[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

A tale of courage and compassion

Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen not only opened their doors to the wounded but also converted the garage of their building on Satmasjid Road into a makeshift clinic.

www.thedailystar.net

A tale of courage and compassion
We salute the two doctors for their efforts during the uprising

VISUAL: STAR

During the July-August uprising, the compassion, integrity, and dedication of two doctors—Dr Worthy Jukhrif and Dr Hritisha Aktar Mitheen—stood out in their commitment to humanity and their profession. On July 18, Dhanmondi-27 became one of the flashpoints when violent clashes erupted between pro-reform demonstrators and police, who were backed by activists from the then-ruling party. Many injured demonstrators were too afraid to seek medical help as the government cracked down on protesters, even stationing police in front of hospitals to intimidate anyone seeking treatment. Some hospitals were overwhelmed with patients, while others refused to provide care.

Amid this difficult situation, Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen not only opened their doors to the wounded but also converted the garage of their building on Satmasjid Road into a makeshift clinic. With the support of other residents who contributed supplies, the two doctors treated over 100 injured individuals. Despite their own trauma and shock from the events unfolding around them, they set up two beds in the garage and provided critical care, including removing pellets, dressing deep wounds, and offering counselling to the injured, thus transforming their garage into a sanctuary for those with nowhere else to turn.

The doctors recently recounted some of the horrific injuries they treated, explaining that, as a result of their efforts, on July 19, police targeted their building with tear gas shells. Additionally, men in civilian clothes questioned the building's guards, inquiring about the residents and why they were treating protesters. They even issued threats of severe consequences if anyone stepped outside. Despite these and other forms of harassment and surveillance, Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen stood their ground for the sake of humanity, embodying the highest ideals of the medical profession and demonstrating profound compassion for their fellow countrymen.

Dr Worthy and Dr Mitheen have demonstrated just how noble the medical profession can be—something that many other doctors and carers did during the uprising. We salute them for their selfless efforts. We also urge the interim government to properly recognise the services of all such people who contributed through their acts of kindness and commitment to the nation during the mass uprising, so their example may inspire future generations.​

 

[Saif]

Extraordinary situation calls for extraordinary measures

BANGLADESH, following the overthrow of an extremely repressive government of the Awami League, in the face of a great democratically oriented student-mass uprising and subsequent voluntary disappearances of all the League leaders from the country’s political scene, obviously with a view to...

www.newagebd.net

Extraordinary situation calls for extraordinary measures
Nurul Kabir 10 October, 2024, 00:10​

BANGLADESH, following the overthrow of an extremely repressive government of the Awami League, in the face of a great democratically oriented student-mass uprising and subsequent voluntary disappearances of all the League leaders from the country’s political scene, obviously with a view to escaping court proceedings for their political, economic and criminal offences, is now passing through a critically important transitional phase of history. The great July movement, which culminated in prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s resignation and fleeing to India on August 5, apparently looked like a ‘revolution’, which many a politician and intellectual of the country still call it adorably, but in essence it was not. By the simplest definition, a ‘revolution’ is a political Event that overthrows one class of people from power by another class, enabling the winning class to build its own state machinery on the debris of that of the defeated one. And, obviously, such a revolution takes place under the leadership of an organised revolutionary party with a philosophically thought-out set of political, economic and cultural agenda, to be implemented in the post-revolution society.

The victorious July movement of the masses — more than 80 per cent of some 1,500 martyrs of and some 22,000 critically injured in the movement came from under-privileged sections of society — has definitely overthrown the autocratic regime of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League, but the autocratic state machine that successive governments of the country’s ruling class have built up in Bangladesh since its birth and Hasina’s has further brutalised it over a decade and half remains intact with all its repressive laws, rules, policies, resources and practices.

Moreover, despite enormous courage, profound commitment and great tactical skills of the student leaders, who transformed their initial anti-job quota agitation eventually into a mass movement for the ouster of the League government, they were not a homogenous force organised under a revolutionary party with a comprehensive revolutionary agenda.

They are, in fact, a patriotic group of courageous young boys and a few girls, coming from different political traditions and containing heterogeneous politico-philosophical thoughts. Not surprisingly, the young leadership of the successful mass uprising invited, visibly ignoring the exiting constitution of the state, Professor Muhammad Younus, a Nobel peace laureate of particularly western repute, who might have been in prison if Hasina had continued in power for a few more months, to lead an ‘interim government’ to carry out certain ‘reforms’ — political, constitutional and economic, et cetera, and hold free and pair national elections for transferring power to an elected authority. The political parties and the national army have complied with wishes of the students. This is an extraordinary time.

Meanwhile, the young group of student leaders is learnt to be trying to launch a political party of their own while it has not yet formulated any manifesto and agenda for the planned party. It is, indeed, impossible to determine the political characteristic of a political party in the making — revolutionary or reformist — without analysing its manifesto and agenda. Hence, at this point of history, this is irrelevant to talk about the ‘revolutionary imposition of a revolutionary agenda by a revolutionary party’.

Under such a circumstance, the question arises as to what kind of reforms the interim government of Professor Yunus intends to carry out and in how much time it should accomplish its interim agenda. The Yunus administration has, meanwhile, announced half a dozen commissions to prescribe — in 90 days of the constitution — constitutional, electoral, judicial, public administration, police and anti-corruption mechanism reforms. It has not issued any political and philosophical guideline/s for the commissions to make recommendations to base on. Thus, the citizens concerned are left with nothing but speculating about the possible nature of the recommendations to come, and that too, based on the personal politico-philosophical orientations of the individual members of the commissions.

Bangladesh essentially needs democratic reforms in almost every sector of its collective life while the most important one being the democratisation of the constitution of its state. In a democratic dispensation, the constitution is expected to be a document reflecting the ‘general will’ of the people — the ‘sovereign’. It is the constitution that guarantees the legitimate rights of the citizens, on the one hand, and provides legitimate power for actors of different branches of the state to exercise, on the other. The constructional provisions of a democratic state, a republic in other words, must recognise the importance of the state to remain perpetually accountable to the ‘sovereign’ — the people, that is. Understandably, a genuine representation of different sections of the people — irrespective of their class, ethnic, gender and religious identities — is essential in the entire constitution making/reforming process, right from the beginning. Here, in the present case, the ‘beginning’ begins from the constitution of the ‘constitution reforms commission’ while the commission has only marginal representation of women, but it does not have any ‘representation’ from the national and religious minority communities, constituting a significantly large section of the country’s population having their own difficulties and aspirations in the existing undemocratic dispensation. Besides, despite the existence of many peasant and labour organisations in the country, no representation from these huge classes of people is there on the constitution reforms commission.

If morning shows the day, evidently, the interim government of Professor Yunus, which has appointed the commission, intends to offer the post-July mass-uprising Bangladesh a patriarchal, Bengali Muslim majoritarian piece of constitution of the state, ignoring the fact that the great mass uprising against autocracy was participated in and supported by, although by different degrees, all sections of the people — Bengalis and non-Bengalis, male and female, Muslims and non-Muslims, the rich and the poor.

If this is the kind of reforms that the interim government intends to carry out in other sectors as well, Bangladesh has no chance to get out the old political, economic and legal order. It should realise that an extraordinary situation, arising out of magnificent student-mass uprising that has generated new hopes and aspiration in society, needs extraordinary measures to fulfil the new demand of history — a genuinely democratic transformation of the pseudo-democratic republic.

Nurul Kabir is editor of New Age​

 

[Saif]

Credit for August 5 uprising belongs to students, not any party: Jamaat Ameer

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman has stated that the credit for the August 5 mass uprising does not belong to any political party but rather to the students and the people. He remarked that the nation has been freed from fascism through the bloodshed and sacrifices of the youth and the gene

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Credit for August 5 uprising belongs to students, not any party: Jamaat Ameer
Published :
Oct 11, 2024 20:51
Updated :
Oct 11, 2024 20:51

Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman has stated that the credit for the August 5 mass uprising does not belong to any political party but rather to the students and the people. He remarked that the nation has been freed from fascism through the bloodshed and sacrifices of the youth and the general public.

"We seek to earn the genuine love of the people through our work. We do not want divisions between the minority and the majority. We envision a society where temples, like mosques, do not require security. If anyone attempts to disrupt our harmony, we must unite to resist them," he said.

Dr Shafiqur Rahman made these remarks as the chief guest at a workers' conference organised by Sylhet Metropolitan Jamaat, held on Friday at 3:30 pm at the Kushiyara International Convention Hall in South Surma, Sylhet, UNB reports.

The event was presided over by Muhammad Fakhrul Islam, a member of Jamaat's Central Executive Committee and Ameer of Sylhet Metropolitan Jamaat, and conducted by Secretary Muhammad Shahjahan Ali. Several thousand workers from the city attended the conference.

In his address, Dr Shafiqur Rahman added that during the regime of the 'fallen fascist', Jamaat-e-Islami suffered the most oppression. "Our top leaders were executed on charges of crimes against humanity, and they were martyred. Today, history has marked them as the real perpetrators of crimes against humanity," he concluded.​

 

[Saif]

How we go about the Bangla Spring now will define its future | The Daily Star

Between “July 34-36”, Bangladesh saw the explosion of a united democratic desire among people of all classes and professions. The demand for democracy was the revolutionary desire then. Following on from that, establishing meaningful democracy is going to be the true revolutionary programme now...

thegreatwave.thedailystar.net

How we go about the Bangla Spring now will define its future
Altaf Parvez

Before the Bangla Spring, there was a perception around the world that in the era of “surveillance states”, transformative politics cannot emerge victorious. This, after all, was the era of spies, of reactionists, of populism—an era of Pegasus’s dominance. But if George Orwell was alive, he would have looked on in awe at how the people of Bangladesh have flipped “1984” in 2024. This is why this mass uprising has communicated new hope among the oppressed peoples of the world. They are now thinking, “Victory is possible.” As a result, there is a global necessity to protect this uprising in Bangladesh. At the same time, conservative attempts to discredit and derail it are also nothing unnatural.

Lethargy in civil administration

Already, the Bangla Spring has faced some troubles within the country. There is some scepticism in society about the strength of the government that has been formed following the uprising. The government is facing a multidimensional crisis as it struggles to project an image of power. Perhaps as a byproduct of this, the administration has not been as active as expected. The activity in police stations has not resumed in full swing, and the police are yet to conduct patrols like they used to. Incidences of stealing and hijacking are on the rise.

The fire incidents in Gazi Tyre and Pran-RFL factories spread terror among industrialists. In Gazi Tyre, looting took place for an extended period of time, after which it was set on fire, yet no effective preventive steps were seen. The fact that industrialists, afflicted by fire and terror, are having to go around asking for security in different places is definitely a matter of embarrassment for the interim government.

At the same time, the pre-announced destruction of shrines in various places is spreading fear in rural society. No one in the administration seems to be considering it their responsibility to stop these attacks. Although warnings of legal actions against those involved were issued by the chief adviser’s office, their effects were negligible.

In fact, even during the terrible floods in Greater Noakhali, the civil administration was unable to assume the role of leading the coordination efforts. Instead, people had to place their trust in the army and students. Even though hundreds of trucks filled with relief goods left Dhaka, a tremendous weakness was observed in coordination among involved groups, especially with regard to prioritising marginal areas that needed the relief on an emergency basis.

Many volunteers were seen distributing relief in places close to highways and big roads, taking some pictures, and coming back. It’s as if there was nothing to be done about getting rid of the floodwaters other than distributing relief and blaming India! The people of Greater Noakhali and surrounding areas were in an unthinkable state of suffering because of waterlogging.

People don’t want to lose trust

Similar to Noakhali, the spirit of the mass uprising was almost absent in the civil administration’s response to flood in other affected districts as well. In all sorts of offices including educational institutions, there is only the circus of removing the officials who have been there until now and replacing them with new ones. The political-philosophical direction behind why the “old” ones must be removed and why it’s necessary to replace them with “new” ones has not been communicated to the field level.

As a result, these institutions have fallen into the cycle of signing attendances and various groups vying for control. Trying to avail everyday “services”, people can’t find any sign of the “Second Liberation War”.

At the end of the “war”, people are finding it hard to understand how they could be participating in the reconstruction of the country. In other words, there is no clear political and administrative “vision” that has been delivered to the districts and upazilas even after an incident as big as a mass uprising. The stimulus and promises seem to be stuck in TV screens. Unbeknownst to everyone, the seeds of hopelessness are being sowed even though the memory of the sacrifices of so many still burns freshest. But ordinary people are still not ready to lose hope. At least with Muhammad Yunus, they have a lot of trust.

Students belong on the ground, not in bureaucracy

In this tug of war between hope and despair, the students and others involved in the mass uprising could have taken the responsibility of building synergy between society and central administration. But the formation of students’ and people’s mass uprising committees in every district has not happened. They have not been assigned any specific activity relating to building the country. If the will is there, even now they can be used to accomplish a variety of nation-building activities.

On the ground, I have heard many say that the students could have solved many long-festering problems, such as illegal encroachment of rivers, without delay. By controlling traffic across the country on the first few days after August 5, students proved that they are ready to do any practical and technical task. They proved their worth again during the flood rescue and relief operations. At that time, “old society” did help them with open hands.

At the Bangladesh Agricultural University in Mymensingh, students were seen taking initiatives to produce saplings for post-flood agricultural rehabilitation. Many may remember that a similar spirit took hold in the tumultuous days of 1972-73. But the new government is failing to give this spontaneous youth force suitable tasks to keep alight the kindling of this fire. Instead of fashioning a “combined national role” for students, we have seen a handful of student leaders become advisers to the government. Perhaps a few more of them will join bureaucratic activities.

The highest achievement from all of this could be a “synergy” between the students and the people, and the old bureaucracy. But the demand of the mass uprising was not coordination with the colonial administration, or the debuts of students and new people within the bureaucracy. The demand was its complete reform. A full-body change. The consequence of the present organisational strategy is twofold. First, it’s leading to a bureaucratisation of talented student organisers as they waste their valuable time in administrative complications over appointments, transfers, suspensions, and so on. Second, watching the “coordinators” of the movement work like this could lead to pessimism particularly among the Generation Z.

Both scenarios would be extreme forms of self-sabotage. It is as though the “Spring” is being forcefully transformed into a “Winter”.

The uprising that started under the leadership of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement platform remains incomplete without the expected transformation of the state. That is why the entire leadership group of the student movement should have been on the ground for a much longer period. They should have highlighted the demands of reform from the field level. They should have compiled these demands and continuously presented them in front of the government. Only in this way could the uprising live on as a continuous process. The civil administration would not have been able to sit idle in sabotage like it is doing now.

But instead, some dangerous signs of superiority and chauvinism can be seen now. Some specific young people are being given the proprietary rights for the “mass” movement. Some are being affectionately given the title of “masterminds”. But if we removed the bubbles of individualism, we would see that the “mastermind” of the Bangla Spring is an all-encompassing desire for democracy. The students and the people turned the quota reform movement into a one-point movement a day before the “coordinators” uttered it. We must not forget that.​

To be continued....................

 

[Saif]

The movement should be made more inclusive

Considering that the July-August movement did not happen under the leadership of one person or party or coalition, it is illogical for the student body of one university to claim sole authority over the movement. In fact, this movement does not belong to a coalition of many universities either.

The descriptions of those killed and wounded in the movement make it clear that it was a movement of people of all classes and professions. In fact, it is historically inaccurate to characterise this movement as having started with the quota reform question and ended with the fleeing to India of Sheikh Hasina.

The essence of the 14-15-year-long struggle of people of many classes and professions has lent itself to the Bangla Spring. Thus, it is not just a child born to the middle class during the month of July. Without the realisation of the desires of so many people through this long period of time, this movement will not stop. In that sense, only a fair election will not fulfil the demands of the labourers killed or wounded in this movement.

There are no universities in the spot—Dhaka's Jatrabari—where most people were killed during the movement. It is mainly an area of labourers. The bloodiest resistance during the mass uprising occurred here. These people did not sacrifice their lives on the issue of quota reform. Various longstanding crises in their day-to-day lives led them to take to the streets. They were unable to forget the feeling of insult borne out of an omnivorous culture of extortion and the denial of the right to vote in a number of elections.

So, the fact that people of these classes and professions are appearing in front of the government with their demands is not unnatural. It is all a sign of a society reborn that everyone, from labourers of pharmaceutical companies to rickshaw pullers, is engaging in processions and meetings. The incidents of beating up members of Ansar or doctors are very reactionary in nature. The central leadership of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement needs to rethink these issues.

To raise the inclusive profile of the movement, the demands of different classes and professions must be considered with importance. The organisers of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement can go to people from all walks of life and explain to them why it’s important to give room for political reforms. The powers of the movement need to be synergised with various marginal groups, instead of synergising it with the bureaucracy. Chasing away the different professional groups who are raising demands now will have a boomerang effect in the long run. Even now, the fact that the public is accepting this government as inclusive enough—despite the fact that there is no representation of workers and farmers in the adviser’s council—is because of their love for the students, and trust in some of the advisers. But nothing is permanent.

Meanwhile, the lack of participation by female students in the decision-making process of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement is becoming notable, whereas a big base of power for the July-August movement was the long processions that female students would call during days and nights. Not only on the university premises, but in districts and upazilas too, young women were in the vanguard of the movement with tremendous emotion and excitement. The traditional ideas about Bangladeshi women long held by our society have, by and large, been erased this time. Only an anti-discriminatory, democratic society can adopt the progressive elements of the recent movement. But in the field, there are some different tendencies too. One of them is to transform the mass uprising into a so-called “cultural war”. Already, Islamic parties are sitting together with a “revolutionary” goal, according to the media. Organisers of many “banned” organisations are having cases against them withdrawn, as per media reports. Many in the “intelligentsia” are raising public support to transform the current government into a “revolutionary government”. The “united power” of July 36 (August 5) is getting split into many subgroups like this. Many are trying to stuff their ideological desires into the spirit of the uprising.

But on the ground during July-August, the pictures were different. Everyone’s demand was for democracy. The anger against a massacre made this demand explosive. People stood up in front of deadly guns not because of some “revolutionary ideology”. It wasn’t the call of the intelligentsia that made them do it, it was the desire for a democratic society. It was against the limitless authoritarianism of one person. It was against unthinkable police dominance within society.

Between July 34-36 (August 3-5), Bangladesh saw the explosion of a united democratic desire among people of all classes and professions. The demand for democracy was the revolutionary desire then. Following on from that, establishing meaningful democracy is going to be the true revolutionary programme now. The intelligentsia making more “revolutionary” demands can be seen as undue pressure on the interim government.

But to fulfil the fundamental expectation of the Bangla Spring, some crucial reforms of the state’s colonial structure is a must. Among them are reforms for the local government system and many institutions like the Election Commission. To move forward with these reform programmes, it might be necessary to rewrite the constitution too. For that, experts have said that the proposed election could be organised in the form of the people’s council election of 1970. Meanwhile, the interim government needs to undertake some quick reforms, and for that, they need the political parties to participate and consent to them. Without this much-needed participation, it will be difficult to realise the goal of transformation and to make it durable. In this scenario, the centrist BNP needs to play a special role and stand with the government.

On the ground, BNP activists need to suppress their tendency to take control and occupy, and the prime responsibility of the leadership of the party has to be to help the government in their reform agenda.

BNP has a big responsibility

At this moment, BNP is definitely a major force among the political parties. They themselves have already proposed some reforms. As a result, there is little room for BNP as a power in the movement to disagree with the non-partisan students and people and the interim government. However, BNP’s reform proposals are very mild in their characteristics. A positive aspect is that Ganatantra Mancha, a major proponent of reform politics in Bangladesh, stands as an ally of BNP. If these two parties cooperate with the government that is enthusiastic about enacting reforms, there is no need to delay the elections.

If the election is left hanging for an indefinite period of time, then the development work on the ground is bound to slow down. Besides, without an elected government, there will be scant foreign investment.

From the upazilas to the national parliament, there are no public representatives at any level. On the one hand, the administration that has been a victim of partisanship is in extreme turmoil; on the other hand, the same structure has to deal with the pressure of implementing the annual development plan. The result is easy to guess. Thus, reform and elections must both be undertaken. In between all of this, those responsible for the corruption and crimes of past years must be brought to justice.

Despite credible news of the loot of thousands of crores of taka by mafias masquerading as industrialists and politicians, if they are not brought to justice and punished then the powers of the movement will have no option but to enact people’s courts in the country. The culture of corruption-disappearance-murder has put Bangladesh into an existential risk. To stop corruption on a structural level, the anti-corruption commission must be reformed according to the current political desire.

To move the reform agenda forward, news media must be rebuilt as mass media

The media world now has an enormous responsibility to understand the local nature of corruption. Revoking the Cyber Security Act and rescuing media organisations from the hands of businessmen-appointed mercenaries are the initial demands in this case. Broadcast mediums can be brought under a trust where institutions are managed in a journalism-friendly way.

Over the past years, the broadcast media has been used like tissue paper for the powerful, while hardworking journalists could not write or say much in fear of the Digital/Cyber Security Act. Cases and harassment were every-day occurrences.

The editor of the premier English newspaper of the country once told this writer about the 80 cases filed against him. How can the media contribute to building the country from this situation? But instead of any structural solutions, opportunist media “houses” of the past have suspended and appointed one or two people to resort to hide-and-seek games.

Attention also must be given towards stopping anti-Bangladesh campaigns in the outside world. An effective way of stopping this is to conduct credible investigations over the violent incidents that occurred in recent weeks and to use fact-checkers en masse. A second way is to engage the leadership of different religions and ethnicities in extensive diplomatic activities. In this, the government and the student movement must show the courage to neutralise any right-wing sabotage at the root.

Going forward, the pluralistic character of the mass uprising must be sustained throughout Bangladesh’s future.

Altaf Parvez is a researcher and writer​

 

[Saif]

Protecting the gains of the ‘second liberation’

At present, there are four areas of profound challenges that require a more proactive approach.

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Protecting the gains of the ‘second liberation’
Bangladesh - Gains of the second liberation

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

In my previous column, I mentioned that the "second liberation" of August 5 restored our citizenship, overthrew a violent authoritarian rule, and halted economic disaster. But clearly, the journey has only begun. The all-important task now is to sustain these gains.

The government has announced six commissions for critical reforms in that spirit. These commissions—looking into electoral, constitutional, anti-corruption, judiciary, administrative, and police reforms—are headed by some of the best people with long dedicated work in these areas. These are all areas where reforms chosen wisely and implemented effectively will put Bangladesh on a just, equitable development path.

In parallel, a high-powered white paper committee has been tasked to examine the experience of the previous government's rule to understand what went wrong with its economic management and identify the lessons for the future. While oligarchs and political cronies became wealthy, the economy plunged into a macroeconomic crisis, lost its competitive edge, reduced job growth, and became excessively concentrated regionally and in the hands of a few powerful people.

The economist in me hopes that the committee will highlight the critical importance of providing far more autonomy, authority and resources for critical financial management, evaluation, data collection and research institutions, such as the CAG, IMED, BBS and BIDS, so that the integrity of data and research is uncompromised, and that they are made available timely.

Even more profoundly, I hope they will point out that providing high-quality public services, support for small and medium businesses, and generally a good investment climate and good governance in our towns and villages will be impossible under an excessively centralised political economy. In sum, achieving the SDGs will require decentralising and devolving political, administrative and economic powers to urban and rural local governments. Only that can truly unleash our people's creative spirits and entrepreneurial energies.

The interim government has done well by tying the work of these groups to a tight frame of delivering their reports within three months. It is an ambitious target, and there will be a need to consult. However, a short period will require these groups to focus on the core issues and write crisply. Then we can have national conversations around their reports.

There are, however, four areas of profound challenges that require a more proactive approach. Unless these are met, the gains of the second liberation are in danger of being lost in economic instability and social unrest.

That is not speculative thinking. Economic and job growth and poverty reduction will slow without a quick return to stability. Bangladesh took nearly 20 years after independence to regain the per capita incomes of 1970, mainly due to political instability. Economic growth took off only by restoring democratic constitutional rule and legitimate elected governments that could back and sustain Saifur Rahman's vigorous fiscal and trade reforms.

So, what is to be done now?

First, sustaining the gains of August 5 requires not letting the economy falter. Yes, we have inherited a "mess," an endangered economy. Proper steps are being taken in fiscal, financial, education and other matters. But the voice of the private sector, which employs most of our workers, earns our foreign exchange and produces most of our output, must be in the cabinet. Let a labour leader be also included to get the voice of the workers. But the economy's day-to-day concerns must be heard from those directly involved. Yes, this enlarges the size of the cabinet. But to protect the gains of the second liberation and the success of the interim government, the economy—jobs and welfare of the people—deserves the highest consideration.

Second, we need a more forceful approach to restoring law and order. Yes, Bangladesh is undoubtedly in a unique post-uprising aftermath where the police, the primary weapon of suppression under the past regime, lack confidence and morale and are mostly unseen. Yes, it is also true that the law and order situation could be far worse, given the circumstances. Yet, these are inadequate arguments that undermine the interim government. If entrepreneurs and workers perceive a lack of understanding and lose confidence and security, economic activity will decline as factories close down, exports fall and jobs are lost. Social unrest will follow.

For starters, we need undivided attention. The current arrangement under which one adviser has both home and agriculture portfolios is extraordinary and needs change. The coordination between the justice and home ministries needs improvement. The filing of dubious cases indiscriminately to imprison members and fellow travellers of the past regime diminishes this government's credibility. We are not talking about forgiving leaders of the past autocratic government and party. They must bear responsibility for their decisions and actions that caused widespread mayhem. However, murder cases have been filed against ordinary people where the accused are known to have been far away from the crime scenes.

Let me give a specific example. The former planning minister, Prof MA Mannan, is an upright man. He tried to speak the truth in office, sometimes subtly, to point out wrongs and mistakes. Because of his truth-telling, he was removed from the cabinet in January. He is, in fact, someone who needs to be consulted about his experience, but he was arrested last month on an absurd charge of murder (he was granted bail on October 9). Even the students and people of his area protested on his behalf.

Then there was the question of assaults on indicted prisoners on the way to the courtroom. It did not require rocket science to stop such misdeeds, and it has been done. But there have been several incidents of lynching across the country, which erode confidence.

The government has taken the sensible step to endow army officers with magistracy powers, but it is unlikely that it would be enough given that they lack the necessary training and experience. A corps of police and RAB officers with integrity and experience can be formed as a special task force working with the now magistracy-empowered army to tackle crime and disorder swiftly. They can also subdue violence with dialogue and firmness, but with minimum force. The UN has been requested to provide the necessary training to the police force. Other bilateral partners can also be requested. But we need urgency.

Third, a more realistic approach is required for much-needed constitutional reforms. There is broad agreement about the critical parameters of the new political order we seek. These include providing much stronger checks and balances to power and enshrining civil and human rights with the full force of the constitution. Other ideas floating around are proportional representation, bicameral houses, with proportional representation in at least one of them; term limits for heads of government; freeing parliamentarians from the yoke of Article 70 in the case of non-budget and no-confidence motions; strong parliamentary committees and oversight especially in the area of financial management; and a political parties act that set up transparent and democratic codes of conduct.

It is worth highlighting that the need to move ahead with decentralisation and devolution in the country is missing here. Bangladesh is one of the most centralised countries in the world, where local governments control less than 10 percent of public expenditures compared to more than 20 percent share of local government in other lower-middle-income countries. Our cities and towns are in a mess because our mayors lack budget and authority. And yes, they also lacked accountability to the people under the last regime.

Fourth, that brings us to the crucial matter of process here. Should we rewrite a new constitution or make amendments to the old one? Writing a new constitution will, rightly, invite considerable controversy over issues that may be peripheral to the urgent, forward-looking tasks at hand. There will be the question of validity. A few pointed amendments that can implement reforms and then be put to a referendum may be a more manageable path.

Let us be blunt here: a new constitution that risks removing the separation between the state and religion and between the state and ethnicity could potentially create second-class citizens in Bangladesh. That will be tragically contrary to the spirit of the Liberation War, where hundreds of thousands of martyrs gave their lives for freedom and equality. The spirit of an inclusive, equal society is also at the heart of the anti-discrimination movement of the students and people who brought in the second liberation. A new constitution that does not recognise these truths will lead the country to backwardness and regress.

We cannot afford to lose our rich syncretic history and culture that made this land generously welcome migrants and visitors. If our people are to prosper, we need the embrace of the world: we need massive amounts of foreign investment for jobs, global market access, and the technology it will provide. We need other countries to embrace our workers by providing them with jobs abroad. We need a constitution and a country that unites its people in a liberal, open and equal society that the world will embrace.

Dr Ahmad Ahsan is director at the Policy Research Institute of Bangladesh (PRI), a former World Bank economist, and a faculty member at Dhaka University.​

 

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None to be arrested or harassed for involvement in July mass uprising: Home ministry

The student-people, who actively worked staying at the field level to make the mass-uprising a success, would not face any case, arrest or harassment for the incidents regarding the mass uprising

en.prothomalo.com

None to be arrested or harassed for involvement in July mass uprising: Home ministry
Special Correspondent
Dhaka
Updated: 14 Oct 2024, 16: 22

The home ministry has said no one would be arrested or harassed in cases filed from 15 July to 8 August for involvement in the mass uprising that saw the Awami League government stepping down after 15 years.

The ministry said this in a statement published today, Monday.

The statement reads, "A new journey towards building a discrimination-free new Bangladesh has started through the fall of the autocratic fascist government by the student-people mass uprising on 5 August.”

“The student-people, who actively worked staying at the field level to make the mass-uprising a success, would not face any case, arrest or harassment for the incidents regarding the mass uprising that took place from 15 July to 8 August last,” the statement said.

The home ministry asked the relevant authorities to maintain highest level of cautiousness in this regard.

It also asked the concerned officials to remain alert so that no one could take advantage by means of false information.​

 

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‘We must not lose focus from real political barriers’ | The Daily Star

Badruddin Umar, a leading Marxist intellectual, political analyst, and activist, talks about the recent student-led mass uprising and what lies in the political future of Bangladesh in an interview with Ananta Yusuf, Priyam Paul, and Shamsuddoza Sajen of The Daily Star.

thegreatwave.thedailystar.net

'We must not lose focus from real political barriers'

Badruddin Umar, a leading Marxist intellectual, political analyst, and activist, talks about the recent student-led mass uprising and what lies in the political future of Bangladesh in an interview with Ananta Yusuf, Priyam Paul, and Shamsuddoza Sajen of The Daily Star.

How has the recent mass uprising managed to succeed despite facing significant repression from state machinery?

Several mass movements have taken place in Bangladesh in the past, such as the ones in 1952, 1969, 1971 and 1990. The one we experienced this year probably faced even more repression than the 1969 Mass Uprising in then East Pakistan. We have been up against corruption since 1972, and Sheikh Hasina’s tenure since 2008 offered more of the same. However, the Awami League’s rule of 15 and a half years can be questioned in more ways than one.

Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian rule was supported by factors such as the army, police and judiciary. Because of that, the Awami League suffered as an organisation. In addition, leading representatives of the party were given licence to loot the country. It led to the party turning into a fraudulent and untrustworthy one. In fact, it ultimately led to party officials and workers not prioritising political mandates and promises. Some Awami League politicians functioning at the union and village levels earned crores of taka during Hasina’s reign. It’s unheard of. The former prime minister’s personal assistant is said to have amassed a fortune of over $30 million.

Hasina took dynasty politics to levels we could not have ever imagined. What happened to Sheikh Mujib’s former residence was unfortunate. But I would say that Sheikh Hasina is partly responsible for the incident.

Regressive taxes were implemented quite strictly and the middle and lower classes in the country suffered. People residing in rural areas were especially affected. Millions of dollars were transferred abroad. It’s akin to stealing money directly from the general public’s bank accounts. On top of the obvious financial scams, freedom and democracy were at an all-time low in Bangladesh. The student-led demonstration was a reaction to the overall situation; it was not confined to the demand for quota reform. Sheikh Hasina did not want to compromise, and that was one of the reasons why the Awami League was ousted. The situation had improved after legal changes were initiated following the initial protests. But power corrupts, and the Sheikh Hasina government did not negotiate with the students as it should have.

Incidents in July proved that law enforcement agencies cannot put a lid on a widespread mass movement in the country. Awami League should not have ordered its student wing, Bangladesh Chhatra League, to take part in violent ripostes. Former minister Obaidul Quader was apparently instrumental in inciting them.

Do you believe this popular uprising will substantially change the country’s political, economic and social arenas?

I do not think radical political changes will take place in the future. But I do believe that it will be difficult for another authoritarian government to come to the centre. The way leading Awami League personalities ravaged the country is quite shameful. It never happened before. Most of the preceding MPs were businessmen first, before being politicians. Although I look forward to the future, I am not sure that the political changes that we need will be initiated. I do not believe that our economy and education sectors will take giant leaps forward in the coming years.

It remains to be seen what steps the interim government, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and other leading political parties will take. Some may not like the BNP, but it is still one of the strongest parties in the country and will definitely look to join in during election time. BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami have supported the student movement, but they will look for legitimate political power following Dr Muhammad Yunus’s tenure.

Hasina took dynasty politics to levels we could not have ever imagined. What happened to Sheikh Mujib’s former residence was unfortunate. But I would say that Sheikh Hasina is partly responsible for the incident. Sheikh Mujib’s name and family affiliations have been utilised for political projects which have not been backed with the required resources. The Awami League’s corrupt run tarnished Sheikh Mujib’s legacy. She should have paid heed to her father’s reputation and realised that it was her in power, not her father. Using Mujib’s pictures at every meeting and Bangladesh embassies created a narrative that linked Awami League’s looting with Sheikh Mujib’s international stature.

One must also understand that India’s relations are not with Bangladesh, but with the Awami League. The BJP-led government has openly declared its alliance with the Awami League. Sheikh Hasina never ignored India’s demands, and that is why the country provided her shelter after her ousting. India’s Minister of External Affairs S Jaishankar spoke in parliament about the political scenario in Bangladesh. Jaishankar did not stress upon the number of lives that were lost during the movement, instead focusing on matters that are prioritised by his government.

It is difficult for Bangladesh to not pay heed to India. Similarly, India tries to maintain good relations with Bangladesh as the former does not have strong bonds with most of its neighbours. Thus, India will play its cards according to future political developments in Dhaka. New Delhi is definitely considering how to interact with the Awami League amid the political upheaval. Without a doubt, the imperialist powers will have inputs of their own as well.

Will the fate of the Awami League mirror that of the Muslim League, or is a resurgence possible?

I do not think the Awami League can make a comeback. Sheikh Hasina was the cult figure who represented the party. With her leaving the country under circumstances that were honestly completely unexpected, it is difficult to foresee a hasty return to mainstream politics for the party. The sad truth is that a number of important Awami League leaders were just not fit for modern-day politics. Muslim League’s decline was marked by its inability to adapt to the changing political landscape of Bangladesh, and that is exactly what the Awami League experienced. Will Awami League be able to win seats legally if they take part in elections today? I do not think so.

Awami League emerged in the 1950s and was in focus in 1954, when the government of the United Front (also known as a Awami League-led coalition) fell in the then East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Following this, the party’s structure was worked upon for more than a decade. By 1969, Awami League was organised and two years later, in 1971, it was politically relevant and supported by the masses. The movement in 2024 is like the one in 1952 in that, at its core, it is not driven by political parties per se.

The fact that the 2024 movement was mostly student-backed and not initiated by political parties does bring to the table some problems. Dr Yunus, the leader of the interim government, is not a political personality. I have written about Dr Yunus and Grameen Bank in the past. The US supports his micro-credit programme firmly, but real changes come with effective political reforms. Dr Yunus also has the backing of renowned international organisations.

Our current cabinet members are up against a political vacuum. The interim government faces many challenges in terms of making the political changes we actually need. Where the state structure is concerned, amending it requires constitutional and parliamentary elements to come into play. Thus, we need parliamentarians who are reliable and honest to make this happen. I am quite sceptical as to whether this will happen.

I am aware of the possibility of the formation of a student party in the future. This may be tough to achieve as the students do not yet have a strong social base like Awami League, BNP or Jamaat. I doubt whether the students will be able to achieve it, even though they have done well till now and two of them are in the current cabinet. I do believe that they will try to make it happen.

Is there a possibility of forming a new constituent assembly in the current context?

Our constitution has been amended quite a few times, and its history is controversial. The Bangladesh Constitution came from a Yahya Khan-appointed council. We all know about the 1970 election when political shifts took place. The following year, the Liberation War took place, which instilled certain political aspirations in the masses. Were those ambitions reflected in Bangladesh’s original constitution? I am not too sure.

Following independence, many personalities who were instrumental during the 1971 war were shunned. Instead, persons who were linked to the 1970 election were brought to the fore. If you ask me, it was akin to doing something illegal. It affected the contents of our 1972 constitution. In my opinion, our constitution needs to be totally revamped. This requires much political clout, which the interim government does not possess. Even if fair elections take place, will the amendments be made and accepted? It is tough to imagine.

What were the motivations behind the attacks on Hindus following the fall of Awami League regime?

After August 5, Hindus in Bangladesh have come under attack. It is deplorable and must be stopped. Muslims, too, are facing similar problems in our country. That must also be reported by the media. And the violence against Hindus in Bangladesh must not be given a political twist. Corruption and criminal activities are presently worrying everyone in Bangladesh. We must turn away from communal politics, especially during a time when our youth has sacrificed so much to see political changes take place. We must put an end to such political narratives as it is ultimately the Bangladesh brand which is being seriously affected. Ordinary Bangladeshis are secular and have been against communal politics since 1947. In recent times, the Indian government has given impetus to the notion that general Bangladeshis are anti-Hindu. Hefazat and Jamaat oppose communists and democrats in our country, not Bangladeshi Hindus. That’s an important point to consider.

We must put an end to such political narratives as it is ultimately the Bangladesh brand which is being seriously affected. Ordinary Bangladeshis are secular and have been against communal politics since 1947. In recent times, the Indian government has given impetus to the notion that general Bangladeshis are anti-Hindu.

We must not divert our attention from the real political barriers we face as a united nation. Hindus participated in the July mass movement along with Muslims. At the present juncture, we must try to mitigate differences rather than indulging in political manoeuvres of the past. Hindu-Muslim divides have impacted lives of many throughout the subcontinent for decades. Awami League came to power in 1996 with Jamaat’s support. Awami League has also collaborated with Hefazat for many years. We must be very careful, going forward, in relation to how we deal with and negotiate with such political obstacles.

What steps should be taken now to safeguard democracy?

Large-scale changes require a social revolution, which in turn calls for unwavering commitment and the right intentions. An organised political party in power is the need of the hour. Lenin was a firm believer in the solidarity of the general public. In Bangladesh, what we need right now is a platform which accommodates the demands of the masses. Such a framework needs to bring the people of Bangladesh together and truly pave the way for fundamental changes to take place. Vested interests and corruption need to be eradicated. We need to look past the politics of mistrust and misconception. Of course, it is not going to be easy.

During the 1970s and 1980s, many in Bangladesh were hopeful. In the realm of student politics, standout individuals would come forward to enter politics. Today, that is no longer the case. Most of the bright students are not optimistic about the future of Bangladeshi politics.

Student politics of the past was much more concerned with overall sociopolitical factors. Essentially, this quota reform movement was driven by opposition to the state of rights of the individual, even though it did touch upon matters related to the country. One must take into account that the quota reform movement did not initially stem from demands of progressive politics to be implemented in Bangladesh. It started as a protest against the lack of job opportunities and resonated with the public due to Awami League’s misrule since 2008. The government’s response to the protests angered the people further, and that led to a mass movement. We need student politics to attain its hopeful character of the past, where looking forward comes naturally, instead of pessimism taking over.

Since 1991, elections at the university level have been non-existent. When BNP came to the centre in 1991, student halls were invaded by its student wing. Then 1996 saw the Awami League regaining power and it led to a similar scenario in many university dormitories. This has been a recurring theme. The quota reform movement was, in part, against oppressors such as the Chhatra League.

Elections need to be restored at universities. The formation of credible student unions is a must-do, and students should be given the opportunity to experience free and fair elections. Teachers must not take part in divisive politics. They must pay heed to developing themselves as dependable educators and concentrate on matters such as research. Our education sector has, in fact, been affected by the lack of quality teachers. Today, Dhaka University and other academic institutions have appointed many professors in their ranks, but the sad reality is that educational standards in Bangladesh have dipped. We are really up against it when it comes to making the alterations we actually need.

I do not think that student politics should be banned. Why should students be deprived of such opportunities? Student politics in Bangladesh needs to be nurtured and guided. The unfortunate incidents taking place at our universities today are sad. The situation was not like this during our time.​