[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

JULY-AUGUST MASSACRE: CJ looks forward to justice

Chief justice Syed Refaat Ahmed on Tuesday expressed hope for justice in the cases filed on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the for the July-August 2024 student-people uprising.

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JULY-AUGUST MASSACRE: CJ looks forward to justice
M Moneruzzaman 07 January, 2025, 18:40

Chief justice inaugurates renovated building for International Crimes Tribunal trials. | UNB Photo

AG reiterates govt commitment to neutral, transparent trials

Chief justice Syed Refaat Ahmed on Tuesday expressed hope for justice in the cases filed on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the for the July-August 2024 student-people uprising.

He made the remarks during the inauguration of the newly renovated courtroom of the International Crimes Tribunal and the historic Old High Court building, commonly referred to as the ICT building.

The building, first renovated in 2009 for the trial of 1971 war crimes, underwent further renovation as part of routine maintenance to resume tribunal proceedings.

Speaking at the event, the chief justice emphasised that the tribunal’s renewed operations marked a fundamental reform rather than a mere continuation of previous practices.

‘This reform focuses on how trials will be conducted and how justice will be delivered transparently and fairly. As a nation, we look towards the ICT with hope and high expectations,’ he stated.

Reiterating the interim government’s commitment to neutral, transparent and accountable trials, attorney general Md Asaduzzaman told the programme, ‘The trials will adhere to tested international standards. Any assistance needed from the Attorney General’s Office will be provided to ensure justice.

He said that the ICT, originally formed under the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973 in 2009 remained dysfunctional for months and it resumed its proceedings recently.

Asaduzzaman said that the July-August incidents, which saw significant loss of life, appeared to meet the criteria of crimes against humanity.

Trials will be conducted for offences that fall under this definition, he added.

He said, ‘The government has previously stated its commitment to ensuring that these trials adhere to tested international standards. Amendments to the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973 were made following consultations to eliminate any potential controversy and uphold the integrity of the process.’

The tribunal will now focus on the prosecution of perpetrators of crimes against humanity committed to suppress the July-August mass uprising.

The chief justice later gave his reaction highlighting the tribunal’s role in delivering justice for the genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the uprising.

‘The trials will adhere to the principles of justice, transparency and the due process of law, offering fully a new dimension to the ICT’s mandate,’ he expected.

Later, a release of the Supreme Court administration stated that the chief justice regarded the Old High Court building as a place of judicial and historical significance.

The release said that the chief justice expressed optimism that the trials to be conducted here would uphold the nation’s expectations and strengthen the tradition of delivering justice in cases of grave human rights violations.

‘As an ordinary citizen, I too hope to see justice served,’ the statement quoted the chief justice as saying.

The reconstituted tribunal, comprising Justice Md Golam Mortuza Mozumder, Justice Md Shofiul Alam Mahmood and retired district judge Md Mohitul Haq Anam Chowdhury, held its inaugural session on Tuesday. The event was attended by chief prosecutor Mohammad Tajul Islam, his deputies and members of the investigation agency.

Addressing journalists after the inauguration, Tajul Islam confirmed that further proceedings related to the July-August crimes would be conducted at the renovated building.

He noted that previous tribunal proceedings, held during the Awami League regime, were conducted in a temporary structure at the fag end of the regime.

The reconstituted tribunal has registered three cases — two against deposed prime minister and Awami League president Sheikh Hasina and the other against AL general secretary Obaidul Quader and 44 others, including party colleagues, associates and law enforcement personnel –– on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the July-August uprising.

Several accused, including Hasina who fled to India on August 5, 2024, remain fugitives.

The tribunal issued warrants for the arrest of many, including Hasina, her former security adviser Tarique Ahmed Siddique, former inspector general of police Benazir Ahmed, and eight others implicated in enforced disappearances during the 15-year AL rule.

The tribunal has scheduled its next hearing for February 12, when the inspector general of police is required to submit a report on the execution of warrants.

Law Adviser Asif Nazrul, who had overseen the tribunal’s renovation, reiterated the government’s commitment to holding fair and transparent trials.

‘At least 1,500 students and civilians were killed, and thousands injured during indiscriminate firing ordered by the Awami League government during the July-August uprising,’ he said.​

 

[Saif]

Why does the proclamation of July uprising matter?

The proclamation of the July uprising will be a profound declaration of justice, resilience, and rebirth.

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Why does the proclamation of July uprising matter?

The July uprising became a manifestation of collective anger against decades of systemic neglect and a demand for transformative change. FILE PHOTO: NAIMUR RAHMAN

Growing discontent among citizens over structural problems like pervasive corruption, economic inequality, poor governance, and environmental oversight led to the July uprising. The struggles of marginalised communities were made worse by long-standing complaints about the political and administrative systems' lack of accountability and transparency. The tipping point was when a number of crises—such as rising economic inflation, declining quality of public services, and the administration's inaction in mitigating persistent natural disasters—sparked public indignation. The uprising was further fuelled by youth-led movements demanding structural reforms and greater inclusivity in decision-making processes. Digital platforms played a crucial role in mobilising protests, spreading awareness, and uniting voices across the country.

The July uprising became a manifestation of collective anger against decades of systemic neglect and a demand for transformative change, aiming to establish a more just, accountable, and sustainable governance framework in Bangladesh. This underscores why a proclamation for the July uprising is an imperative clarion call for our time.

In a time marked by systemic disparities and escalating discontent, such a declaration transcends a mere announcement, serving instead as a foundational ideological pillar that validates the revolution's legitimacy. It weaves a unifying narrative, articulates collective grievances, envisions a future rooted in equity, and ignites the momentum required for transformative, collective action. By anchoring the uprising in principles of justice, solidarity, and resilience, the proclamation establishes moral and political legitimacy, compelling both adherents and adversaries to reckon with its transformative agenda. Moreover, as a historical document, it immortalises the spirit of the uprising, preserving its significance for posterity.

Throughout history, proclamation has been an essential tool in shaping revolutions and transformative movements. They outline the desires of the masses, capture the spirit of revolutionary intent, and offer a unified plan of action. A proclamation's capacity to express a distinct vision is the first of several reasons why it is vital. Clarity of purpose matters during times of upheaval when the status quo is questioned. A proclamation unites disparate voices behind a common cause, serving as a manifesto. Take the American colonies' Declaration of Independence (1776). In addition to reaffirming the colonies' independence from British domination, this historic document persuasively presented the philosophical foundations of their demands, which were based on the principles of equality, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The declaration gave the American Revolution broad support and moral legitimacy by outlining complaints and a vision for just governance.

Furthermore, proclamations serve to galvanise the masses. A well-crafted proclamation transcends mere words, striking a chord with the emotions and aspirations of the people. This dynamic is best shown by the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789), which was first issued during the French Revolution. This proclamation reshaped the relationship between the state and the person and was based on the Enlightenment ideals of equality, liberty, and fraternity.

Proclamations are also important because they give revolutionary forces legitimacy. They are declarations of moral and legal authority as well as calls to action. One such example is Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation (1863). It proclaimed the freedom of enslaved people in Confederate states, redefining the American Civil War as a fight for human liberty, even though it was essentially a wartime measure. The Union's cause gained international support and strengthened its moral standing by being in line with the universal principles of justice and freedom. Additionally, proclamations act as historical landmarks. They immortalise the inception of transformative moments, providing future generations with a lens through which to understand the aspirations and struggles of their forebears. The Proclamation of the Irish Republic (1916), read during the Easter Rising, underscored the Irish people's demand for self-determination. Though the uprising was suppressed, the proclamation became a symbol of resistance, fuelling the eventual realisation of an independent Ireland.

These are just a few examples of how these documents have influenced their respective revolutions and sparked innumerable fights for equality and justice around the world. Their capacity to turn ideas into deeds and inscribe the spirit of revolution into history is what gives them their enduring impact.

The proclamation of the July uprising, led by a courageous student movement that toppled a fascist regime at the cost of at least 1,500 lives, will be a profound declaration of justice, resilience, and rebirth. It will commemorate the martyrs who paid the ultimate price to liberate the nation from tyranny, while condemning the oppressive regime and its heinous actions under the directive of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. This will articulate the revolutionary vision of a society founded on equity, accountability, and democratic values. It will reaffirm the power of collective action and the indomitable spirit of the youth, who stood against systemic oppression.

This proclamation, which will represent both a confrontation with the past and an optimistic leap towards a better, freer tomorrow, will mark a turning point in the history of the country. A critical turning point in the country's political trajectory came about when the interim government decided to endorse the July Proclamation a couple of weeks ago. The administration hopes to strengthen the legitimacy of the revolution and guarantee that the voices of those who gave their lives—especially the students and protesters—remain at the forefront of the story by incorporating active participants in the declaration process. This joint endeavour will highlight the value of inclusivity in forming the nation's future administration and signify a shared dedication to the principles of justice, democracy, and human dignity.

Since the interim government binds itself with the goals and efforts of the revolutionaries, the proclamation can become both a formal declaration of change and an act of social reaffirmation. Through this approach, it can foster solidarity and show that the new political settlement will be based on widespread public engagement and accountability. The participation of those actively involved in the struggle guarantees that the proclamation can be a true manifestation of the desire of the people, rather than just a top-down announcement, confirming the fundamental nature of the revolution and safeguarding its course.

Monira Sharmin is joint convener and executive member at Jatiya Nagorik Committee.​

 

[Saif]

JULY PROCLAMATION: Dialogue with political parties next week for finalisation: Mahfuj Alam

Interim government adviser Mahfuj Alam said on Thursday that the government would hold dialogues with political parties and other stakeholders next week to finalise the July mass uprising proclamation.

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JULY PROCLAMATION: Dialogue with political parties next week for finalisation: Mahfuj Alam
Staff Correspondent 09 January, 2025, 19:10

Mahfuj Alam | Collected photo

Interim government adviser Mahfuj Alam said on Thursday that the government would hold dialogues with political parties and other stakeholders next week to finalise the July mass uprising proclamation.

The information was given at a press conference at the Foreign Service Academy in Dhaka after a meeting of the Council of Advisers with chief adviser Muhammad Yunus in chair held at his office.

Mahfuj, however, mentioned that the government would not give the proclamation. He said that the government would rather facilitate wider national consensus regarding the proclamation.

The proclamation would be prepared based on the proposals of the students along with national consensus of the political parties and others stakeholders, he said.

‘We want to make it an inclusive and unified document,’ Mahfuj said, adding that the proclamation would be made once wider agreement was reached and without significant delays.

When asked about whether the proclamation will be announced by January 15 following the demand of the Students Against Discrimination, he said, ‘The proclamation will be announced soon. It may be a few days later or even by January 15 if we can reach wider national consensus.’

Mahfuj expressed hope that students would be patient in this regard.

He said the proclamation would be prepared after talking to all political parties and other stakeholders, and a decision would be made within the next week on when and how the proclamation would be published or announced.

Noting that they had talked to many people informally since December 31 over the proclamation, he said ‘We will start sitting formally with political parties and others from next week.’

About the attack on shrines, Mahfuj admitted, ‘There were attacks on shrines, Qawwali songs, or various cultural events since August 5 but clear action had not been taken in many of the cases.’

‘However, from now on, if any song festival or shrine is attacked, we will take strict action. We will not spare anyone. We are committed to taking a strong role in this regard,’ the adviser said.

‘We have collected information regarding the incidents that happened since August 5,’ he said, urging the aggrieved people to file cases.

Bedside, press secretary Shafiqul Alam at the press conference on the day expressed optimism that by February all the free textbooks would be distributed among the primary and secondary-level students.

He said that though the textbook festival was celebrated on January 1 during the past regime, it took up to March and in some occasions even up to July to complete the full distribution of the books.

He also mentioned that the last date for the textbook distribution was March 24 in 2022, March 17 in 2023, and February 27 in 2024.

Shafiqul Alam also noted that the chief adviser at the meeting of the council of advisers directed the authorities concerned to resolve the waterlogging problem as quickly as possible in Chattogram city.

‘There was also an elaborate discussion over the measures for a quick solution to traffic problem in the cities. We will see some steps very soon to that end,’ he added.​

 

[Saif]

July proclamation: Govt to sit with parties tomorrow

The interim government will sit with political parties and other stakeholders tomorrow to finalise the proclamation of July uprising.

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July proclamation: Govt to sit with parties tomorrow
Says Adviser Mahfuj Alam

The interim government will sit with political parties and other stakeholders tomorrow to finalise the proclamation of July uprising.

"We hope that through Thursday's meeting, a consensus will be reached to finalise a document. On that day, it will also become clear when the proclamation can be announced and what role the government will play in facilitating its announcement," Mahfuj Alam, adviser to the interim government.

He came up with the announcement yesterday evening during a press conference held at the Foreign Service Academy.

In reaction to this statement, Samanta Shermeen, spokesperson of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, said, "The government has taken a long time to take any visible steps. We are not taking it cordially."

Since the government scheduled a meeting on Thursday and stated that a date will be announced there, she said, "We hope they will not break their promise this time."

Asked about their next step, Samanta said, "As our various leaders and activists are engaged in different areas to carry out programmes, we have not yet had the opportunity to hold discussions among ourselves. We will hold discussions tomorrow [Thursday] and announce our next course of action."

Meanwhile, at the Foreign Service Academy, Mahfuj said the Anti-Discrimination Students' Movement was supposed to announce the proclamation, but later the government said that it would take the initiative to prepare the proclamation after consulting with all relevant parties.

"Over the past two weeks or so, we, from the advisory council, have tried to prepare a draft of the proclamation based on the students' recommendations. We have also attempted to engage with various stakeholders, including political parties, to gather opinions. However, we have not been able to communicate with everyone.

"Through the discussions that we held with several key groups, including major political parties such as the BNP and Jamaat, women's organisations, teacher platforms, and other groups, a consensus was witnessed on the need for the proclamation. However, there is no agreement on the time of the declaration or what its content would be."

Mahfuj said the draft they prepared has been shared informally with several groups, including teacher organisations and political parties including BNP, Jamaat, Gono Songhoti, Gono Odhikar, Islami Andolon Bangladesh, and others.

"Their feedback has been collected and analysed. Most of them agree on the majority of the clauses, but there are a few clauses where they have expressed disagreements. They are currently consulting with internal forums and external experts to clarify their positions and also wish to propose some additional suggestions.

"We believe that if this process is finalised through an all-party meeting, and if students give their consent, national unity can be maintained, and the proclamation will be fruitful and effective."

Asked on what issues there are disagreements, Mahfuj said that they are not yet clear on the specific areas of their disagreements but will know more after further discussions.

On December 29, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee declared that they would announce the proclamation of the July uprising at the Central Shaheed Minar on December 31.

This move sparked various discussions in political circles, with many questioning the timing and potential impact of the declaration.

However, the Chief Adviser's Press Wing said on December 30 night that the interim government had taken the initiative to announce the proclamation based on national consensus.

Following this development, the two platforms said they would not announce the proclamation but hold a programme titled "March for Unity" at the Shaheed Minar on December 31.

From the rally, the student leaders gave the government a deadline of January 15 to announce the proclamation.

On January 4, the leaders of the students' and citizens' platforms announced that they would conduct mass contact campaign as part of observing their "Declaration Week," from January 6 to 11. Later, they extended their programme till January 14.

On January 9, during a press briefing, Mahfuj said the interim government will not formulate the July Proclamation but will facilitate the process for creating a consensus among political parties and stakeholders on the draft prepared by the Anti-Discrimination Students Movement.​

 

[Saif]

‘Will break the pen that writes for fallen fascists’

Media and intellectuals who speak in favour of the fallen fascists will face the same fate as them, said Hasnat Abdullah, the convener of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, today.

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‘Will break the pen that writes for fallen fascists’
Says Hasnat Abdullah

Photo: Star

Media and intellectuals who speak in favour of the fallen fascists will face the same fate as them, said Hasnat Abdullah, the convener of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, today.

"Those talk show hosts and intellectuals, who are now vocal about human rights of Awami League men, supported fascism before," he said yesterday at the Shaheed Minar in Chashara of Narayanganj city before distributing leaflets supporting the "Proclamation of the July Uprising".

"We will break the pens that write in favour of fascism," said Hasnat, vowing a strong stand against any media, teacher or intellectual who speaks in favour of fascism.

"If you fail to understand the young generation's spirit, then your fate will be like that of the fallen Awami League," he warned.

Hasnat also said it is too early to consider rehabilitating the Awami League in politics.

"Whether the Awami League will be rehabilitated in politics is not a relevant question for now. First, every leader and worker must face justice.

"Those who speak of rehabilitation before the trial, those who say the elections will not be participatory without Awami League, we think, are also complicit in the oppressive politics that the Awami League had established," he said.

He also alleged that the state apparatus made various attempts to rehabilitate the AL.

However, it won't be tolerated, he added.

In a strong message to the interim government, Hasnat gave an ultimatum until January 15 to announce the declaration of the July revolution based on political consensus.

"We gave an ultimatum, and the interim government has committed to declaring it based on the consensus of all political parties. However, it is unfortunate that we have not seen any visible action yet. We have made you our advisers, you represent us. … If you fail, step down from your advisory role," he said.

Samanta Shermeen, spokesperson for the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, also addressed the event.

Later, as part of the event, leaders of Jatiya Nagorik Committee and the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement distributed leaflets in Chashara, Shimrail, and Kanchpur areas in Narayanganj.​

 

[Saif]

TRANSITION TO NEW BANGLADESH: The good, the bad and the ugly

BANGLADESH is faced with many tricky challenges in its quest for transition to a truly democratic system of governance. The student-led mass uprising of July-August 2024 forced Sheikh Hasina to flee the country after her 15-year iron-fisted rule, albeit under the façade of a democratic system of...

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TRANSITION TO NEW BANGLADESH: The good, the bad and the ugly
15 January, 2025, 00:00

New Age

Bangladesh is now at a crossroads. Politics as usual will only waste the victory of the people. The challenge in front of the interim government is to put Bangladesh back on the path of genuine democracy, writes Mohammad Zaman

BANGLADESH is faced with many tricky challenges in its quest for transition to a truly democratic system of governance. The student-led mass uprising of July-August 2024 forced Sheikh Hasina to flee the country after her 15-year iron-fisted rule, albeit under the façade of a democratic system of government. In 2021, when the country reached it 50-year milestone, many experts recognised the significant gains that her government achieved in infrastructure, economic growth, poverty reduction, women’s empowerment, longer life expectancy and literacy.

However, over the years, there was also extreme inequality in income, pounded by corruption, cronyism and almost complete disenfranchisement of the rights and representation of the people through sham elections.

As the leader of the party and the government, Hasina turned an autocrat and authoritarian ruler, ultimately running the country as a government of, what one analyst called, ‘Hasina League’ devoid of any participation and/or decision-making by the Awami League as the governing political party. She brought the party to her knees and forced party people to submit and remain subservient to her ego and wishes. The uprising, with demands for the abolition of quota for public jobs for the dependents of the 1971 war veterans, very quickly turned into a mass movement that brought down the Hasina government like a house of cards. The anger of the students and masses against Hasina that spilled onto the street in 2024 ultimately took a toll both on Sheikh Hasina and her legacy.

The sweeping reform agenda by the interim government of Dr Muhammad Yunus that replaced Sheikh Hasina’s seems ready to address the issues, with the hope for an inclusive and peaceful democratic transition. Indeed, the young student leaders, who led the mass movement, stated in clear terms to establish a new Bangladesh with democratic rights and freedom for all. The interim government has in less than six months arguably succeeded in bringing some stability, improved law and order and appointed commissions for the much-needed reforms to steer the country towards free and fair elections. In sum, the government has put the country on track although consistent high inflation is causing economic pain, with worker unrest in the garment sector remaining a major concern. Experts fear that soaring prices of food and fuel and a powerful syndicate controlling key sectors may block any meaningful economic and social transformation.

It appears that the interim government is trying to strike a balance between competing demands of various progressive forces and fundamentalist groups — both within and outside the government. The demand for elections by some political parties without real institutional reforms would not bring about any good for the country. As witnessed in the past, elections are not the ‘cure’ or remedy for all hurdles ahead. Despite this, many parties, including the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, are waiting in the wings for power. Amid the current politicking, right-wing zealots and fanatics who opposed the creation of Bangladesh are talking about ideological ‘re-branding’ of the country, with attacks on the Bengali identity and its images. Both Jamaat and Shibir, along with their allies, are trying to make a political comeback with an alternative Islamic model to rule the country. Their resurgence in politics during the transition is noticeable after a strict curb on its activities during the Hasina era.

Much to the dismay of many, the interim government has removed Sheikh Mujib’s picture from offices, signalling a shift and, perhaps, a new course without any baggage of the history and legacies of Bangladesh’s independence. The Bangladesh Bank has also taken a move to gradually phase out customary picture of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from currency notes. According to some experts, while Hasina’s government did excesses on ensuring Mujib’s seal on everything as the father of the nation, the removal of Sheikh Mujib’s picture shows the intent of the interim government, perhaps more so by a group of students, to crush every symbol of Bangladesh’s history. The government has already banned the Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League. Now, there is a call for banning the Awami League as a political party. There are reports of people being harassed for chanting Joy Bangla or victory for Bangladesh. At the same time, we hear a loud noise of Inqilab zindbad. Quite alarming, to say the least! Bangladesh in transition does not need a resurgent Jamaat politics.

The mass uprising was not to erase the history of Bangladesh, but to establish democracy and the rights of the people. The political development in the country sounds like erosion of Bangladesh’s history and legacy. These are ominous and alarming signs. The history of 1971 cannot be erased or rewritten. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was a folk hero who, among others, inspired the Bengali nation to rise up against injustice, leading to the independence of the country. Analysts and political observers are of the view that any amount of vandalised and defaced statue of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman cannot vilify or defame his legacy and footprint from Bangladesh’s history. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman should not be judged by what the government of the Hasina League did. Sheikh Hasina and her cronies should be brought to justice for misdeeds, the abuse of power, corruption and the violation of rights. The Hasina government made a lot of mistakes. The Jamaat-e-Islami, which opposed the Bangladesh movement for independence, cannot make up for Hasina government’s past misdeeds.

Bangladesh is now at a crossroads. Politics as usual will only waste the victory of the people. The challenge in front of the interim government is to put Bangladesh back on the path of genuine democracy. What Bangladesh needs is a democratic governance model rooted in the ideal of justice, accountability and opportunities for all and yet honour the history, culture and identity of the country. The country is expecting the dawn of a new future.

Dr Mohammad Zaman is a writer and columnist.​

 

[Saif]

Will we have to remain satisfied with just Hasina’s fall?

The students feel that if a parliament is formed through an election under the existing constitution, there is no guarantee that it will reform or rewrite the constitution

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Will we have to remain satisfied with just Hasina’s fall?
The students feel that if a parliament is formed through an election under the existing constitution, there is no guarantee that it will reform or rewrite the constitution
AKM Zakaria Contributor image
AKM Zakaria
Prothom Alo Deputy Editor
Updated: 15 Jan 2025, 15: 58

The autocratic rule of Sheikh Hasina's government was toppled in August last year by the student and general people's movement. AFP

Reforms, elections – and the politics over these issues – all seems to be in a state of confusion. The student community which led Hasina’s ouster, its associate and supporting political forces and the interim government – none seems to on the same page anymore.

The students want significant changes in the state and society. They feel that so many people did not sacrifice their lives just for a fresh election. They want to ensure a state structure where no autocratic rule like Hasina’s can rise up again. This requires certain reforms, including reforms of the constitution and the election system. They want to make sure of this before the election. The students feel that if a parliament is formed through an election under the existing constitution, there is no guarantee that it will reform or rewrite the constitution.

An autocratic leader like Sheikh Hasina was ousted at the cost of much bloodshed, but in literal terms, this cannot be called a revolution (though many feel that 5 August created possibilities of a revolution). But this was no typical uprising. The uprising of 1990 and the July uprising are not the same. Not so many people gave their lives in 1990, not so many people took to the streets. The July uprising had some elements of revolutionary zeal and stance. This uprising generated much aspiration among the students and the public. The students have the fear of a new election leading back to the old system and the people who took part in the uprising have similar apprehensions. Many have also been gripped with the fear that the mass uprising may ultimately fail.

In the meantime, the stand of BNP and certain other political parties who backed in the mass uprising, is different. They want elections soon, they want a framework for the election. They feel that the reforms or any other changes that are required, will be carried out by the elected government. They are putting pressure on the government in various way to hold the election very soon.

Meanwhile, chief advisor of the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus in his 16 December speech announced a possible timeframe for the election. His government has several commissions for reforms. His government probably wanted to carry out reforms and hold the election. However, from his Victory Day address it is clear that he has moved away from his position.

Professor Muhammad Yunus said, “I have repeatedly appealed to you about completing all the major reforms and then going on to hold the election. But due to political consensus if, and I repeat ‘if’, we have to draw up an accurate voters list and hold the election, then perhaps it will be possible to hold the election towards the end of 2025. And if we add to a reasonable degree the reforms based on the recommendations of the electoral process and election reforms commission, then it may take at least another six months more. Broadly speaking, the date for the election can be fixed for the end of 2025 or the first half of 2026.”

Mistrust between the student community that led the mass uprising and the major political force that helped in organising the mass uprising, BNP, have made the political situation murky.

It is clear that he had come up with the possible timeframe for the elections following the demands of BNP and certain political parties. We recall that in an earlier interview he had said, a four-year term is being considered for the interim government and the term of any interim government should not be longer than that of an elected government. It was then assumed that the interim government’s term may be three to three and a half years.

There was no lack of clarity about the possible timeframe for the election in Professor Muhammad Yunus’ 16 December speech. He clearly said that the election would be held between the end of this year and the middle of 2026. He also announced the formation of a national consensus council to establish a consensus concerning the proposals being made by the reform commissions. He had given a roadmap for the elections to be held in the basis of consensus with the political parties. Professor Yunus’ speech, however, could not appease BNP. The party held a meeting and expressed their disappointment. BNP does not find the chief advisor’s election timeframe to be reasonable.

The BNP secretary general said. “We had hoped that the chief advisor would present a roadmap within a specific timeframe. He did not do so. This has disappointed us to an extent and, at the same time, has disappointed the nation. Why is BNP disappointed? It is clear that BNP is filled with various apprehensions. They cannot place their full confidence in this announcement. BNP is an old political party and they will not have unfounded concerns. There must be reasons for their concern.

Over the past few months BNP leaders have been referring to the minus theory, depoliticisation and such. Only recently BNP’s standing committee member Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury said, minus two aspirations will never be fulfilled. He said, election is the first step to establishing democracy in Bangladesh. Election is the first reform. He said, “Those who talk about minus two here, are voicing their wishful thinking. That will never be fulfilled. Ershad failed to do that, and this couldn’t be done in 1/11. And BNP is now stronger than ever. It cannot be wiped out.”

It is clear that BNP is apprehensive about the depolticisation of the political minus theory. They even believe that there is a certain quarter actively working to eliminate them. The fallen Awami League and its allies parties are not longer in the political field. BNP is now the largest active political party in the country. A distance may have grown with Jamaat, but in the new circumstances new allies have emerged. The question is, being the largest political party in the country, why does BNP have any apprehensions? Who can be such a big and powerful opponent that can cause BNP concern?

The students who led the mass uprising are now in the process of forming a political party. The present interim government was formed at their behest. They have representation in this government too. At the same time they criticise the government on various issues and put pressure on the government too. The relationship between the students and the government is unclear. But many feel that the formation of a political party by the students is an attempt to create a King’s Party. There are also allegations of the involvement of the intelligence in creating the new political party. There are questions about their source of funds. All this is possibly a cause of concern for BNP.

Differences over various issues, suspicions and mistrust between the student community that led the mass uprising and the major political force that helped in organising the mass uprising, BNP, have made the political situation. Unless a consensus is established on a minimum number of issues at least, uncertainty will simply increase in the country’s political arena. One cannot discard the students’ apprehensions that elections without reforms may simply be a return to the old trend of politics. That’s what past experience says. As it is, extortion has simply changed hands. Forced occupation and control of various areas continues all over the country. At the same time, BNP’s apprehensions will not dissipate unless there is transparency in the process of the students forming a political party, the role of the government or intelligence agencies, their source of income, etc.

The topple of Sheikh Hasina in the mass uprising is certainly a huge achievement, but this should not be the only achievement. If the student community that led the mass uprising and the assisting political parties cannot maintain a unity, then we will simply have to be satisfied with the fall of Hasina. The aspirations for a new state that emerged among the students and the general people, will remain a pipe dream.

* AKM Zakaria is deputy editor of Prothom Alo.

* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir​