty.

www.thedailystar.net

Are we trying to get ‘everything, everywhere, all at once’?

Protesters clashed with police while demonstrating in front of the Bangabhaban in Dhaka on October 22, 2024. Photo: Prabir Das

The euphoria of August 5, and the momentous days leading up to it, especially since July 15, are now being overshadowed by a cloud of uncertainty. Most of us feel like we have no idea what the future holds, which direction this country is going in, or what it will mean for us individually.

Some of my friends are genuinely worried whether we are regressing towards an era of more restrictions on women—what they should wear, which spaces they are allowed to occupy, what kind of work they may be permitted to do. Truth be told, I too am concerned and dismayed. Instead of looking forward to a nation where everyone's freedom is guaranteed—regardless of religion, gender, race, ethnicity, ideology, or political affiliation—I find myself worrying whether I'll be able to express my thoughts freely without being labelled as "anti-this" or "pro-that," much like under the previous regime. I am not sure whether I can tell my daughter that the new Bangladesh, free of fear and injustice, she has been so excited about, is really on its way.

So, what is the source of this unease? Where do we begin? Is it the wave of dubious murder charges against anyone associated with the former regime, no matter how tenuous the connection, or those who have criticised the current interim government, even targeting an advocate who consistently supported the student protests? Is it because of reports of women being beaten up in public for the clothes they wear, for being unaccompanied at night? Is it because groups of students claiming to be part of the anti-discrimination student movement are going to schools, universities and government offices, forcing resignations of VCs, teachers, principals, and officers, or resorting to vandalism to demand rechecking of HSC results and to get an "auto pass?" Is it because of the overnight "takeover" of markets, bus stands, and bazaars by the new political kids in town? Is it because "fear" continues to be the weapon to bully and terrorise and force whatever outcome is desired by particular groups?

We seem to be suffering from wanting "everything, everywhere, all at once," the title of an extraordinarily long film that won many Academy Awards, where one loses track of the overload of bizarre things happening in different dimensions.

Unfortunately, current events make it difficult not to be sucked into the vortex of gloom and doom. The ridiculous pace at which things are happening, moreover, makes it impossible to write anything that is not dated. In the last 24 hours of writing this piece, a volley of disturbing events has taken place with the surety that more will follow.

It started with the president's comment that he had not actually seen the former prime minister's resignation letter in a conversation with Manab Zamin's editor which came out in the paper's weekly publication. This provoked all kinds of debate regarding whether indeed Sheikh Hasina had resigned and if not, what did it all mean. More immediately, it called to question the wisdom of the president contradicting his speech to the nation where he specifically mentioned that the prime minister had indeed resigned. Was this a faux pas or something more deliberate?

This along with comments by the law adviser questioning the mental capacity of the president as well as calls from two prominent student leaders—Sarjis Alam and Hasnat Abdullah—led to student activists congregating near the Shaheed Minar and Raju Bhashkorjo, with the anti-discrimination student movement issuing an ultimatum to the government to meet their five-point demands. They included—the removal of the president, abolishing the 1972 constitution replaced by a new one that reflected the spirit of the uprising, and "proclamation of the republic" to rebuild a post-2024 Bangladesh in consultation with democratic and functioning political parties. All this in one week or else they "will return to the streets with full force."

Meanwhile, crowds gathered near Bangabhaban, getting increasingly belligerent as police tried to prevent them from breaking through the security barriers. Despite detonating stun grenades, using tear gas, and batons, the police could not control the crowds who chased them away. Five people were injured. A few policemen were attacked and saved by journalists covering the incident. Even the army personnel present couldn't calm the crowds. It was only when Hasnat Abdullah and Sarjis Alam appealed to the protesters, promising a change "in two days," that they were convinced to leave.

These events and many more that will unfold in the days to come, indicate that we are still in a flux, a turbulence that should have been anticipated and mitigated. It is understandable that the president's latest comments and all the speculations it has given birth to would make the student protesters nervous and suspicious. But the law adviser's statements regarding the president, later endorsed by the chief adviser's office, should have been enough for them to wait for the government's decision. It was, after all, the students who invited Professor Yunus to lead the interim government and guide us towards a democratic process. Is it reasonable to expect such fundamental changes, as outlined in the five demands, to happen in just one week? The government has to be given the time and space to carry out the reforms required to ensure the basic prerequisites for the democratic process, which have been completely destroyed by the previous regime. This is why they have 10 reform commissions headed by respected citizens.

At the same time, we must all acknowledge the reality of instigators from various quarters, whether from the previous regime or other political players, to make the interim government look ineffectual so that some agenda can be served.

This makes it all the more crucial for the interim government, despite its overwhelming tasks to repair and heal a country financially crippled and institutionally made sick by a morally corrupt regime, to always be in close contact with the students and the public. Student leaders should take advantage of the access they have to a government formed on the basis of their movement and discuss their demands. At the same time, while the interim government's mandate is to fulfil the aspirations of the July-August uprising, it must also exercise its authority to prevent excesses that are reminiscent of the regime that has been ousted.

August 5 happened through a violent, abnormal sequence of events during which the government turned on its own people and used the police to brutally suppress them. The overwhelming majority of protesters were students and the general public, all coming together because of a common cause—to free themselves from 15 years of repression. But while all these people were united over their frustration and anger against a dictator and her cronies, once the common enemy was ousted, the very same comrades have become divided. Political rivalries, personal vendetta, and a sense of entitlement among various groups, started to surface, while remnants of the old regime are working to take advantage of this divisiveness.

While we may be critical of the interim government's delayed response to a series of troubling incidents, we should not be too quick to dismiss them. We must appreciate the enormity of their responsibilities. More importantly, we must not forget what happened only about three and a half months ago. Are we already forgetting the faces of those young men and women, being brutally beaten, then cold-bloodedly shot at the behest of a heartless dictator? Let us share the sorrow of the families who lost their loved ones for a movement that promised to bring freedom and justice to us. There are still thousands of people, many in the prime of youth, who are alive but have lost a limb—a leg, an arm, the ability to see again during the movement. Such tremendous sacrifice obligates all of us to be more restrained, forgiving, and patient. We have to realise the futility and dangers of wanting everything, everywhere, all at once.

Aasha Mehreen Amin is joint editor at The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Many fake coordinators popping up since Aug 5

Many fake coordina-tors have appeared like chameleons since August 5, said Sarjis Alam, one of the central coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

www.thedailystar.net

Many fake coordinators popping up since Aug 5
Says Sarjis

Many fake coordina-tors have appeared like chameleons since August 5, said Sarjis Alam, one of the central coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

"We need to differentiate ourselves from them. They have always been opportunistic, and that hasn't changed; it won't change in the future. If we don't separate ourselves from them, they will tarnish our image under the guise of coordinators," Sarjis said.

He made these comments during a meeting with students and families of those killed and injured in Madaripur during the July-August uprising. The event was organised at the Madaripur municipality building yesterday.

About the possibility of formation of a political party based on the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, Sarjis said people involved with the platform can form a political party in the future if they wish, but it should be under a different name or banner.

"The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement will never turn into a political platform, that's for sure. However, if the members of this platform want to engage in politics under another name or banner in the future, they certainly have the democratic right to do so."

He warned that forming a party now would only create division among the platform members.

Sarjis said the mass uprising has ended the wrongdoings of Sheikh Hasina's former government, and the opportunists are trying to create division among the students.

"That's why we need to unite. The students who took part in the movement should remain united. Otherwise, the situation will take a turn for the worse.

"We must remember that this setup has been built for 16 years, and only a few of their [Awami League] leaders have fled. It won't be long before they return," Sarjis said.

He cautioned that any student thinking of becoming a "fascist" or trying to misuse power would be expelled from the platform and brought to book.​

 

[Saif]

Women’s role in July-Aug mass uprising in Bangladesh largely ignored

Female protesters of the student-led mass uprising expressed their disappointment as women’s contribution to the uprising that forced Sheikh Hasina to resign and flee to India has not been...

www.newagebd.net

Women’s role in July-Aug mass uprising in Bangladesh largely ignored
Shaikh Rafid Karim and Nasir Uz Zaman 26 October, 2024, 23:41

Female protesters of the student-led mass uprising expressed their disappointment as women’s contribution to the uprising that forced Sheikh Hasina to resign and flee to India has not been properly recognised in the post-uprising time.

Thousands of women, including female students, were in the front line organising and leading the movement in different phases across Bangladesh but they mostly remain invisible in the post uprising activities to rebuild the country.

Contrary to their situation, two male coordinators, Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan secured positions in the council of advisers, leading the interim government formed after Hasina’s fall, as the representatives of the student force, while two male coordinators Hasnat Abdullah and Sarjis Alam are mostly visible in the forefront of activities of the Students’ Movement Against Discrimination platform that led the movement.

The 10 commissions formed by the interim government to bring reforms in different sectors have so far incorporated only seven women members among their 52 members, including the commission chiefs.

Female students’ protests on the night of July 14 across the universities against Hasina’s calling the quota protesters as ‘Razakars’ effected the paradigm shift that transformed the anti-discrimination student movement into a mass uprising, witnessing countless women occupying the streets throughout the mass movement.

In interviews with New Age female protesters ascribed lack of recognition, discriminatory attitude, less space in organisations and institutions, patriarchal practice, violent political practices, family barriers, among other factors, to their invisibility in the post-uprising rebuilding process.

Maisha Maliha, student of Dhaka University and one of the leaders of the Students’ Movement Against Discrimination platform, said that women significantly and spontaneously joined the uprising.

Despite women played a major role in sustaining the movement their contributions were not properly recognised after the movement, she said.

The platform on October 22 announced a new four-member central convening committee making Hasnat Abdullah convener, Arif Sohel member secretary, Abdul Hannan Masud chief organiser and Umama Fatema spokesperson.

The platform’s list of its 158 coordinators and co-coordinators made in August showed that there was only one female among 23 coordinators.

Umama Fatema did not respond to New Age queries about women’s contribution and recognition issue saying that she did not know anything about the matter.

In response to the query regarding a decline in women’s participation in the recent activities of the platform, a former coordinator Nusrat Tabassum said, ‘You should individually ask those who are not coming.’

Nazifa Jannat, a private university student and former coordinator, shared her experiences in the movement, saying that women’s spontaneous and active participation accelerated the movement as a united force.

‘In many places, they were in the front line organising the movement and taking instant decision to further the movement,’ said Nazifa.

People from all walks of life became united during the movement going above gender, race and religion, she stated.

‘A division was created after the uprising. We saw that women were questioned about their appearance, clothes, etc,’ said Nazifa.

She pointed out a tendency to push women to the margin in patriarchal practices.

Regarding women’s reduced participation, Nazifa said, ‘Level playing field was not ensured for them after the movement.’

Samanta Shermeen, spokesperson for newly-formed Jatiya Nagarik Committee, a platform of youths who were at the forefront during the uprising, said that she also experienced a lack of participation of women in the front line.

She pointed out that rejecting or cornering women in leadership and decision making process was part of the socio-political system being practised for long.

‘Fascist practices in political parties and organisations need to be abolished,’ said Samanta, stressing that a new political settlement was critical to ensure equal opportunities for women and all backward communities according to their competence.

Founding member of Naripokkho, Shireen Huq, said that she was excited, impressed and inspired by the presence of so many young women in the movement. It was a natural expectation therefore that this would be reflected in the composition of the interim government.

‘We are disappointed. I am not sure what the reasons behind it are. There are four women advisers but no representation from the female students,’ said Shireen, who will lead the reform commission on women’s affairs.

‘The issue of the absence of women representation itself is an unrecognised issue,’ Shireen remarked.

She also emphasised gender-balanced representation in the reform commissions all of which have yet to be formed.

Echoing Shireen, Bangladesh Mahila Parishad general secretary Maleka Banu said that the issue of gender-balanced representation must be addressed without any delay.

‘We don’t want to see the absence of women’s voice in the reform committees. Their lack of representation in the students bodies is not expected either,’ said Maleka.​

 

[Saif]

Sarjis against mass arrest of BCL members

Sarjis Alam, a coordinator of the Anti-Discrimina-tion Student Movement, said yesterday that he did not favour mass arrest of Dhaka University students solely because of their affiliation with recently banned Bangladesh Chhatra League.

www.thedailystar.net

Sarjis against mass arrest of BCL members

Sarjis Alam. File photo

Sarjis Alam, a coordinator of the Anti-Discrimina-tion Student Movement, said yesterday that he did not favour mass arrest of Dhaka University students solely because of their affiliation with recently banned Bangladesh Chhatra League.

He clarified his position in a Facebook post last night, saying many students, including those from the movement, had been compelled to join BCL in the past.

Sarjis also said his post was specifically about DU, where the protests were primarily led by students residing in the halls until July 15.

Those familiar with DU halls know that students had to participate in BCL programmes and attend meetings, according to him.

About 80 percent of the BCL's hall committees were typically comprised of students who joined the organisation to secure good accommodation and other reasons, Sarjis said.

Among the remaining 20 percent, many misused their power; some oppressed dissenters, while others aspired to leadership positions within the hall units, he said.

The most significant contributions to the first phase of the movement came from those 80 percent students who had to join BCL for different reasons, he said.

If certain BCL members had not come out from the halls, the other students would not have had the courage to join the protests, Sarjis added.

These BCL members' participation also prevented the BCL leadership from stifling the protests, Sarjis said.

"Now the question is if I should label these students from the halls with the BCL tag and put them in the banned category. The answer is: 'No'.

"I'll never support mass arrest solely targeting those who were members of the BCL on the campus. This cannot happen."

Sarjis continued, "Those who stood beside me in the struggle for justice, risking their lives against the obstacles created by the BCL, are my brothers. I'll support them. The truth remains the truth, regardless of what anyone else may say."

Sarjis had previously been involved in BCL politics. He had been elected member of Amar Ekushey Hall council during Dhaka University Central Students' Union and hall council polls in 2019 from the BCL panel.

The interim government banned BCL on October 23 as a "terrorist organisation" for brutal and deadly attacks on students during the mass uprising, and its misdeeds in the past 16 years.

Hundreds of leaders and members of BCL's DU and hall units were accused in two cases filed earlier over attacks on DU students on July 15. Some of them have already been arrested.​

 

[Saif]

WB Yeats’s ‘Easter, 1916’ and Bangladesh’s July 1-36, 2024

What motivated our youth to defy death in order to free Bangladesh from the yoke of a brutal regime?

www.thedailystar.net

WB Yeats’s ‘Easter, 1916’ and Bangladesh’s July 1-36, 2024

We can draw some parallels between the Easter rebels and the intrepid protesters of the anti-discrimination student movement (or the July 1-36, 2024 uprising). File photo: AFP

The 1923 Nobel laureate in literature, William Butler Yeats (1865-1939), is admired as arguably the greatest English-language poet of the 20th century. His country Ireland was the longest standing colony in Europe. It came under Anglo-Norman rule in 1169 and suffered colonial oppression for nearly 800 years.

One of the major Irish uprisings against British colonialism happened in 1798. Commonly known as the Irish Rebellion of 1798, it was inspired by the American War of Independence (1775-83) and the French Revolution (1789-99). The British crushed the rebellion and instituted "the most savage repression … to wipe out further resistance."

The next major Irish revolt to gain independence was the Easter Rising. It began on Easter Monday, on April 24, 1916, and is regarded as the "harvest of seeds sown in 1798." Yeats's poem "Easter, 1916" makes it easy to remember the date. Its four stanzas imply the fourth month (April), the first and third stanzas have 16 lines each and point to the year 1916, and the second and fourth stanzas each have 24 lines to indicate April 24.

The British quelled the Easter Rising in six days and executed 15 of its top leaders through firing squads within weeks. The heavy-handed response sparked a huge outburst of anger among the Irish, many of whom—including Yeats—did not support the rebellion at the beginning.

Although suppressed and ostensibly a failure, the anticolonial struggle continued and spread from Dublin to other parts of Ireland, culminating in the Irish War of Independence (1919-21). The Anglo-Irish Treaty was signed in December 1921 and the Irish Free State (Agreement) Act was passed in the British Parliament on March 31, 1922. Thus, 26 of Ireland's 32 counties achieved independence; the remaining six counties were and continue to be under British rule. They form what is now Northern Ireland, which is part of the UK, though not as a colony in the conventional sense of the term.

Yeats was mainly an intellectual and literary prodigy who was opposed to armed insurrection and bloodshed. To him, anti-imperialism was an intellectual act and cultural rejuvenation free from violence. He shared a general distrust in Irish revolutionaries and discredited their rhetoric, as his poem "September 1913" illustrates his disenchantment with post-John O'Leary Irish nationalist leaders.

Initially, Yeats considered the bloodshed and loss of lives during Easter Rising futile and wasteful. But the unwavering dedication of the rebels changed his mind and earned his sympathy. To elegise and eulogise them, he wrote "Easter, 1916," a palinode where he retracts what he said earlier in "September 1913."

In "Easter, 1916," Yeats uses the oxymoronic refrain "a terrible beauty is born" to glorify the heroism of the Easter rebels. To describe their devotion and tenacious commitment to freedom, he says:

Hearts with one purpose alone

Through summer and winter seem

Enchanted to a stone.

…

Too long a sacrifice

Can make a stone of the heart.

I don't think the imagery of "stone" here signifies "extreme idealism," "the frozen heart" or "the rigidity and inflexibility" of the nationalists. Rather, it stands for their single-minded purpose.

We can draw some parallels between the Easter rebels and the intrepid protesters of the anti-discrimination student movement (or the July 1-36, 2024 uprising). Its young stalwarts stunned the whole world with their spectacular bravery on the streets of Bangladesh. They showed unprecedented solidarity among themselves by standing their ground in the face of shoot-at-sight orders. At Sheikh Hasina's behest, shootings and helicopter strikes were carried out against our valiant young people. But they didn't hedge or budge; they didn't desert the streets even when they saw their co-protesters being killed next to them. Hundreds of them were massacred and thousands wounded. Many of the survivors are left with life-changing disabilities. As long as Hasina was in power, some of the injured couldn't even go to hospitals for treatment as police were arresting the bullet-wounded demonstrators from healthcare facilities.

What motivated our youth to defy death in order to free Bangladesh from the yoke of a brutal regime?

To use Yeats's imagery, their hearts were tied to—or turned into—a "stone," which represents their strong resolve to liberate their land from autocracy and oppressive practices. The urge for freedom fired them up, took them to the streets, and inspired them to stay put.

Hasina stayed in power from early 2009 until her fall in early August 2024. The young protagonists of the anti-discrimination student movement came of age during her rule. Hers was the only political system that they experienced firsthand. It was riddled with farcical and non-participatory elections, ballot stuffing on the eve of polls, candidate and voter intimidation, lack of transparency in the vote count, massive corruption, wholesale plundering of banks, illegal syphoning of money out of the country, and extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and other gross human rights violations.

What affected the students most directly was the culture of impunity at educational environments where Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of Hasina's party, the Awami League, instituted a reign of terror.

Our students couldn't tolerate the totalitarian regime any longer. In June 2024, they rallied around the anti-discrimination student movement to get a fair share in the job market. Soon, Hasina's arrogance galvanised them to free their country from her autocracy in July. Hasina didn't resign in July, so our youth extended its length beyond its 31st day. Hasina fell and fled on "July 36" (August 5) and the country was "liberated."

Yeats embeds memories of the Easter Uprising and immortalises its heroes in "Easter, 1916." The courage and strength of mind of our youth are no less inspiring and remarkable than those of the Irish rebels. We will feel artistically bereft if we don't see our litterateurs produce pieces like "Easter, 1916" to commemorate the sacrifices of our young people, to take pride in their "excess of love" for Bangladesh, and to celebrate their bravery and patriotic duty to liberate it and its people from oppression. We must document their determined courage, steadfast resilience, and the spirit of selflessness and fearlessness.

Because of some bad apples among them, we once dreaded our students. But they have now restored their dignity through their heroic fortitude and feats and through their readiness to die for a cause bigger than them.

We will be thrilled to read poetry containing verses like:

[Abu Sayed] and [Mugdho]

And [Shahriar] and [Yasin]

Now and in time to be,

Wherever green is worn,

Are changed, changed utterly:

A terrible beauty is born.

Dr Md Mahmudul Hasan is professor at the Department of English Language and Literature in the International Islamic University Malaysia.​

 

[Saif]

Had left a video message on Aug 5 for armed struggle: Adviser Nahid

Adviser Nahid Islam has said that he had prepared a video message on August 5 for circulation, calling for an armed struggle should the Sheikh Hasina government commit genocide on the day. Nahid, one of the coordinators of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement that led to the July-August mass u

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Had left a video message on Aug 5 for armed struggle: Adviser Nahid
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Oct 29, 2024 20:09
Updated :
Oct 29, 2024 20:57

Adviser Nahid Islam has said that he had prepared a video message on August 5 for circulation, calling for an armed struggle should the Sheikh Hasina government commit genocide on the day.

Nahid, one of the coordinators of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement that led to the July-August mass uprising, made the disclosure at a programme in the capital on Tuesday.

Speaking as a special guest at the prayer and discussion session in memory of the July Movement martyr Nasib Hasan Riyan, the advisor said, "On August 5, which is 36 July, we recorded a video in which I stated that if there is any genocide or massacre were to take place today, we would call for an armed struggle.

“We may not return; you’ll continue to fight. I sent the video to some journalists. If I do not return today, if we do not achieve victory today, then this will be our last message. We were all prepared for death, and we still are."

The adviser to the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting and the Ministry of Posts, Telecommunications, and Information Technology, said, "At that time, everyone was ready to become a martyr. Nasib declared on Facebook that he was going to the streets, telling his family that he might die today. For those of us who were in the field, this was our reality."

Nahid said there is a collective desire to build a dignified, just, and corruption-free Bangladesh. "The people across the country share this aspiration, and we’ll all work together for it."​

 

[Saif]

Youth will lead the country

Adviser of the interim government for posts, telecommu-nications and information technology Md Nahid Islam yesterday said the

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Youth will lead the country
Says Nahid

Adviser of the interim government for posts, telecommu-nications and information technology Md Nahid Islam yesterday said the young people who dreamt of building new Bangladesh through July mass-uprising are taking preparation to lead all sectors including economy, politics, business and society.

"Young people have shown Bangladesh a new way... they will lead Bangladesh in all aspects," Nahid, also adviser for information and broadcasting, said while addressing as special guest at an event marking National Youth Day-2024 at Osmani Memorial Auditorium in Dhaka, according to a ministry press release.

"Bangladeshi young generation has shown the world a new path through the July mass uprising, and the whole world is now waiting to see where this people will take Bangladesh," he said.

"All took to the streets during the July mass uprising, with patriotism on one side and death on the other. We had to fight choosing either the motherland or death," he said.

"Our fight is ongoing and we will definitely protect our motherland and stand high in the world again," he added.

Addressing as the chief guest, adviser for youth and sports Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain said a total five lakh jobs will be created in the government sector in the next two years.

"As a demographic dividend, power of the youth is very important for the country's economy," Asif, also adviser for labour and employment, said.

"Our interim government is developing the job-seeking youth as human resources through the Department of Youth Development," he added.​

 

[Saif]

Protecting the 'Revolution'

The revolution or the mass upsurge of July-August in Bangladesh was undoubtedly a successful one, which made an apparent impossibility a reality and ignited new hopes and expectations in society. Those who led the movement had stated in clear terms at the very outset that they wanted to establish a

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Protecting the 'Revolution'
Helal Uddin Ahmed
Published :
Nov 04, 2024 22:02
Updated :
Nov 04, 2024 22:02

The revolution or the mass upsurge of July-August in Bangladesh was undoubtedly a successful one, which made an apparent impossibility a reality and ignited new hopes and expectations in society. Those who led the movement had stated in clear terms at the very outset that they wanted to establish a discrimination-free new Bangladesh. Thereafter, the students and masses of the country staged a vigorous rebellion that expelled a deeply entrenched fascist, autocratic, and mafia-like regime. Consequently, people can now rightly expect that a social transformation would materialise soon. As consolidating a mass-upsurge is no different than doing the same for a revolution, similar experiences in other parts of the world should now be looked at and emulated wherever applicable in case of Bangladesh.

The revolutionary leader of modern China Mao Zedong had asserted: "Revolution is not a dinner party, nor an essay, nor a painting, nor a piece of embroidery; it cannot be advanced softly, gradually, carefully, considerately, respectfully, politely, plainly, and modestly." At the same time, he also asserted: "Politics is war without bloodshed, while war is politics with bloodshed." But materialising the aims of the mass upsurge for a discrimination-free Bangladesh with the help of an archaic bureaucracy that has its origin and orientations rooted in the colonial past will indeed be difficult if the existing constitution and its contradictory legal stipulations are adhered to. Bangladesh needs to find a path forward by shunning the colonial traditions. But this struggle for transformation and progress appears to be getting mired in the quicksand of indecisiveness.

Some observers opine that the organizers of the mass upsurge should have entered into dialogues with the masses all over the country immediately after the event. Some civil society members and politicians have been doing this, but the initiatives so far fell far short of requirement. Besides, a large proportion of these dialogues were confined to the gentlemen class in society. Therefore, it is not yet clear for how long the ideological mooring of Bangla-Spring can remain robust. The leaders of the mass upsurge should now focus more on the general masses by attaching lesser priority to the gentlemen classes and bureaucracy. They should do this if they really believe that the mass people were the real architects of this new chapter in Bangladesh's history, and real advancements can be made only through the participation of all segments of society. Global experiences point to the need for inclusiveness in deciding on the post-revolution pathways by regularly sitting with the masses. Revolution becomes a celebration only by treading that path.

Although the July-August revolution had mingled with the essence of a 15-year-long movement against the fascist regime by various classes and professions, it was also true that the final chapter was enacted within a mere two months. The limitations of such a cataclysmic change within such a short time is that many people could not absorb the ideological aspirations and responsibilities in their own contexts, although they spontaneously participated in the movement. These people will become protectors of the revolution only when they identify themselves with those ideologies. Millions of such supporters are needed for sustaining this revolution. This task cannot be done by the leaders of the student-led movement against discrimination alone. All people facing discriminations in society and governance should be included in this fold. Reforming the state will be difficult without including maximum number of such deprived people in the process. The political parties are usually the mainstay in any process for change. But initiatives for addressing the aspirations for change among the masses appear to be lacking among many political parties.

Some observers also hold the view that it is for the first time after independence that the mass people are seeking to create a new society. They want to come out of their decades-long frustration with the state by becoming an engine for change. The responsibility of including these people in this celebration of change squarely falls on the leaders of the mass upsurge. And the celebration will yield success only when significant improvements are made in the status of the teeming millions living in the lower echelons of society. No reactionary forces can stop this onward journey if food, clothing, shelter, education, and medical care of the common people are ensured. The employment of workers and the interests of farmers should be prioritised alongside ensuring easy availability of essential commodities at fair price. Many people are now dwelling on the superstructures while discussing reforms. But the poorer segments of society are not getting that much attention. There should be more discussions about the problems faced by the farmers and workers.

Worryingly, a segment of the civil society is already spreading scepticism about the strength and future of the mass upsurge. It should also be kept in mind that such segments remain apprehensive about losing their own positions and status in case of sweeping changes. At the end of the day, they cannot rise above their individual or group interests. The focus of interest of some of these people are now administrative centres, but the root causes of many ailments facing the society and country over previous decades lie at this very spot. In fact, the most pressing challenge for the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus is to make the administration pro-people. This can happen if the revolution defies the vested interests of the upper classes. The tide of the mass upsurge for a discrimination-free society cannot and should not be liberal with the discriminatory systems still in place, as the revolution cannot be protected in this way.

The widespread support received by the interim government has been unprecedented in the history of Bangladesh. After so much bloodletting, the government now occupies a unique position of authority, from where there is no scope to embrace failure. There is no option for it but to follow an inclusive path through regular interactions with all stakeholders including the political parties, the civic organizations, and representatives of various professions and classes.​

 

[Saif]

Anti-Discrimination Student Movement forms Narail committee

With its aim to establish district-level committees nationwide, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement has now formed a 51-member convening committee in Narail district

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Anti-Discrimination Student Movement forms Narail committee

With its aim to establish district-level committees nationwide, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement has now formed a 51-member convening committee in Narail district.

This marks their third convening committee at the district level after Kushtia and Chuadanga.

Earlier, on November 2, they formed a 111-member committee in Kushtia, followed by another committee in Chuadanga on November 4.

The 101-member convening committee for Narail district was announced on Wednesday evening through the official Facebook page of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement.

The announcement was signed by the movement's convenor, Hasnat Abdullah, and member secretary, Arif Sohel.

Rafayetul Haque Tomal has been named the convener while Md Shafayet was made the member secretary of the 51- member convening committee.

In other key positions, Quazi Yazur Rahman Babu was made the chief organiser and Nusrat Jahan was named the spokesperson.

In addition, six were appointed as joint convenors, seven as joint member secretaries, three as organisers, and 31 as members.​

 

[Saif]

Rickshaw that carried revolution martyr finds place in museum

The rickshaw that carried Golam Nafiz, a martyr of the anti-discrimination movement, will be preserved at the Mass Revolution Memorial Museum, Nahid Islam, ICT and Information adviser announced today

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Rickshaw that carried revolution martyr finds place in museum

Photo: Collected

The rickshaw that carried Golam Nafiz, a martyr of the anti-discrimination movement, will be preserved at the Mass Revolution Memorial Museum, Nahid Islam, ICT and Information adviser announced today.

He made the statement while visiting the rickshaw at the Gono Bhaban, according to a media release from the Posts, Telecommunications, and Information Technology Ministry.

During the handover of the rickshaw at Gono Bhaban, the adviser expressed gratitude to the rickshaw-puller, Noor Mohammad, for his bravery and assured him of financial support.

The release further said that following a recent media report about the sale of the rickshaw by Noor Mohammad, Nahid Islam immediately instructed his team to locate both the rickshaw and the rickshaw-puller. It was later revealed that Noor had sold the rickshaw for Tk 35,000 to a London-based expatriate. After communication, the expatriate agreed to donate the rickshaw to the museum.

Golam Nafiz, a student of Banani Bidyaniketan School and College, was shot near the Farmgate foot overbridge on August 4. When the police lifted the bullet-riddled Nafiz and placed him on the rickshaw passenger's footrest, he was still gripping the rickshaw's rod with his hand. Although the rickshaw-puller rushed him to a hospital, it was too late to save him.​

 

[Saif]

Students to resist AL event today

The student movement against discrimination will hold a mass gathering at Zero Point in the capital’s Gulistan today, demanding trial of the Awami League.

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Students to resist AL event today

The student movement against discrimination will hold a mass gathering at Zero Point in the capital's Gulistan today, demanding trial of the Awami League.

The students' platform will begin the programme at 12:00pm in which, it said, all pro-mass uprising political parties and cultural organisations will participate.

Hasnat Abdullah, a key coordinator of the movement, made the announcement on his verified Facebook page, calling on people to observe similar programmes in every district.

The student body came up with the announcement a day after the Awami League urged its leaders and activists to gather at Noor Hossain Chattar (Zero Point) at 3:00pm today to observe the Shaheed Noor Hossain Day.

Noor Hossain, then a 26-year-old leader of Jubo League, was killed in police firing on November 10, 1987, while protesting against the then autocratic rule of Ershad at the Zero Point.

The AL said it will stage the programme to demand restoration of democracy, according to a press release posted on its official Facebook page.

Meanwhile, the interim government has sounded a stern warning against the AL taking to the street.

Terming the AL a "fascist" party, Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam yesterday said the government will not allow it to hold any protest. "The Awami League in its current form is a fascist party. There is no way this fascist party will be allowed to hold protests in Bangladesh," he said in a Facebook post.

Alam also warned against any attempts to organise rallies or processions by taking orders from "mass murderer and dictator Sheikh Hasina". If anyone tries to do so, the law enforcers will deal with it strictly, he said, adding that the interim government will not tolerate violence or any attempt to break public order in the country.

Asif Mahmud, youth and sports adviser, in his verified Facebook account, yesterday said if any members of banned organisations or perpetrators of genocide attempt to hold events, law enforcement will take strict action.

Announcing the mass gathering, Hasnat Abdullah, in his Facebook post, urged all to refrain from resorting to violence and not to create any public sufferings.

"Disguised [Awami] League criminals might carry out vandalism and arson and then shift responsibility onto the students and people. So If you find anyone from the [Awami] League, hand them over to the police," he wrote.

In another post, Hasnat urged the students of Dhaka College, Ideal College and City College to join what he called the "Apa Domon" (resist Sheikh Hasina) programme.

In another development, the Mirpur unit of the student movement in a statement last night said it will hold a sit-in at Mirpur 10 intersection from 9:30am onwards, and will start, around noon, installing plaques carrying the names of the July uprising martyrs on the walls of the traffic police box there.

Late last night, several hundred students and people gathered at Zero Point and their number was growing.

Witnesses said most of those present there were leaders and activists of the faction of Gono Odhikar Parishad led by Reza Kibria.

Tarek Rahman, joint member secretary of the organisation, said, "We are worried that Sheikh Hasina and her party leaders and activists have conspired to kill students…. No one can trust them. They don't hesitate to kill people."

Dhaka Metropolitan Police in a statement said it arrested 10 men on charges of trying to ruin Bangladesh's good relations with the US.

AL President Sheikh Hasina recently directed her party leaders and activists to use the US flag and photos of US president-elect Donald Trump while holding "illegal processions", said the statement.

Police recovered a large number of "provocative posters, placards with pictures" and money from the possession of the arrestees.​