[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

Won’t spare anyone, even if it’s Prof Yunus

Sarjis Alam, general secretary of the July Shaheed Smriti Foundation, yesterday said they would spare no one who would betray the ideals of the July mass uprising.

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Won’t spare anyone, even if it’s Prof Yunus
Says Sarjis about those who’d betray spirit of uprising

Sarjis Alam, general secretary of the July Shaheed Smriti Foundation, yesterday said they would spare no one who would betray the ideals of the July mass uprising.

"From our position, we want to request everyone -- police, the army, and the interim government -- that we are not power-hungry or blind agents of anyone. If we feel that you are betraying the spirit of the mass uprising, we will not spare anyone, even if you are Professor Muhammad Yunus," he said.

He was addressing a programme at Rajshahi Zila Parishad auditorium, organised by the July Shaheed Smriti Foundation to provide financial assistance to families of those killed in the July uprising.

Mentioning that they are not the generation that sells their conscience, Sarjis said the relation of Bangladesh with other countries must be of respect and equal dignity.

"We want to say one thing to India: our relationship with you will be determined through your work. If you want relationship with Bangladesh, you must send back Sheikh Hasina. Hasina's trial will be done by the people of Bangladesh," he added.​

 

[Saif]

A turning point or a missed opportunity?

A reflection on Bangladesh's post-Awami League crisis and the need for unity and reform.

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A turning point or a missed opportunity?

FILE VISUAL: SHAIKH SULTANA JAHAN BADHON

In an article published on July 7, in relation to the Awami League's mass corruption, I wrote that ordinary citizens have only two options left. One, allow it to cost them in every sphere of life—literally ruining their lives and turning them into slaves on whose backs those in power could continue to live their lavish lives. Two, form mass movements to change things. Given the political reality back then, for anyone from within the local media to call for the "formation" of mass movements was perhaps riskier than it appeared from the outside—whether it be from real or perceived threats.

Nevertheless, the reason why I wrote this was quite simple: the writing was on the wall. By that I don't mean that it was obvious that the mafia-like AL regime would fall. Indeed, there had been moments previously when I personally felt that, only to be proven wrong. But what was obvious from an economic side of things—in addition to the other grievances people had because of the regime's arrogant, oppressive and shameless behaviour—is that we were at a crossroads. Through absurd levels of corruption, the parasitic mafia class was destroying every avenue of real wealth production and producers, i.e. the hardworking citizens of this nation they scrounged off from. And without some form of imminent radical change, we were on the verge of falling off an economic cliff.

Given this and other realities, the fall of the AL regime is indeed something to celebrate. However, the mess it has left behind is not going to be easy to clean up. Take, for instance, the massive amount of wealth that has been syphoned out of the country. According to TIB Executive Director Dr Iftekharuzzaman, some $12-15 billion was laundered from the country annually under the former regime. Over the AL's 15-plus years in office, this adds up to somewhere between $180 billion and $225 billion.

The government-commissioned white paper on the economy takes it a step further, estimating that $234 billion was syphoned out of Bangladesh in 2009-2023. However, given the difficulty of estimating the true extent of the laundering—because of the complexity of the crime—even that may be an underestimation.

Another TIB finding suggests that people paid an estimated Tk 1.46 lakh crore in bribes to get services under the AL regime. Not only does such widespread corruption impose enormous social and economic costs on a nation, but it also imposes a heavy philosophical cost due to the scale of immorality that people are forced to participate in. After all, when you remove all morality from society, the only remaining, logical move for individuals is to act without morals—its just simple game theory.

There are endless examples of past AL corruption and warning signs at present that show the economy is in substantial trouble. Therefore, both the interim government and the people as a collective must prioritise turning it around.

What's disappointing, however, is that since the AL's ouster, the interim government has been forced to divert its attention from one less relevant issue—or a completely irrelevant one—to another. Non-stop protests on various issues have been causing further harm to the economy. While some of these protests were perhaps for legitimate demands, it seems people have again lost sight of the bigger picture.

Across social media platforms in particular, the political left and right seem to be constantly battling each other—and dragging everyone else into their fights. While I believe the battle between ideas is almost always a good thing, at this time, it must not come at the cost of our priorities.

Even though we say that in a democratic society, power, ideally, is supposed to belong to the people, reality isn't always that. It belongs to the elected representatives of the people and state machinery. Power only belongs to the people when the people unite to collectively exercise it—which alone can challenge the state machinery and those wielding its massive influence—like they did during the July uprising to oust the fascist AL government.

Having ousted the former regime, if the people lose their unity before cleaning up the mess left behind and creating a system that rewards moral individuals over immoral ones—one based on the rule of law in which justice prevails—then the spirit of July uprising will remain unrealised.

Right now, it seems that there is a race going on between certain individuals/groups/ideologues to claim the credit for ousting the AL government. However, we must not forget that if people with whom we don't fully (or at all) agree with did not take to the streets along with us during those July days, we would not have been able to break the shackles of AL fascism.

Another important reason to avoid infighting is that, in today's interconnected world, external powers can most easily interfere in a country's internal affairs when there is a lack of unity. Bangladesh has a history of being exploited by outside forces because its people have often failed to set aside their differences to focus on protecting the nation's sovereignty. Blaming those foreign forces serves little purpose—this is the nature of realpolitik. It is our responsibility to ensure we don't leave ourselves vulnerable to such threats.

Sometimes, in our efforts to tear down the walls of oppression, we forget that we must also build the walls of truth and justice. It is equally important to see through the euphoria of victory we are currently experiencing, just as it was to see through the despair during the darkness of oppression.

At this moment, we must be able to see what comes next, and we must not allow ourselves to be so intoxicated by the moment so that we forget what we are supposed to be building. This is the least we can do to honour the sacrifices of the martyrs of the July uprising—and those who gave their lives before it—to create a better Bangladesh. A Bangladesh where everyone, except for outright psychopathic criminals, has a place and a future, regardless of their differences.

Eresh Omar Jamal is deputy head of editorial at The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Time for action to take post-uprising Bangladesh forward

Historically, revolutions often begin with an unified call for justice, equality, and change.

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Time for action to take post-uprising Bangladesh forward

The government, for its part, must prioritise restoring law and order. File photo: Amran Hossain

Historically, revolutions often begin with an unified call for justice, equality, and change. These movements are driven by collective frustration against oppression and systemic inequities. Bangladesh's ongoing journey of reform reflects such transformative aspirations. What started as a student-led mass uprising with the noble aim of dismantling injustice now finds itself at a critical juncture. The nation must decide whether to safeguard the ideals that sparked this movement or allow them to be overshadowed by factionalism and opportunism.

At its heart, the uprising was a response to deep-seated inequalities. The initial days were marked by hope—a belief that unity could bring about meaningful change. Students, intellectuals, and reformers stood together, inspired by a vision of a better Bangladesh. However, history teaches us that revolutions are inherently fragile. The French Revolution, for example, began with cries for liberty and equality, but quickly descended into chaos due to internal divisions and opportunism.

Today, similar challenges threaten Bangladesh's revolution. What was once a united front has fractured. Different groups, each driven by distinct agendas, are vying for influence. This fragmentation undermines the original purpose of the movement. The parallels to George Orwell's Animal Farm, where noble ideals gave way to self-serving leadership, are hard to ignore.

Opportunistic elements have emerged, exploiting the July uprising's momentum for personal gain. These actors are adept at manipulating narratives, turning public grievances into tools for their benefit. Their actions, whether through financial exploitation or spreading discord, jeopardise the very foundation of hope the revolution was built upon.

Compounding this issue is the re-emergence of malign forces. These actors, reminiscent of Charles Dickens's corrupt aristocrats, have sensed an opportunity in the government's vulnerabilities. By exploiting public dissatisfaction, they aim to reclaim lost power. This growing boldness is evident in the surge of criminal activities across the country. Incidents like the murder of an elderly woman in her own home or crimes in supposedly secure neighbourhoods reveal a troubling erosion of public safety—a cornerstone of the uprising's promise.

Law enforcement agencies find themselves ill-equipped to address this rising chaos. Political interference, resource constraints, and low morale have left them struggling to maintain order. While the military's involvement has provided temporary relief, relying on armed forces to handle civilian law enforcement is neither sustainable nor ideal. The government must act decisively to empower the police and restore their credibility.

The path forward demands courage—not just from the government but from the very people who initiated this revolution. As Victor Hugo's Jean Valjean reminds us in Les Misérables, transformative change requires the integrity and resolve of good individuals. Students, intellectuals, and reformers must rise above divisions and work collectively to reclaim the movement's narrative.

The government, for its part, must prioritise restoring law and order. Bold investments in law enforcement, coupled with measures to ensure political neutrality in policing, are essential. Transparency in governance can help rebuild the trust that has been eroded. Regular updates on progress and clear communication with citizens will reinforce the government's commitment to the uprising's ideals.

Community involvement is another critical component. Local initiatives such as neighbourhood watch programmes and public awareness campaigns can foster a sense of collective responsibility. Addressing the socioeconomic roots of crime—poverty, unemployment, and systemic inequities—must also be central to the government's long-term strategy.

The military's role, while currently necessary, should remain temporary. Strengthening civilian institutions to manage law and order is vital for sustainable governance. A gradual transition away from military involvement will ensure that democratic processes remain intact and public trust in civilian leadership is restored.

Ultimately, the success of this revolution will not be measured by the fervour of its beginnings but by its ability to bring about lasting change. If Bangladesh can navigate this critical period with wisdom and resolve, it has the potential to emerge as a beacon of resilience and reform. The sacrifices of its revolutionaries must not be in vain.

As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past is never dead. It's not even past." The challenges facing Bangladesh today carry echoes of past struggles, but they also hold the promise of a brighter future. The July uprising's ideals—justice, equity, and unity—must be upheld at all costs. Failure to act decisively risks turning this moment of potential into a cautionary tale for future generations.

The road ahead is fraught with challenges, but it also offers a unique opportunity for transformation. Bangladesh stands at a crossroads. The decisions made now will shape its legacy for years to come. This is a moment not just for reflection but for action. Time is of the essence, and the responsibility to act rests on every citizen committed to the dream of a better Bangladesh.

Md Kawsar Uddin is associate professor in the Department of English and Modern Languages at the International University of Business Agriculture and Technology (IUBAT).​

 

[Saif]

Exhibition depicts July-August mass uprising

A seven-day group exhibition featuring nine photographers is underway at Mirpur in the capital...

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Exhibition depicts July-August mass uprising
Cultural Correspondent 20 December, 2024, 00:47

An exhibition, organised by Visual Arts Centre Counter Foto, depicts photographs, installations, dairies during the July-August mass uprising at Mirpur in Dhaka on Thursday. | New Age photo

A seven-day group exhibition featuring nine photographers is underway at Mirpur in the capital.

Organised by Visual Arts Centre Counter Foto, the event depicts the July-August student-led mass uprising.

The event was started on December 16 on the Counter Foto campus at Mirpur.

Curated by artist-researcher Faysal Zaman, the exhibition titled Raktim Probahe, Chitra-Chetonay Chobbisher Gana Abhyuthan is displaying artworks of the seventh batch of Counter Foto’s two-year professional diploma programme.

The artworks comprise photographs, installations, dairies during the July-August mass uprising, screenshots, graffiti, newspaper collage and collections from the mass media that intersect with dominant structures of political ideology and collective consciousness.

The artworks depict the condition of the people as they roared and celebrated during the mass-uprising while depicting at the same time their psychological scars and trauma from violence.

The exhibition features artworks of Md Nusaer Bin Khaled Nitol, Mohammad Sakiful Islam, Syed Samiul Islam Bishal, Nowrin Ansari, Najmul Haque Sagor, Sudiptto Paul, Tamanna Meherun, Khaza Moinuddin and Syed Mehedy Hasan.

‘The exhibition questions oscillating responses within virtual and mass media spheres, personal encounters that transmute into diaristic narratives, and the articulation of August 5, the day the fascist leader was toppled,’ said Faysal Zaman.

The exhibition will end on Sunday.​

 

[Saif]

Inquilab Mancha gives ultimatum for protesters’ security

Inquilab Mancha, a platform supporting the July-August student-mass uprising, on Sunday gave a seven-day ultimatum for the interim government to accept their three-point charter of...

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Inquilab Mancha gives ultimatum for protesters’ security
Staff Correspondent 22 December, 2024, 15:16

Pro-uprising platform Inquilab Mancha holds a sit-in to press for their three-point demands, including ensuring security of all students and people participated in the July-August uprising, for about four hours on the road near the chief justice’s residence at Kakrail in the capital on Sunday. | Sony Ramani

Inquilab Mancha, a platform supporting the July-August student-mass uprising, on Sunday gave a seven-day ultimatum for the interim government to accept their three-point charter of demands, including ensuring security of all students and people who participated in the uprising.

If their demands are not fulfilled within the deadline, the organisation will besiege the Secretariat on December 29.

Their other demands include the cancelation of Awami League’s registration immediately for mass killing, and arrest of all ‘Awami League terrorists’ from union to central level to protect ‘patriotic students and people’.

The organisation held a mass sit-in for about four hours since 1:00pm on the road near the chief justice residence at Kakrail until the chief adviser’s private secretary-2 Shazeeb M Khairul Islam received a memorandum from them, assuring that their demands would be considered.

Earlier in the afternoon, the police halted an Inquilab Mancha march towards the interim government chief adviser’s official residence Jamuna, also at Kakrail that began in front of the National Museum.

While concluding the sit-in near the chief justice residence, organisation spokesperson Sharif Osman Hadi announced besieging of the Secretariat on December 29, if the government failed to take effective steps to meet their demand.’

‘We want a specific roadmap about banning the mass killer political party Awami League through a press conference. The government has to ensure security of all students and people who participated in the July student-mass uprising,’ Sharif added.

He also alleged that Awami goons were carrying out assassination in the name of mugging and robberies, killing five uprising protesters, including three students.

He said that if the government failed to protect students and people, the chief adviser must change advisers.

Sharif also wanted to know how 626 ‘killers’ of Awami regime, including its general secretary Obaidul Quader, fled from cantonments.

Dhaka Metropolitan Police Ramna division deputy commissioner Masud Alam said that they had halted the march towards the chief adviser’s office.

‘We will not allow anyone to stage protests in front of chief adviser’s residence. The protesters took position on roads,’ the officer said.

A huge number of law enforcement personnel were deployed in and around the area to avoid any untoward situations.​

 

[Saif]

So many people didn’t sacrifice lives just for polls

The adviser stresses the need for reforms for which people came out and ousted 'fascist' Awami League government

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So many people didn’t sacrifice lives just for polls
Says Asif Mahmud

So many people sacrificed their lives in the July uprising not just for an election, Adviser Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain said yesterday.

Asif, adviser to the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development, and Cooperatives, was a key organiser of the student movement that toppled the Sheikh Hasina-led government.

Talking to journalists after distributing winter clothing among the destitute in Thakurgaon's Baliadangi upazila in the morning, he noted that the one-point demand of the movement was to depose Hasina and abolish the fascist system.

He said that the institutions of Bangladesh, including the financial ones, were ruined by the fascist system.

"So, we think reforms are very important. So many people didn't sacrifice their lives just for an election or vote," said Asif, also youth and sports adviser, adding that estimates suggest over 2,000 people were killed and more than 20,000 injured during the uprising.

The families of the martyrs, along with those injured in the uprising, also want reforms, he said.

The interim government's stance on completing the reforms is very clear, the adviser said. Reform commissions were formed almost three months ago and would submit their proposals soon.

"We will go for the election after completing the reformative actions through discussions with the stakeholders," the adviser said.

He added that the interim government would prioritise development activities in the "neglected" northern districts.

Long-term development projects will be taken up for the people of the areas so that they will get benefits even after the end of the interim government's tenure, he added.

Responding to a question about allegations that the injured victims of the uprising in Thakurgaon are not getting enough support, Asif said steps will be taken after discussion with the July Shaheed Smrity Foundation.

Thakurgaon acting deputy commissioner Shahin Sardar, Additional Superintendent of Police Liza Begum, Executive Engineer of LGED Mamun Biswas, and Baliadangi Upazila Nirbahi Officer Polash Kumar Debnath, among others, were present at the event.​

 

[Saif]

We will uproot injustice, syndicates: Sarjis Alam

July Shaheed Smrity Foundation General Secretary Md Sarjis Alam today said wherever injustice, syndicates, and extortion are seen, those will be uprooted

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We will uproot injustice, syndicates: Sarjis Alam

Photo: BSS

July Shaheed Smrity Foundation General Secretary Md Sarjis Alam today said wherever injustice, syndicates, and extortion are seen, those will be uprooted.

"After such a big uprising, after shedding so much blood, and sacrifice of lives in the country, if the game of money or recommendation continues, then two things can happen. Either we will not let it happen, or we will give more blood if necessary to stop them," he said.

Sarjis said this at a winter clothes distribution programme and views-exchange meeting held at Government Pilot Model High School ground in Tentulia upazila of Panchagarh this afternoon.

Sarjis, also one of the student coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement that led the uprising against the Awami League government, said, "We want to give a message on behalf of the students and people, especially to the young generation, our attention will gradually turn to each system."

"Wherever we see injustice, syndicates, and extortion, we will uproot them," he said.

He said Tentulia is an important place in Bangladesh as the Banglabandha Land Port, which is a four-country land port, is here.

At the time of establishment of the land port, all the people who were supposed to be employed here weren't employed. But, some people have taken everyone hostage by forming a syndicate, he added.

He said, "If we are united, we will not allow injustice, syndicates or recruitment trade to take place in the land port."

Adviser to the Ministries of LGRD and Cooperatives and Youth and Sports Asif Mahmud Sajeeb Bhuiyan also addressed the event as the chief guest.​

 

[Saif]

Revulationary potential of July uprising

The revolutionary task of the ‘revolutionary potential’ of the 2024 mass uprising is to dismantle Bangladesh’s authoritarian state structure and establish a new political framework. This is...

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Revulationary potential of July uprising
by Zobaer Al Mahmud 26 December, 2024, 00:00

New Age/Sony Ramany

The revolutionary task of the ‘revolutionary potential’ of the 2024 mass uprising is to dismantle Bangladesh’s authoritarian state structure and establish a new political framework. This is undoubtedly a revolutionary aspiration, one that not only enjoys public support but has also seen people shed blood to achieve it. Channelling this revolutionary aspiration into concrete political transformation is the revolutionary task at hand, requiring the acceleration of the second phase of the mass uprising. It is crucial to note here that revolutions do not always have to be socialist or religious; they can also be liberal democratic revolutions. In Bangladesh, most notions of revolution have been derived from China or Russia, and the literature on revolution has traditionally been dominated by leftists. Consequently, the democratic revolution of 1776 in the United States — which predated even the French Revolution of 1789 — has not been widely discussed or acknowledged within Bangladesh’s intellectual circles. The 2024 mass uprising in Bangladesh embodies the principles of both the French and American democratic revolutions while also being a unique Bangladeshi democratic revolution with its own distinct features, momentum, and aspirations. This mass movement was a rebellion against a fascist/authoritarian regime rooted in the colonial state structure inherited from British and Pakistani rulers, as well as the pervasive authoritarianism of the past decade.

However, political parties appear to be seeking solutions to the country’s political crisis within the framework of the existing constitution. This suggests that these parties are entering into compromises with the country’s deep state, regional powers, and global superpowers, aiming to preserve the current constitution, state structure, and system. By arguing that ‘the president cannot be removed in the name of constitutional continuity, as it would create a constitutional vacuum,’ they are effectively obstructing the revolutionary transformation of the constitution. Instead, they are steering the country towards maintaining the old ‘constitutional authoritarianism.’ Such a path will not resolve the crisis; rather, it will deepen it further.

It is challenging to explain this complex issue in such a limited space, but let us attempt to discuss it briefly. The constitution of Bangladesh lacks the concept of individual sovereignty, which essentially means the absence of people’s sovereignty. As such, this constitution cannot be considered genuinely democratic. The core principle of bourgeois liberal democracy is that the state and government should restructure all administrative and institutional frameworks to protect individual freedom, rights, and dignity — in other words, popular sovereignty should be the central focus. For instance, the French and American constitutions are primarily centred on individual sovereignty or people’s sovereignty, ensuring that the state structure prioritises the protection of human dignity and rights. Consequently, no laws contrary to these rights can be enacted. In contrast, since 1972, Bangladesh has operated under a system of ‘constitutional authoritarianism,’ where sovereignty is vested in the parliament or the state/government itself, and the primary objective of the constitution is to ensure state security and governmental stability. Although the current constitution acknowledges fundamental rights such as freedom of expression and the right to assembly, the power structure it proposes lacks mechanisms to protect these rights. Instead, it grants sovereignty to the parliament, allowing for the enactment of laws that could suppress fundamental rights. Therefore, a revolutionary transformation of this constitution is necessary to prioritise the protection of citizens’ fundamental rights, making this the primary duty of the state, government, and political parties. Based on this principle, the state structure, government, and power dynamics need to be fundamentally restructured.

The anti-discrimination student movement has recently raised a significant demand: to issue a ‘Proclamation of the Republic’ or declare Bangladesh’s Second Republic, in the spirit of the July Revolution and mass uprising. The importance of this demand lies in establishing people’s sovereignty as the cornerstone of the ‘Proclamation of the Republic’ and embedding it into the constitution. Such revolutionary reforms and the drafting of a new democratic constitution must be undertaken by an elected constitutional assembly. However, many intellectuals and political parties, including the BNP, are now arguing that the existing parliament should carry out constitutional reforms. This is problematic because the parliament itself is formed based on the existing constitution, and granting it the authority to amend the constitution effectively makes the parliament sovereign, not the people. History has shown that political parties in Bangladesh, upon being elected, have enacted repressive laws detrimental to fundamental rights, all within the framework of the constitution. Therefore, it is difficult to trust that any elected party or national government will initiate democratic constitutional transformation. Such transformation must occur during this interim period following the mass uprising, through a constitutional assembly.

Just four months after the mass uprising, the emergence of politics centred around ‘constitutional continuity’ has led many to believe that the deep state, controlled by Bangladeshi corporate oligarchs, along with major political parties like the BNP, has now allied with foreign powers to hijack the student-led people’s revolution. It is evident that agency politics is currently in control, shaping and influencing the course of political developments. The deep state, political parties, and global powers perceive this mass uprising merely as a regime change and are solely focused on a transfer of power, which stands as a major obstacle to genuine democratic transformation. A truly democratic and independent Bangladesh — built on the foundation of strong democratic institutions and a state structure that upholds the sovereignty of its people — runs counter to the interests of global and regional powers as well as domestic oligarchs. This is precisely why efforts are underway to hijack the 2024 mass uprising, just as was done with the 1990 movement.

The people of this country supposedly do not understand reform; they only understand voting. This is what BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam has said. However, during and after the mass uprising, the people of this country wrote about reform and state reconstruction on walls across the nation. Mirza Fakhrul and others like him can still go and see those writings. The politicians should not underestimate the people who stood against the fascist system with their blood; they are not ignorant of reform or focused solely on voting. The people of this country want a new structure and also want voting. In fact, they now understand that the vote for a constitutional assembly is needed first, and then parliamentary elections can follow. Politicians are choking the revolutionary potential of a promising mass uprising, and now they are even desperate to block the reforms that should have been done in normal times. Why? Our demand is clear: first, reform and reconstruct the state, and then hold elections.

In the capitalist global order, the true sovereignty of a marginal and weak state like Bangladesh poses a dual challenge: it obstructs the economic and political dominance of global and regional powers, and it can also work against the plundering interests of domestic corporate oligarchs. Furthermore, a participatory state structure involving the people can resist the handover of key sectors such as services and industries to multinational corporations, thereby accelerating the development of national economic capacity. As a result, the revolutionary transformation of Bangladesh’s state structure, along with its administrative and legal frameworks — currently tailored to facilitate the unregulated flow of capital and a plunder- and exploitation-based economy — is not supported by the country’s deep state or foreign powers. Since Bangladesh’s political parties represent the same class interests, they also favour the continuation of this system. The stance of these political parties, advocating for ‘constitutional continuity’ by avoiding the removal of the president and opposing any qualitative change to the constitution, reflects a consensus among them to govern within the existing state, legal, and administrative power structures. This consensus ensures that the deep state can continue its mafia-like control and plunder while foreign powers preserve their geopolitical interests.

Simultaneously, established political parties can maintain their governance without undergoing internal democratic reforms. This alignment of interests among the deep state, political parties, and foreign powers to protect the existing system is effectively branded as ‘constitutional continuity.’ Such continuity politics, which was evident after the 1990 mass uprising, is now reappearing. Consequently, the revolutionary aspirations of the 2024 mass uprising — aimed at fundamentally transforming the existing system to establish a truly democratic Bangladesh — are once again under threat.

The responsibility now falls on the anti-discrimination student movement and the country’s genuine democratic forces. It is crucial for them to demonstrate political maturity and strategise the democratisation of the current constitution and state structure. Student leaders must work to raise public awareness so that people focus not merely on power transitions through elections but on the necessity of dismantling undemocratic and ‘fascist’ structures. Additionally, strengthening solidarity with the working-class population is imperative. Without this second phase of the mass uprising, there is little hope. Failure to achieve this will likely result in us becoming trapped once again in ‘parliamentary authoritarianism’ or ‘constitutional fascism,’ which would only serve as a nominal form of democracy.

If the anti-discrimination student movement retreats under pressure from domestic and foreign agency politics and abandons demands for a Proclamation of the Second Republic, the drafting of a democratic constitution, and the restructuring of democratic state institutions, this uprising risks being hijacked. The future of building a truly democratic Bangladesh will depend on how students and genuine democratic forces reorganise and mobilise. However, there is an imminent danger of reverting to the politics of plunder, corruption, and public oppression under the guise of continuing with the existing constitution and governance system.

The anti-discrimination student movement now needs to form a coalition of students, workers, farmers, and patriotic political activists to accelerate the second phase of the movement. This phase should focus on the democratic demands of the mass uprising — drafting a new democratic constitution and restructuring state institutions to build a truly democratic Bangladesh. The first to respond to the call of the anti-discrimination student movement were rickshaw pullers and other working-class people in Dhaka. Their significant participation was driven by their deprivation of rights and the acute inequalities they faced. Even after this government came to power, garment workers protested for unpaid wages and fair wage increases. Keeping this in mind, the student movement should incorporate demands for workers’ rights alongside its other agendas. Students must actively advocate for the rights of all workers, day labourers, and rickshaw pullers across the country. The Proclamation of the Second Republic must include a separate and practical declaration for ensuring workers’ rights. The constitution should also include explicit provisions to secure and uphold these rights.

Similarly, the movement can include demands for farmers’ rights. Due to neoliberal policies, farmers have been deprived and are not receiving fair prices for their produce. The state and administration must outline effective measures to address these issues. It is crucial to recognise that any change that excludes the rights of farmers and workers will fail to protect the interests of the people. History shows that no mass movement can succeed without the involvement of farmers and workers. To gain broad support for this second phase of the movement, students must engage not only the civil society and conscious political groups but also farmers and workers. The exclusion of farmers’ and workers’ rightful demands from the country’s political discourse remains the most significant political inequity. If the anti-discrimination student movement takes the initiative in addressing this, there is no doubt that the second phase of the mass uprising will gain momentum.

Dr Zobaer Al Mahmud is a political analyst and associate professor of pharmacy, University of Dhaka.​