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[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

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The hope is not there

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ILLUSTRATION: REHNUMA PROSHOON

It feels wrong in myriad ways to say that hope isn't there when an autocrat fell, and that too by the efforts of not just the common people, but the student population as well. One may not expect tiredness in such a situation, but about half a year from the uprising, it seems to be the common feeling in many as the increased disruptions in normal life is wearing them out. This should be a new year, but in many ways it isn't.

For many, the lurch back to normalcy has been jarring. It's unusual after all, to be on the street and hear gunshots, and return to the classroom within the next few days. In classrooms, even as I've had students discuss the July uprising in essays or elsewhere, the mood seems—at least in my experience—to have shifted to the old ways of doing things. It's the same pushing and pulling to ensure that the students don't slack off after over a decade in an education system that likely beat out any interest in academics, or in fact any intellectual interests that may have come about on its own. It is the same in so many areas of our lives.

This, again, is understandable. If you think about it, Bangladesh is and remains surreal. Incidents that might have spawned books, series and podcasts in another country get a single column in page three of the dailies here. Perhaps the normal was to see an MP get cut up in a foreign country for reasons we don't fully know. Ultimately, in the blink-and-miss news cycle of Bangladesh, exhaustion is an understandable route.

Perhaps what has further dampened the happiness of ousting a 15-year dynastic autocrat has been the persistence of societal values that choke and snuff out any form of progress. From moral policing in Halloween to wasteful extravagance at weddings that do not need to be on this scale, in many ways it feels like the same old Bangladesh, over and over again.

This is not to say that I expected an instant change—far from it. I joined groups and discussions and watched more Bangladeshi content on social media than I had ever done before in the hopes that an initiative or movement existed that could render me useful outside my jobs. I had the vigour to imagine permanent communities formed out of common areas of concern. The volunteering initiatives and the attempts to help the injured and the families of the martyred were encouraging.

Yet, violence remains an unerasable part of the city, and my imaginations for improvement have come to a halt. For some reason, months after the ouster of what seemed like an indomitable force, nothing shocks anymore.

One of the words still confined to academia but much needed for describing Bangladesh is "stuplimity." I found the most applicable form of the word in a text analysing Vikram Chadda's Sacred Games. It talked not only about spectacular acts of violence, but the routinised forms of it, or as the text put it, "quotidian violence." It's what comes to mind when I think of the Jahangirnagar University student brought to her death after being slammed by a battery-powered rickshaw and hitting a tree.

That this argument over this specific mode of transport existed even during the 15-year regime of the Awami League government is an indication of the stagnancy post-July. It is in line with the many protests, frustrating moments, and acts of atrocities that occurred after August 5, whether the horrific acts of violence against minorities, the unleashing of sealed misogyny and its terrifying outcomes, moral policing, property destruction, and the continued self-censoring practised by groups and individuals who ought to have experienced fully fledged freedom of speech in the absence of authoritarianism. Adding to these is the helplessness felt by those witnessing the sudden robustness with which another dynastic politician is seeking to make a comeback, and the associated political party acting as if it would be the default winner of the national election when it is held. Within the two parties that have continually vied for power, neither inspires confidence among people who know of or remember each regime's misrule.

This is complicated by the feelings different groups have towards the interim government's performance. Some remain defensive, the horrors of the former regime telling them to accept anything else besides the former party; some supporters of the former regime attempt, tacitly or openly, to undermine what progress has been made to implant the idea that the past was better; and some remain lost on the path forward, almost rendered hopeless by the mammoth task of progress.

But to return to the point in the title, when I say the hope is not there, I do not mean that an attempt should not be made to find hope. As roughly explained by a friend who overcame hurdles far greater than mine to access the education that was simply expected for me to have, hopelessness is not only bourgeoise, it's bougie. To lie down, to give up, to contemplate and complain, and not attempt improvement is often the go-to of one who did not need to fight for the bare necessities required for even a semi-decent life. The fact of the matter is that one person's giving up is often not only an action affecting the individual, but others who may have benefited from their attempts.

Tasks remain ahead of us. Whether it is preventing the biased revision of recent events, the opportunistic grabbing of authority in a power vacuum, or attempts to destabilise a nation from outside, the roles we have to play, no matter how insignificant they may seem to us now, will need to be fulfilled. It is easy to fall into despair when one imagines what will come after the election. However, the alternative is to suffer in silence.

Aliza Rahman is a writer based in Dhaka.​
 

JULY-AUGUST MASSACRE: CJ looks forward to justice
M Moneruzzaman 07 January, 2025, 18:40

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Chief justice inaugurates renovated building for International Crimes Tribunal trials. | UNB Photo

AG reiterates govt commitment to neutral, transparent trials

Chief justice Syed Refaat Ahmed on Tuesday expressed hope for justice in the cases filed on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the for the July-August 2024 student-people uprising.

He made the remarks during the inauguration of the newly renovated courtroom of the International Crimes Tribunal and the historic Old High Court building, commonly referred to as the ICT building.

The building, first renovated in 2009 for the trial of 1971 war crimes, underwent further renovation as part of routine maintenance to resume tribunal proceedings.

Speaking at the event, the chief justice emphasised that the tribunal’s renewed operations marked a fundamental reform rather than a mere continuation of previous practices.

‘This reform focuses on how trials will be conducted and how justice will be delivered transparently and fairly. As a nation, we look towards the ICT with hope and high expectations,’ he stated.

Reiterating the interim government’s commitment to neutral, transparent and accountable trials, attorney general Md Asaduzzaman told the programme, ‘The trials will adhere to tested international standards. Any assistance needed from the Attorney General’s Office will be provided to ensure justice.

He said that the ICT, originally formed under the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973 in 2009 remained dysfunctional for months and it resumed its proceedings recently.

Asaduzzaman said that the July-August incidents, which saw significant loss of life, appeared to meet the criteria of crimes against humanity.

Trials will be conducted for offences that fall under this definition, he added.

He said, ‘The government has previously stated its commitment to ensuring that these trials adhere to tested international standards. Amendments to the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973 were made following consultations to eliminate any potential controversy and uphold the integrity of the process.’

The tribunal will now focus on the prosecution of perpetrators of crimes against humanity committed to suppress the July-August mass uprising.

The chief justice later gave his reaction highlighting the tribunal’s role in delivering justice for the genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the uprising.

‘The trials will adhere to the principles of justice, transparency and the due process of law, offering fully a new dimension to the ICT’s mandate,’ he expected.

Later, a release of the Supreme Court administration stated that the chief justice regarded the Old High Court building as a place of judicial and historical significance.

The release said that the chief justice expressed optimism that the trials to be conducted here would uphold the nation’s expectations and strengthen the tradition of delivering justice in cases of grave human rights violations.

‘As an ordinary citizen, I too hope to see justice served,’ the statement quoted the chief justice as saying.

The reconstituted tribunal, comprising Justice Md Golam Mortuza Mozumder, Justice Md Shofiul Alam Mahmood and retired district judge Md Mohitul Haq Anam Chowdhury, held its inaugural session on Tuesday. The event was attended by chief prosecutor Mohammad Tajul Islam, his deputies and members of the investigation agency.

Addressing journalists after the inauguration, Tajul Islam confirmed that further proceedings related to the July-August crimes would be conducted at the renovated building.

He noted that previous tribunal proceedings, held during the Awami League regime, were conducted in a temporary structure at the fag end of the regime.

The reconstituted tribunal has registered three cases — two against deposed prime minister and Awami League president Sheikh Hasina and the other against AL general secretary Obaidul Quader and 44 others, including party colleagues, associates and law enforcement personnel –– on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the July-August uprising.

Several accused, including Hasina who fled to India on August 5, 2024, remain fugitives.

The tribunal issued warrants for the arrest of many, including Hasina, her former security adviser Tarique Ahmed Siddique, former inspector general of police Benazir Ahmed, and eight others implicated in enforced disappearances during the 15-year AL rule.

The tribunal has scheduled its next hearing for February 12, when the inspector general of police is required to submit a report on the execution of warrants.

Law Adviser Asif Nazrul, who had overseen the tribunal’s renovation, reiterated the government’s commitment to holding fair and transparent trials.

‘At least 1,500 students and civilians were killed, and thousands injured during indiscriminate firing ordered by the Awami League government during the July-August uprising,’ he said.​
 

Why does the proclamation of July uprising matter?

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The July uprising became a manifestation of collective anger against decades of systemic neglect and a demand for transformative change. FILE PHOTO: NAIMUR RAHMAN

Growing discontent among citizens over structural problems like pervasive corruption, economic inequality, poor governance, and environmental oversight led to the July uprising. The struggles of marginalised communities were made worse by long-standing complaints about the political and administrative systems' lack of accountability and transparency. The tipping point was when a number of crises—such as rising economic inflation, declining quality of public services, and the administration's inaction in mitigating persistent natural disasters—sparked public indignation. The uprising was further fuelled by youth-led movements demanding structural reforms and greater inclusivity in decision-making processes. Digital platforms played a crucial role in mobilising protests, spreading awareness, and uniting voices across the country.

The July uprising became a manifestation of collective anger against decades of systemic neglect and a demand for transformative change, aiming to establish a more just, accountable, and sustainable governance framework in Bangladesh. This underscores why a proclamation for the July uprising is an imperative clarion call for our time.

In a time marked by systemic disparities and escalating discontent, such a declaration transcends a mere announcement, serving instead as a foundational ideological pillar that validates the revolution's legitimacy. It weaves a unifying narrative, articulates collective grievances, envisions a future rooted in equity, and ignites the momentum required for transformative, collective action. By anchoring the uprising in principles of justice, solidarity, and resilience, the proclamation establishes moral and political legitimacy, compelling both adherents and adversaries to reckon with its transformative agenda. Moreover, as a historical document, it immortalises the spirit of the uprising, preserving its significance for posterity.

Throughout history, proclamation has been an essential tool in shaping revolutions and transformative movements. They outline the desires of the masses, capture the spirit of revolutionary intent, and offer a unified plan of action. A proclamation's capacity to express a distinct vision is the first of several reasons why it is vital. Clarity of purpose matters during times of upheaval when the status quo is questioned. A proclamation unites disparate voices behind a common cause, serving as a manifesto. Take the American colonies' Declaration of Independence (1776). In addition to reaffirming the colonies' independence from British domination, this historic document persuasively presented the philosophical foundations of their demands, which were based on the principles of equality, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The declaration gave the American Revolution broad support and moral legitimacy by outlining complaints and a vision for just governance.

Furthermore, proclamations serve to galvanise the masses. A well-crafted proclamation transcends mere words, striking a chord with the emotions and aspirations of the people. This dynamic is best shown by the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789), which was first issued during the French Revolution. This proclamation reshaped the relationship between the state and the person and was based on the Enlightenment ideals of equality, liberty, and fraternity.

Proclamations are also important because they give revolutionary forces legitimacy. They are declarations of moral and legal authority as well as calls to action. One such example is Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation (1863). It proclaimed the freedom of enslaved people in Confederate states, redefining the American Civil War as a fight for human liberty, even though it was essentially a wartime measure. The Union's cause gained international support and strengthened its moral standing by being in line with the universal principles of justice and freedom. Additionally, proclamations act as historical landmarks. They immortalise the inception of transformative moments, providing future generations with a lens through which to understand the aspirations and struggles of their forebears. The Proclamation of the Irish Republic (1916), read during the Easter Rising, underscored the Irish people's demand for self-determination. Though the uprising was suppressed, the proclamation became a symbol of resistance, fuelling the eventual realisation of an independent Ireland.

These are just a few examples of how these documents have influenced their respective revolutions and sparked innumerable fights for equality and justice around the world. Their capacity to turn ideas into deeds and inscribe the spirit of revolution into history is what gives them their enduring impact.

The proclamation of the July uprising, led by a courageous student movement that toppled a fascist regime at the cost of at least 1,500 lives, will be a profound declaration of justice, resilience, and rebirth. It will commemorate the martyrs who paid the ultimate price to liberate the nation from tyranny, while condemning the oppressive regime and its heinous actions under the directive of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. This will articulate the revolutionary vision of a society founded on equity, accountability, and democratic values. It will reaffirm the power of collective action and the indomitable spirit of the youth, who stood against systemic oppression.

This proclamation, which will represent both a confrontation with the past and an optimistic leap towards a better, freer tomorrow, will mark a turning point in the history of the country. A critical turning point in the country's political trajectory came about when the interim government decided to endorse the July Proclamation a couple of weeks ago. The administration hopes to strengthen the legitimacy of the revolution and guarantee that the voices of those who gave their lives—especially the students and protesters—remain at the forefront of the story by incorporating active participants in the declaration process. This joint endeavour will highlight the value of inclusivity in forming the nation's future administration and signify a shared dedication to the principles of justice, democracy, and human dignity.

Since the interim government binds itself with the goals and efforts of the revolutionaries, the proclamation can become both a formal declaration of change and an act of social reaffirmation. Through this approach, it can foster solidarity and show that the new political settlement will be based on widespread public engagement and accountability. The participation of those actively involved in the struggle guarantees that the proclamation can be a true manifestation of the desire of the people, rather than just a top-down announcement, confirming the fundamental nature of the revolution and safeguarding its course.

Monira Sharmin is joint convener and executive member at Jatiya Nagorik Committee.​
 

JULY PROCLAMATION: Dialogue with political parties next week for finalisation: Mahfuj Alam
Staff Correspondent 09 January, 2025, 19:10

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Mahfuj Alam | Collected photo

Interim government adviser Mahfuj Alam said on Thursday that the government would hold dialogues with political parties and other stakeholders next week to finalise the July mass uprising proclamation.

The information was given at a press conference at the Foreign Service Academy in Dhaka after a meeting of the Council of Advisers with chief adviser Muhammad Yunus in chair held at his office.

Mahfuj, however, mentioned that the government would not give the proclamation. He said that the government would rather facilitate wider national consensus regarding the proclamation.

The proclamation would be prepared based on the proposals of the students along with national consensus of the political parties and others stakeholders, he said.

‘We want to make it an inclusive and unified document,’ Mahfuj said, adding that the proclamation would be made once wider agreement was reached and without significant delays.

When asked about whether the proclamation will be announced by January 15 following the demand of the Students Against Discrimination, he said, ‘The proclamation will be announced soon. It may be a few days later or even by January 15 if we can reach wider national consensus.’

Mahfuj expressed hope that students would be patient in this regard.

He said the proclamation would be prepared after talking to all political parties and other stakeholders, and a decision would be made within the next week on when and how the proclamation would be published or announced.

Noting that they had talked to many people informally since December 31 over the proclamation, he said ‘We will start sitting formally with political parties and others from next week.’

About the attack on shrines, Mahfuj admitted, ‘There were attacks on shrines, Qawwali songs, or various cultural events since August 5 but clear action had not been taken in many of the cases.’

‘However, from now on, if any song festival or shrine is attacked, we will take strict action. We will not spare anyone. We are committed to taking a strong role in this regard,’ the adviser said.

‘We have collected information regarding the incidents that happened since August 5,’ he said, urging the aggrieved people to file cases.

Bedside, press secretary Shafiqul Alam at the press conference on the day expressed optimism that by February all the free textbooks would be distributed among the primary and secondary-level students.

He said that though the textbook festival was celebrated on January 1 during the past regime, it took up to March and in some occasions even up to July to complete the full distribution of the books.

He also mentioned that the last date for the textbook distribution was March 24 in 2022, March 17 in 2023, and February 27 in 2024.

Shafiqul Alam also noted that the chief adviser at the meeting of the council of advisers directed the authorities concerned to resolve the waterlogging problem as quickly as possible in Chattogram city.

‘There was also an elaborate discussion over the measures for a quick solution to traffic problem in the cities. We will see some steps very soon to that end,’ he added.​
 


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