[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

New political settlement and the vision of a democratic state

Bangladesh’s ongoing democratic transformation calls for reforms, a new constitution, and youth leadership.

www.thedailystar.net

New political settlement and the vision of a democratic state

The July student and public uprising was a powerful call to establish a new political settlement. FILE PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

More than four months have elapsed since the student and public uprising in July. During this time, the newly formed interim government has confronted numerous challenges and has often struggled to demonstrate tangible progress. Nevertheless, the government is resolutely laying the foundation for essential reforms across several critical sectors. Overall, Bangladesh is unmistakably moving forward through a significant transformation.

The July student and public uprising was a powerful call to abolish the fascist system and establish a new political settlement. This movement was not merely about replacing or overthrowing the rulers; it was about fundamentally transforming the system that enables state oppression of the people, rooted in specific socio-economic and political conditions. Nur Hossain bravely sacrificed his life to dismantle the military dictatorship of Ershad, driven by the conviction that democracy must be liberated. Despite establishing an electoral system in post-1990 Bangladesh, true democracy could not be achieved. Had democracy been genuinely realised, the sacrifices of individuals like Abu Sayed and Wasim Akram would have been unnecessary.

A critical issue in discussions about democracy in Bangladesh is the mistaken belief that elections equate to democracy. This prevailing narrative falsely asserts that holding elections is synonymous with being a democratic state. In reality, elections are merely a method for selecting a government for a specific period in a genuine democracy. If the state lacks fundamental democratic principles—such as the rule of law, institutional freedom, freedom of the press, freedom of speech and expression, and the right to assembly—then conducting elections every five years fails to establish true democracy.

In Bangladesh, we have decisively failed to establish a strong electoral system, severely undermining the continuity of elected governments. Numerous political parties have set a dangerous precedent by seizing power through elections but refusing to relinquish it at the end of their terms. This has created a cycle of coups, countercoups, military rule, a blatant disregard for democracy, and a pervasive culture of political violence.

It is evident that after each major historical event in our nation—specifically in 1947, 1971, and 1990—the resulting arrangements have consistently fallen short. The core issue is a glaring lack of a clear and unified vision for a democratic state. We must confront and resolve this fundamental problem if we are to advance effectively.

The call for the abolition of the fascist system and the establishment of a new political settlement during the 2024 uprising must be understood in its historical context. The post-uprising student movement, fiercely opposing inequality, along with the determined efforts of the National Citizens' Committee, is firmly rooted in this understanding. The National Citizens' Committee demands a new democratic constitution to ensure that no government can devolve into authoritarianism once in power. The 1972 constitution failed to deliver democracy and justice, ultimately paving the way for the oppressive one-party rule of the Baksal regime.

The student movement against inequality demands the declaration of a second republic. These demands from students and citizens cannot be ignored. Achieving fundamental change in our country requires more than just rushing into elections without necessary reforms. We firmly believe in the importance of elections as a core practice of democracy; however, we categorically oppose electioneering.

Electoral politics relentlessly seeks to maintain the status quo and obstruct essential reforms. In stark contrast, the movement to dismantle the fascist system is determined to eradicate the authoritarian elements entrenched within the state's structure. Our goal is clear: to establish true institutional democracy by creating a democratic constitution through an elected constituent assembly and conducting parliamentary elections under that constitution. This is the undeniable pathway of our democratic revolution.

This aspiration is not merely a romantic notion; it is a concrete vision grounded in global democratic principles. Our proposed vision for the state demands the establishment of a democratic constitution that unequivocally removes state institutions from executive control. We will implement decisive measures to limit the powers of the prime minister, preventing the rise of a singular authority.

We will unapologetically recognise the rights of all ethnic communities and prioritise the needs of minority groups. Ensuring a safe public space and achieving economic equality for women are non-negotiable imperatives. We reject the binary politics of religion versus culture and instead assert the necessity of building a cohesive political community through the integration of religion, language, history, and heritage within the framework of self-development.

Many researchers assert that Bangladesh's strategic geopolitical position commands the attention of both global and regional powers. Our geopolitical strategy is anchored in an unwavering commitment to protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our nation. When it comes to foreign policy, we rigorously prioritise mutual interests and uphold our dignity.

Bangladesh will no longer be dismissed as a "bottomless basket." We've emerged as one of the world's rising economies, and it is clear that, had it not been for the extensive looting, rampant corruption, and money laundering of the past 15 years, our economy would rank among the foremost in Asia. We are resolute in our commitment to eradicating corruption and money laundering, creating abundant employment opportunities, offering special incentives to small and medium-sized enterprises, and transforming the tourism industry.

We will ensure that healthcare reaches every citizen, fully committed to the vision set forth by the late Dr Zafrullah. Our emerging political party, focused on engaging the youth, will prioritise increasing funding for education and promoting research and knowledge production. It's time to take bold action for the future of Bangladesh.

Criticism and dissent are vital pillars of democracy. We must unequivocally ensure that no government has the power to harass or torture individuals for their criticisms, nor can they engage in abhorrent acts such as enforced disappearances or imprisoning citizens without trial. It is imperative that we proactively prevent any recurrence of such egregious human rights violations. The recent extrajudicial killings have made it crystal clear that we will not tolerate these injustices. We cannot allow another life to be lost in this way.

The brutal actions of Sheikh Hasina and her party must remain etched in the public's memory. We will honour the martyrs with the utmost respect, and the injured will receive the highest standard of care. Their sacrifices and suffering will fuel the relentless reconstruction of Bangladesh.

We mustn't pit reform against elections. To establish a robust foundation for Bangladesh's democratic system, reform is not just necessary; it is unavoidable. The outcome of these reforms—free and fair elections—must restore our electoral democracy. We refuse to accept the loss of more lives merely for the sake of elections. The will of the people is unmistakably inscribed throughout the country. The message is clear: we demand reform in our nation, society, state, and institutions. While this reform process will not last indefinitely, the government must be given a defined period to deliver results. We must be vigilant to ensure that the urgent call for elections does not compromise the reform agenda. The government has no right to fail.Following these reforms, they must lay the groundwork for a new government to assume power within a strong and democratic framework, and that is our expectation. The youth will undoubtedly lead every sector of future Bangladesh.

Nasiruddin Patwary is the convener of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee.​

 

[Saif]

Interim govt to draft July uprising proclamation on consensus

The interim government has taken an initiative to prepare a declaration of the July mass uprising based on a national consensus, said the chief adviser’s press secretary, Shafiqul Alam, on Monday.

www.newagebd.net

Interim govt to draft July uprising proclamation on consensus
Staff Correspondent 30 December, 2024, 21:42

Chief adviser’s press secretary Shafiqul Alam speaks at a press briefing in front of state guest house Jamuna in Dhaka on Monday night. | CA press wing

Leaders of Student Movement Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee say they will hold their planned programme at Central Shaheed Minar scheduled for today

The interim government will prepare a proclamation of July Uprising based on national consensus, said the chief adviser’s press secretary Shafiqul Alam on Monday.

However, hours after the government’s announcement to adopt the July Uprising proclamation, the Student Movement Against Discrimination and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee confirmed that their event would proceed at the Central Shaheed Minar in Dhaka as previously planned, but the proclamation would not be made.

At a press briefing in front of state guest house Jamuna in the capital, press secretary Shafiqul Alam said that the proclamation would be adopted to consolidate the unity of the people, the anti-fascist values and the desire for state reforms that was expressed through the July uprising.

The press secretary revealed that the declaration would be prepared based on the opinions of all participating students, political parties and stakeholders, including the Students Against Discrimination that led the uprising.

‘We hope that this proclamation will be prepared unanimously within a few days through everyone’s participation and will be presented to the nation,’ he added.

Earlier, the Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee announced an event to declare July uprising proclamation at the Central Shaheed Minar in the capital today.

Immediately after the government announcement about the proclamation, student leaders convened an emergency meeting to decide about today’s event.

After extensive discussions, chief organiser of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement Abdul Hannan Masud told reporters about 1:00am today that they would hold the rally at Shaheed Minar today. He, however, did not clearly say if they would make the proclamation at the event.

Announcing the proclamation event, Student Movement Against Discrimination convener Hasnat Abdullah on Sunday said that with the proclamation of the July uprising, the 1972 ‘Mujibbadi Constitution’ would be buried on December 31.

‘We demand that the Mujibbadi Constitution be declared obsolete. The grave of the Mujibbadi Constitution of 1972 will be created at the same place where the one-point declaration was announced. We hope that the July revolution declaration will declare the Nazi-like Awami League irrelevant in Bangladesh,’ he said at a press conference in the capital Dhaka.

Although the programme was scheduled for 3:00pm today, Jatiya Nagorik Committee spokesperson Samanta Sharmin on Monday evening told New Age that the draft of the proclamation was yet to be finalised.

According to the draft proclamation, the students and people of Bangladesh have faced brutal repression, including killings, harassment and internet shutdowns, while peacefully protesting against discrimination.

Despite these atrocities, they continued to demand the resignation of Sheikh Hasina and called for a non-cooperation movement.

The protests gained widespread support across all sectors of society, uniting people against fascism, the draft said.

In response, the students and citizens have called for the dissolution of the current parliament, and the reform or annulment of the 1972 constitution to restore the promises of liberation war – dignity, equality and justice — and an end to fascism in Bangladesh, it said.

It also said that the people of this land fought for independence from colonial domination, achieving freedom from the British rule in 1947 and later from Pakistan in 1971 after immense struggle and sacrifice.

It said that the 1972 constitution undermined democratic aspirations, leading to weakened institutions and governance.

Successive political manoeuvres, including martial law and constitutional amendments, further eroded the state’s stability.

The ‘Mujibist paradigm’ entrenched by the one eleven paradigm sustained Sheikh Hasina’s dominance, while the ideals of the liberation war were exploited to promote authoritarianism and the cult of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

‘We resolve that, we need a political settlement altering the ‘72 and 1/11 settlements, which will pave the way for new democratic republic. We further resolve that, we need a state which will be free of any kind of discrimination,’ the draft proclamation said.

The proclamation of July uprising will come into retrospective effect on August 5, 2024, it said.

Protesting against the discrimination in government job opportunities, the students began a protest in July.

The demonstrations turned violent as the protesting students were badly beaten and shot to death.

In protest, mass people took to the streets, demanding a change in state power.

Ultimately, they ousted the Awami League regime on August 5 amid the student-mass uprising.

The Mass Uprising Special Cell on December 21 published its first draft, saying that 858 people were martyred and 11,551 injured in the student-mass uprising.​

 

[Saif]

Make July uprising proclamation by Jan 15

Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee yesterday said they would take to the streets again if the government does not make the Proclamation of July Uprising by January 15.

www.thedailystar.net

Make July uprising proclamation by Jan 15
Students, Nagorik Committee issue ultimatum to govt, threaten to take to streets again demand justice, reforms

Hasnat Abdullah speaking at March for Unity. Photo: Screengrab

Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee yesterday said they would take to the streets again if the government does not make the Proclamation of July Uprising by January 15.

At the March for Unity at the Central Shaheed Minar, they said their "revolution will end only when the nation gets justice and the reforms are carried out".

People in droves joined the gathering with national flags, placards, festoons, and banners.

They chanted slogans like "Ei Muhurte Dorkar, Bichar R Sangskar" (now is the time for justice and reforms) since they began gathering there in the afternoon. Most of the speakers ended their speeches with the slogan "Inquilab Jindabad" (long live revolution).

The programme was initially announced for making the Proclamation of July Uprising. But the government later said it would formally make the proclamation based on national consensus.

The students then renamed their programme "March for Unity".

Hasnat Abdullah, convener of the Students Against Discrimination, said, "We still do not have a document of proclamation on the July mass uprising. It must be issued by January 15. That day we want to reunite here with the proclamation.

"Our struggle against fascism and the Awami League will continue. Many couldn't accept our uprising and that is why there are conspiracies afoot at the Secretariat, in the police, and even in the courts."

Hinting at government officials, he said, "Accept the reality. Killer Hasina, who had taken away the people's right to vote by torturing political parties, won't be rehabilitated."

Nasiruddin Patwary, the convener of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, said the proclamation should incorporate the spirit of July uprising that ousted the fascist government with the blood of hundreds of martyrs.

"We want a new Bangladesh that will not tolerate any intimidation by any country; we want a country without any tender manipulation and extortion. We want the government to immediately bring the Awami League and Sheikh Hasina to book," he said.

Mentioning that the gathering was a renewed effort to press home the demand for justice by the families of the martyred and the injured, Nasiruddin said, "We will fight until justice is ensured."

Akhtar Hossain, member secretary of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, said people want a new constitution. "The next election will be held to elect a constituent assembly which will decide on the new constitution and later will play the role of the legislature."

He said the government's announcement that it would write the proclamation is a victory for the Students Against Discrimination.

Member secretary Arif Sohel of Students Against Discrimination said, "We learned from the uprising that the meaning of independence is the rights of farmers-labours, the basic human rights of all people, their right to food, education and health. All these should be in the proclamation."

Sarjis Alam, an organiser of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, said the interim government should focus on breaking up the syndicates that have the markets in their grips.

Spokesperson of the Students Against Discrimination and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee Umama Fatima and Samantha Sharmin, and organisers of the platforms in the districts and universities also spoke at the event.

The event began with a one-minute silence in remembrance of those martyred in the uprising.

Abul Hasan, father of martyred Shahriar Hasan Alvi, made the introductory speech. He said, "We feel our children every moment. Our tears will never dry. Murderer Hasina, her cabinet members, and the helmet-forces must be brought to book."​

 

[Saif]

Chhatra Shibir is co-fighter of July uprising: Sarjis Alam

He urged the Chhatra Shibir men to achieve the highest level of credibility through their works.

en.prothomalo.com

Chhatra Shibir is co-fighter of July uprising: Sarjis Alam
Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 31 Dec 2024, 22: 38

Sarjis Alam speaks at a member conference of Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir in Dhaka on 31 December 2024.Tanvir Ahammed

The chief organiser of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, Sarjis Alam, has lauded the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir as its activists were co-fighters during the student-led mass uprising in July and August.

Addressing a member conference of the student front at the capital’s Suhrawardy Udyan on Tuesday, Sarjis noted that the Chhatra Shibir men were on the street during the movement and also offered significant advice at different crucial points.

The movement leaders found the Shibir men beside them, be it directly or indirectly, from the very beginning of the uprising. “No one can suppress the truth for good. Its emergence is just a matter of time,” he said.

Sarjis Alam recalled the torture of the Awami League regime and described its leader Sheikh Hasina as a killer. He said Sheikh Hasina played a blame game against anyone whom she considered a potential threat to remain in power.

Jamaat chief Shafiqur Rahman welcomes Sarjis Alam at the member conference of Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir at Suhrawardy Udyan in Dhaka on 31 December, 2024.Tanvir Ahammed

“We witnessed that she had killed many Islamic scholars through jail sentences, attacks, lawsuits, and torture, simply because they were perceived as potential threats. Killer Sheikh Hasina made survival difficult for many dignitaries and organisations like the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir,” he said.

Highlighting the bravery of the youth, Sarjis said the current generation drove out fascist Sheikh Hasina from the country as they are driven by their conscience.

He urged the Chhatra Shibir men to achieve the highest level of credibility through their works.

“To us, the countrymen come before any individual, group, or party. We will continue working unitedly to build Bangladesh, keeping the national interest above all, just the way we fought hand in hand as well as shoulder to shoulder and sat at the table for planning during the uprising,” he added.

Shafiqur Rahman, ameer (chief) of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, attended the conference as the chief guest, with participation of leaders from different political parties and student organisations.​

 

[Saif]

We welcome the government’s move

Photo: Prabir Das

The proclamation of July 'revolution' had perturbed political quarters when it was announced on Saturday for the first time.

Leaders of Students Against Discrimination, who spearheaded the campaign that toppled Hasina's regime, said it was 'now or never' and wanted to 'bury the constitution of 1972' which they tagged as Mujibist. The Jatiya Nagorik Committee, a civic platform, also joined the rhetoric calling for a mass rally at Shaheed Minar.

On Sunday, the chief adviser's press secretary announced that this proclamation was a private initiative and that the government had nothing to do with it. This did not calm fraying nerves, however, and speculations ran wild about what the students actually wanted to achieve with this proclamation. It almost appeared that the students were about to undermine the authority of a government that people had installed.

Last evening, within a day of saying it was a private initiative, the same government official told the press that the government would announce a proclamation of the uprising—not revolution as the students had said, but uprising—within a few days. This has, at least for now, taken the steam out of the students' call for the rally and diffused the tension.

However, this latest move also confirms general apprehension of uncertainty about the government's position. It is unlikely that the recent decision was the outcome of a full cabinet meeting, where it was duly deliberated. When reports of the six vital commissions are due within weeks on the very topics the 'proclamation' wanted to address, the rationale of the whole event goes beyond one's understanding.

Going into the new year, it would be relieving for the general public to hear the government explain the purpose of this proclamation and what it would achieve almost five months after the deed was done.​

 

[Saif]

We haven’t started drafting July proclamation yet, says Advisor Rizwana

Drafting of July proclamation yet to begin: Rizwana The interim government has yet to begin drafting the July proclamation despite a 15-day deadline set by the Anti-discrimination Student Movement and the National Citizens’ Committee. Speaking to journalists outside the Secretariat on Wedne

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

We haven’t started drafting July proclamation yet, says Advisor Rizwana
bdnews24.com
Published :
Jan 01, 2025 19:43
Updated :
Jan 01, 2025 19:45

Drafting of July proclamation yet to begin: Rizwana

The interim government has yet to begin drafting the July proclamation despite a 15-day deadline set by the Anti-discrimination Student Movement and the National Citizens’ Committee.

Speaking to journalists outside the Secretariat on Wednesday, Environment, Forest, and Climate Change Advisor Syeda Rizwana Hasan provided an update on the status of the proclamation and responded to inquiries about its progress.

“We have not drafted the 'July proclamation' yet. The drafting process will begin soon,” she said.

When asked about consensus among all parties, Rizwana expressed optimism, saying: “Most parties broadly agree on the necessity of a proclamation. We expect their support.

“Since everyone will have the opportunity to participate in the drafting process, there should be no reason for disagreement.”

The advisor claimed that the Muhammad Yunus-led government prioritises both reforms and elections in its agenda.

She said, “From discussions with politicians, it’s clear that there is a desire for reforms. Some want fundamental reforms before elections, while others prioritise elections first.

“For us, both issues hold equal importance.”

Regarding BNP’s demand for elections, Rizwana said: “During discussions with BNP, they never said reforms are unnecessary.

“They recognise the need for reforms and are offering their own views on the matter.”

She continued, “They are also providing written opinions. This indicates that politicians also want reforms.

“The extent of the reforms, the areas they will cover, and the mechanisms for implementing them are aspects where politicians hold specific positions.

“Our chief advisor has said that a separate commission will be formed to reach a consensus, and he will lead it himself.”

Rizwana clarified that a legal process is already under way regarding the repatriation of deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina.

She said, “A letter has been sent as part of the legal process to bring Sheikh Hasina back. We have made our stance clear on the matter, and we have also highlighted our treaty with India, which includes certain exceptions.

“What stance India will take and how long it will take is uncertain, but we must leave that for the future.

“Our position remains that we want trials to take place in her presence. If that is not possible, we will proceed with the judicial process as required.”

In response to a question about whether the Awami League will be able to contest elections, Rizwana said: “It is not for us to decide which parties will contest. Any party wishing to participate can do so.

“These matters will be handled by the Election Commission.”

She concluded, “The government has not yet expressed any opinion on this matter. No stance has been taken regarding banning the Awami League.”​

 

[Saif]

Ensuring unity of uprising actors

The year 2024 is lost in the layers of time. Just like any other year in the Gregorian calendar, it was comprised of 12 months, 52 weeks and 366 days. Yet, it was profoundly distinct in its essence, as the events that unfolded during this period reshaped lives, politics, system of governance, and,

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Ensuring unity of uprising actors
Atiqul Kabir Tuhin
Published :
Jan 01, 2025 21:24
Updated :
Jan 01, 2025 21:24

The year 2024 is lost in the layers of time. Just like any other year in the Gregorian calendar, it was comprised of 12 months, 52 weeks and 366 days. Yet, it was profoundly distinct in its essence, as the events that unfolded during this period reshaped lives, politics, system of governance, and, overall, the course of Bangladesh's history. The bygone year has assumed such significance that it is being compared to 1971, the year Bangladesh achieved independence. This is because 2024 witnessed the rebirth of Bangladesh. Under a decade and a half of autocratic and corrupt rule by Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League regime, not only had democracy lost its course, but also all other sacred founding principles of the nation, such as liberty, equality, and justice, were being trampled upon. Moreover, it was widely seen as a puppet government of a neighbouring country. In July, when the despot attempted to crack down on a peaceful student protest, it sparked a mass uprising that ultimately led to the downfall of the tyrant.

The enormity of this transformative event, which placed Bangladesh on the right course of democratic transition, is so significant that The Economist named Bangladesh its "Country of the Year" for 2024. This recognition, however, does not imply that Bangladesh has achieved a miraculous success overnight in its system of governance or economic performance. Rather, it acknowledges the potential unleashed by this transformative change. Now, in 2025, the foundation for realising this potential must be laid. In that sense, the year 2025 is extremely important for Bangladesh and the interim government must prove its mettle in reforming and rebuilding the democratic institutions and steering the nation towards a sustainable democratic future.

In 2025, the toughest challenge will be to keep the reform process on track, because unity among various parties on the issue of the July-August uprising is already frayed, and patience is wearing thin among certain political parties. Of the 15 reform commissions that the government formed to propose reform measures on various state affairs, six are slated to submit their reports in January. Then the National Consensus Building Commission will explore the areas on which consensus can be established and reforms can be implemented by exchanging views with the political parties and other stakeholders.

The Chief Advisor has outlined two potential timelines for national elections: one by late 2025 with minimal reforms, and another by the first half of 2026 with extensive reforms. Without a comprehensive overhaul of democratic institutions such as the Election Commission, Judiciary, Public Administration, Police, and the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), elections and the mere transfer of power may fail to address the deep-seated ills afflicting the state. In such a case, the country risks reverting to the old way of things and the sacrifice of nearly 2,000 martyrs and 33,000 wounded will be in vain.

Therefore, while the government is trying to reform the state, political parties should focus on internal reforms to ensure intra-party democracy. As the adage goes, "charity begins at home," so too must reform. Democracy is more than just holding elections. Despite elections having been held at regular intervals since independence, Bangladesh has yet to develop a healthy democratic culture, largely due to the undemocratic character of mainstream political parties. Even though the parties claim to be in the vanguard of democratic struggles in the country, their leaders are not democratically elected. Even party decisions are not reached through democratic processes. Instead, party decisions often reflect the will of party leaders rather than the collective will of the party. This practice undermines internal democracy and can lead to authoritarian tendencies within the party itself. If political parties are governed internally in a fascist manner, they are likely to replicate these authoritarian tendencies when they assume power.

So, in order to realise the aspiration of July-August uprising of building a democratic and discrimination-free country, political parties must undergo significant internal reforms and practice intra-party democracy. How they elect leaders, nominate candidates, mobilise funds, and the sources of income for party leaders and activists must be transparent and accountable. Politics must not be treated as a profession; it should be viewed as a mission to serve the public. And there should be strict guidelines prohibiting the use of students, religion or the place of worship for political purposes.

Another pressing agenda of the year is the prosecution of those responsible for the July-August massacre. The nation owes it to the martyrs of the uprising, to history, and to the 400 individuals who lost their eyesight and countless others who suffered the loss of limbs after being injured by bullets during the uprising. The stage is set for the trials at the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT), and any progress in this regard is being watched with the utmost anxiety by the entire nation.

Luckily, there is no dissenting voice among the stakeholders of the uprising regarding the trial procedure. Some, however, are raising questions about whether the trial should be completed during the tenure of the interim government or whether it should be carried forward to the next elected government. But the interim government should at least complete the trials of those accused of commtting atrocities. The trials must be conducted fairly, transparently, and in accordance with international standards to ensure that their outcomes are beyond reproach.

Last but not least, while the government has managed to bring about a modicum of order and stability in the macroeconomic and financial sectors, economic challenges before the government are still far from over. Inflation and unemployment rates are stubbornly high, while the influence of oligarchic business interests continues to distort market dynamics. The government faces the daunting task of revitalising a stagnating economy, accelerating growth, and stimulating trade and investment, all the while navigating the constraints of a contractionary monetary policy. Decisive actions will also be required to address frequent workers' unrest, resolve power and fuel supply crises, mitigate liquidity problems in the banking sector, and manage high interest rates.

Amidst these multifaceted challenges, all stakeholders of the July-August uprising must remain united to ensure successful implementation of reforms in the national interest. A divided stance will not only weaken the government but also invite interference from conspirators and external actors.​

 

[Saif]

July proclamation: Students to hold nationwide campaign

The Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee will campaign from January 6-11 across the country to listen to what people want so that their hopes and aspirations are reflected in the proclamation on July uprising.

www.thedailystar.net

July proclamation: Students to hold nationwide campaign

The Students Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee will campaign from January 6-11 across the country to listen to what people want so that their hopes and aspirations are reflected in the proclamation on July uprising.

Hasnat Abdullah, convener of the students' platform, announced the programme at a jointly held press conference at the organisation's central office in the capital's Bangla Motor yesterday afternoon.

"We will distribute leaflets, hold rallies, and engage with people from all segments of the society," he said.

Hasnat said the campaign will cover all districts and upazilas.

"The July-August uprising saw participation from all segments of society, from marginalised communities to urban residents. We hope this proclamation will reflect their hopes and aspirations."

The government pledged to issue a proclamation through national consensus, but no visible progress has been made, Hasnat noted.

"Drafting this proclamation is a critical matter. Although we were ready to announce it on December 31, we refrained when the interim government assumed responsibility. Now, we urge the government to act promptly."

Hasnat said the student platform is ready to share its draft should the government seek its input.

Nasiruddin Patwary, convener of the citizens' platform, warned of tougher programmes unless the government showed visible progress by a few days.

Nasiruddin said he thought an election for a constituent assembly was necessary to enshrine the people's rights.

"Both parliamentary election and a constituent assembly election can take place simultaneously."

The press conference was moderated by Abdul Hannan Masud, chief organiser of the student platform.​

 

[Saif]

‘Proclamation Week’ announced in Jan 6–11

The Student Movement Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee on Saturday jointly announced ‘Proclamation Week’ from January 6 to 11, urging the interim government to formally...

www.newagebd.net

‘Proclamation Week’ announced in Jan 6–11
Staff Correspondent 05 January, 2025, 00:30

The Student Movement Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagarik Committee jointly hold a press conference regarding the Proclamation Week from January 6 to 11 at the office of the Student Movement Against Discrimination in Dhaka on Saturday. | New Age photo

The Student Movement Against Discrimination and Jatiya Nagorik Committee on Saturday jointly announced ‘Proclamation Week’ from January 6 to 11, urging the interim government to formally proclaim the July Uprising by January 15 as per its commitment.

The leaders of the two organisations announced the programme at a press conference held at the office of the Student Movement Against Discrimination in the city.

They also warned of a tougher movement if the government failed to make any visible progress soon regarding the July uprising proclamation.

The weeklong nationwide campaign demanding the proclamation would feature leaflet distribution, rallies and public outreach activities.

Student Movement Against Discrimination convener Hasnat Abdullah said that they would engage with the public to ensure their aspirations are reflected in the proclamation.

Throughout the next week, programmes demanding the proclamation would be organised in every district, he said.

Hasnat said that the outreach efforts would also engage with all levels of society, including students, citizens, professionals, farmers, and workers across districts and upazilas.

‘During the “March for Unity” programme held at the Central Shaheed Minar on December 31, we demanded that the government announce the July Uprising proclamation by January 15, but unfortunately no visible initiatives have been taken in this regard so far,’ he said.

If the government takes effective initiatives regarding the declaration, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and the National Citizens Committee are ready to express their opinions on the matter.

Jatiya Nagorik Committee convener Nasiruddin Patwary said that if no visible and effective initiatives were taken in the following days for the proclamation, they would move towards stricter measures.

‘We were ready to proclaim the July uprising on December 31 at the Central Shaheed Minar, but we did not as the interim government promised to prepare a proclamation of the July mass uprising based on national consensus,’ he said.

Nasiruddin said that the announcement of the proclamation was important and it must honour the aspirations of people, who from all walks of life participated in the uprising.

He also said that there was no disagreement between political parties on the July Proclamation but there were some differences in viewpoint, and the Student Movement Against Discrimination was able to resolve those differences.

At the press conference, the two platforms presented a set of demands, stressing the importance of official recognition of the uprising martyrs and state-provided medical treatment for those injured during that time.

They also demanded a clear commitment from the government to hold the trial of those responsible for the killings.

Having called for the abolition of the existing constitution and creation of a new, the student leaders demanded a democratic constitution through an elected constituent assembly.

The organisations also demanded that the leadership of the Student Movement Against Discrimination must be clearly recognised in the proclamation of the uprising.

They also demanded that the proclamation should establish a clear connection between the July 2024 uprising, the 1947 partition, and the 1971 War of Independence, ensuring continuity in the struggle for justice.

The Student Movement Against Discrimination and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee also called for a new political settlement prioritising a state structure with civic identity at its core, aimed at eliminating all forms of discrimination.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising: Govt to sit with parties for draft proclamation

The interim government will hold talks with the political parties soon and prepare the draft of the July uprising proclamation based on the outcome of the dialogues, Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam told a press conference at the Foreign Service Academy yesterday.

www.thedailystar.net

July uprising: Govt to sit with parties for draft proclamation
CA’s press secretary says the draft proclamation will be based on the dialogues

Shafiqul Alam

The interim government will hold talks with the political parties soon and prepare the draft of the July uprising proclamation based on the outcome of the dialogues, Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam told a press conference at the Foreign Service Academy yesterday.

He, however, did not give any dates for the talks.

About whether the proclamation would be announced by January 15, as per the deadline set by the Anti-discrimination Students' Movement and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, he said they will announce it "soon".

The two platforms on December 30 said they would announce the July mass uprising proclamation the next day.

Initially, the CA Press Wing had said the government had no involvement in the student leaders' proclamation event.

However, that very night it said it would take initiative to prepare the proclamation based on national consensus.

Following that, the student leaders after a late-night meeting announced a "March for Unity" programme in support of the interim government's initiative.

WORKING TO BRING HASINA BACK

Shafiqul also said the interim government is working relentlessly to extradite fallen autocrat Shiekh Hasina from India.

"It's the government's top priority. She had been involved in enforced disappearance, killings, kleptocracy, and siphoned off billions of public money. She must face trial," he said, adding that nobody in the world "wants to give space to a killer".

"Many in the Indian media didn't know the horrors of Hasina. Many have started writing [about it] recently. When the whole world will know, the pressure will mount. We'll do our best to bring her back. If not, those who will come to power will do so later as it is a generational issue…. It's the nation's desire. We're very hopeful."

Shafiqul further said they have not yet heard anything from the Indian side regarding Hasina's extradition request through the note verbale by Bangladesh. "But the government's efforts are still underway to bring her back."

He also said the government is investigating reports of Awami League leaders fleeing after August 5, and assured that the probe will be conducted by honest officials.

"Investigations led by officials from the previous Awami League government may not yield good results."

Regarding criticism of the recently-approved draft of the Cyber Protection Ordinance-2024 by Transparency International Bangladesh, the press secretary said, "We welcome any kind of the criticism and take them positively. Asif Nazrul will talk speak on this issue soon."

Shafiqul noted that the commission investigating enforced disappearances is doing good work.

He mentioned plans to arrange visits for journalists to a few of the "Aynaghors (detention centers)" to showcase the horrific methods used for disappearances.

Highlighting incidents like irregularities in three previous elections, the Shapla Chattar crackdown, and money laundering cases during Hasina's rule, Shafiqul said that each issue is being addressed.

He added that the Police Bureau of Investigation is working hard to expedite the investigation of the murder of journalist couple Sagar Sarowar and Meherun Runi.

Responding a query, Shafiqul said state media exists in every country, and it plays an important role.

"BTV [Bangladesh Television] and BSS [Bangladesh Sangbad Shangstha] have been granted independence and are free to exercise press freedom according to their roles. Over the past five months, media in the country has enjoyed unprecedented freedom."

Asked whether BSS will report on the corruption during the AL regime, he said, "We don't interfere in their management. We hope they'll design their programmes reflecting the spirit of the July uprising."

Speaking at the press conference, Deputy Press Secretary Azad Majumder said many European countries have initiated relocating their visa centres from Delhi to Dhaka, or another neighbouring country, upon the request of Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus.

"Bulgaria has already announced transferring its visa centre for Bangladeshis to Indonesia and Vietnam. Romania has announced the issuance of visas from the embassies in Vietnam and Thailand. Kazakhstan also said it will issue visas to Bangladeshi students from Bangkok."​

 

[Saif]

The hope is not there

It feels wrong in myriad ways to say that hope isn’t there when an autocrat fell

www.thedailystar.net

The hope is not there

ILLUSTRATION: REHNUMA PROSHOON

It feels wrong in myriad ways to say that hope isn't there when an autocrat fell, and that too by the efforts of not just the common people, but the student population as well. One may not expect tiredness in such a situation, but about half a year from the uprising, it seems to be the common feeling in many as the increased disruptions in normal life is wearing them out. This should be a new year, but in many ways it isn't.

For many, the lurch back to normalcy has been jarring. It's unusual after all, to be on the street and hear gunshots, and return to the classroom within the next few days. In classrooms, even as I've had students discuss the July uprising in essays or elsewhere, the mood seems—at least in my experience—to have shifted to the old ways of doing things. It's the same pushing and pulling to ensure that the students don't slack off after over a decade in an education system that likely beat out any interest in academics, or in fact any intellectual interests that may have come about on its own. It is the same in so many areas of our lives.

This, again, is understandable. If you think about it, Bangladesh is and remains surreal. Incidents that might have spawned books, series and podcasts in another country get a single column in page three of the dailies here. Perhaps the normal was to see an MP get cut up in a foreign country for reasons we don't fully know. Ultimately, in the blink-and-miss news cycle of Bangladesh, exhaustion is an understandable route.

Perhaps what has further dampened the happiness of ousting a 15-year dynastic autocrat has been the persistence of societal values that choke and snuff out any form of progress. From moral policing in Halloween to wasteful extravagance at weddings that do not need to be on this scale, in many ways it feels like the same old Bangladesh, over and over again.

This is not to say that I expected an instant change—far from it. I joined groups and discussions and watched more Bangladeshi content on social media than I had ever done before in the hopes that an initiative or movement existed that could render me useful outside my jobs. I had the vigour to imagine permanent communities formed out of common areas of concern. The volunteering initiatives and the attempts to help the injured and the families of the martyred were encouraging.

Yet, violence remains an unerasable part of the city, and my imaginations for improvement have come to a halt. For some reason, months after the ouster of what seemed like an indomitable force, nothing shocks anymore.

One of the words still confined to academia but much needed for describing Bangladesh is "stuplimity." I found the most applicable form of the word in a text analysing Vikram Chadda's Sacred Games. It talked not only about spectacular acts of violence, but the routinised forms of it, or as the text put it, "quotidian violence." It's what comes to mind when I think of the Jahangirnagar University student brought to her death after being slammed by a battery-powered rickshaw and hitting a tree.

That this argument over this specific mode of transport existed even during the 15-year regime of the Awami League government is an indication of the stagnancy post-July. It is in line with the many protests, frustrating moments, and acts of atrocities that occurred after August 5, whether the horrific acts of violence against minorities, the unleashing of sealed misogyny and its terrifying outcomes, moral policing, property destruction, and the continued self-censoring practised by groups and individuals who ought to have experienced fully fledged freedom of speech in the absence of authoritarianism. Adding to these is the helplessness felt by those witnessing the sudden robustness with which another dynastic politician is seeking to make a comeback, and the associated political party acting as if it would be the default winner of the national election when it is held. Within the two parties that have continually vied for power, neither inspires confidence among people who know of or remember each regime's misrule.

This is complicated by the feelings different groups have towards the interim government's performance. Some remain defensive, the horrors of the former regime telling them to accept anything else besides the former party; some supporters of the former regime attempt, tacitly or openly, to undermine what progress has been made to implant the idea that the past was better; and some remain lost on the path forward, almost rendered hopeless by the mammoth task of progress.

But to return to the point in the title, when I say the hope is not there, I do not mean that an attempt should not be made to find hope. As roughly explained by a friend who overcame hurdles far greater than mine to access the education that was simply expected for me to have, hopelessness is not only bourgeoise, it's bougie. To lie down, to give up, to contemplate and complain, and not attempt improvement is often the go-to of one who did not need to fight for the bare necessities required for even a semi-decent life. The fact of the matter is that one person's giving up is often not only an action affecting the individual, but others who may have benefited from their attempts.

Tasks remain ahead of us. Whether it is preventing the biased revision of recent events, the opportunistic grabbing of authority in a power vacuum, or attempts to destabilise a nation from outside, the roles we have to play, no matter how insignificant they may seem to us now, will need to be fulfilled. It is easy to fall into despair when one imagines what will come after the election. However, the alternative is to suffer in silence.

Aliza Rahman is a writer based in Dhaka.​

 

[Saif]

JULY-AUGUST MASSACRE: CJ looks forward to justice

Chief justice Syed Refaat Ahmed on Tuesday expressed hope for justice in the cases filed on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the for the July-August 2024 student-people uprising.

www.newagebd.net

JULY-AUGUST MASSACRE: CJ looks forward to justice
M Moneruzzaman 07 January, 2025, 18:40

Chief justice inaugurates renovated building for International Crimes Tribunal trials. | UNB Photo

AG reiterates govt commitment to neutral, transparent trials

Chief justice Syed Refaat Ahmed on Tuesday expressed hope for justice in the cases filed on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the for the July-August 2024 student-people uprising.

He made the remarks during the inauguration of the newly renovated courtroom of the International Crimes Tribunal and the historic Old High Court building, commonly referred to as the ICT building.

The building, first renovated in 2009 for the trial of 1971 war crimes, underwent further renovation as part of routine maintenance to resume tribunal proceedings.

Speaking at the event, the chief justice emphasised that the tribunal’s renewed operations marked a fundamental reform rather than a mere continuation of previous practices.

‘This reform focuses on how trials will be conducted and how justice will be delivered transparently and fairly. As a nation, we look towards the ICT with hope and high expectations,’ he stated.

Reiterating the interim government’s commitment to neutral, transparent and accountable trials, attorney general Md Asaduzzaman told the programme, ‘The trials will adhere to tested international standards. Any assistance needed from the Attorney General’s Office will be provided to ensure justice.

He said that the ICT, originally formed under the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973 in 2009 remained dysfunctional for months and it resumed its proceedings recently.

Asaduzzaman said that the July-August incidents, which saw significant loss of life, appeared to meet the criteria of crimes against humanity.

Trials will be conducted for offences that fall under this definition, he added.

He said, ‘The government has previously stated its commitment to ensuring that these trials adhere to tested international standards. Amendments to the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act 1973 were made following consultations to eliminate any potential controversy and uphold the integrity of the process.’

The tribunal will now focus on the prosecution of perpetrators of crimes against humanity committed to suppress the July-August mass uprising.

The chief justice later gave his reaction highlighting the tribunal’s role in delivering justice for the genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the uprising.

‘The trials will adhere to the principles of justice, transparency and the due process of law, offering fully a new dimension to the ICT’s mandate,’ he expected.

Later, a release of the Supreme Court administration stated that the chief justice regarded the Old High Court building as a place of judicial and historical significance.

The release said that the chief justice expressed optimism that the trials to be conducted here would uphold the nation’s expectations and strengthen the tradition of delivering justice in cases of grave human rights violations.

‘As an ordinary citizen, I too hope to see justice served,’ the statement quoted the chief justice as saying.

The reconstituted tribunal, comprising Justice Md Golam Mortuza Mozumder, Justice Md Shofiul Alam Mahmood and retired district judge Md Mohitul Haq Anam Chowdhury, held its inaugural session on Tuesday. The event was attended by chief prosecutor Mohammad Tajul Islam, his deputies and members of the investigation agency.

Addressing journalists after the inauguration, Tajul Islam confirmed that further proceedings related to the July-August crimes would be conducted at the renovated building.

He noted that previous tribunal proceedings, held during the Awami League regime, were conducted in a temporary structure at the fag end of the regime.

The reconstituted tribunal has registered three cases — two against deposed prime minister and Awami League president Sheikh Hasina and the other against AL general secretary Obaidul Quader and 44 others, including party colleagues, associates and law enforcement personnel –– on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the July-August uprising.

Several accused, including Hasina who fled to India on August 5, 2024, remain fugitives.

The tribunal issued warrants for the arrest of many, including Hasina, her former security adviser Tarique Ahmed Siddique, former inspector general of police Benazir Ahmed, and eight others implicated in enforced disappearances during the 15-year AL rule.

The tribunal has scheduled its next hearing for February 12, when the inspector general of police is required to submit a report on the execution of warrants.

Law Adviser Asif Nazrul, who had overseen the tribunal’s renovation, reiterated the government’s commitment to holding fair and transparent trials.

‘At least 1,500 students and civilians were killed, and thousands injured during indiscriminate firing ordered by the Awami League government during the July-August uprising,’ he said.​

 

[Saif]

Why does the proclamation of July uprising matter?

The proclamation of the July uprising will be a profound declaration of justice, resilience, and rebirth.

www.thedailystar.net

Why does the proclamation of July uprising matter?

The July uprising became a manifestation of collective anger against decades of systemic neglect and a demand for transformative change. FILE PHOTO: NAIMUR RAHMAN

Growing discontent among citizens over structural problems like pervasive corruption, economic inequality, poor governance, and environmental oversight led to the July uprising. The struggles of marginalised communities were made worse by long-standing complaints about the political and administrative systems' lack of accountability and transparency. The tipping point was when a number of crises—such as rising economic inflation, declining quality of public services, and the administration's inaction in mitigating persistent natural disasters—sparked public indignation. The uprising was further fuelled by youth-led movements demanding structural reforms and greater inclusivity in decision-making processes. Digital platforms played a crucial role in mobilising protests, spreading awareness, and uniting voices across the country.

The July uprising became a manifestation of collective anger against decades of systemic neglect and a demand for transformative change, aiming to establish a more just, accountable, and sustainable governance framework in Bangladesh. This underscores why a proclamation for the July uprising is an imperative clarion call for our time.

In a time marked by systemic disparities and escalating discontent, such a declaration transcends a mere announcement, serving instead as a foundational ideological pillar that validates the revolution's legitimacy. It weaves a unifying narrative, articulates collective grievances, envisions a future rooted in equity, and ignites the momentum required for transformative, collective action. By anchoring the uprising in principles of justice, solidarity, and resilience, the proclamation establishes moral and political legitimacy, compelling both adherents and adversaries to reckon with its transformative agenda. Moreover, as a historical document, it immortalises the spirit of the uprising, preserving its significance for posterity.

Throughout history, proclamation has been an essential tool in shaping revolutions and transformative movements. They outline the desires of the masses, capture the spirit of revolutionary intent, and offer a unified plan of action. A proclamation's capacity to express a distinct vision is the first of several reasons why it is vital. Clarity of purpose matters during times of upheaval when the status quo is questioned. A proclamation unites disparate voices behind a common cause, serving as a manifesto. Take the American colonies' Declaration of Independence (1776). In addition to reaffirming the colonies' independence from British domination, this historic document persuasively presented the philosophical foundations of their demands, which were based on the principles of equality, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The declaration gave the American Revolution broad support and moral legitimacy by outlining complaints and a vision for just governance.

Furthermore, proclamations serve to galvanise the masses. A well-crafted proclamation transcends mere words, striking a chord with the emotions and aspirations of the people. This dynamic is best shown by the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789), which was first issued during the French Revolution. This proclamation reshaped the relationship between the state and the person and was based on the Enlightenment ideals of equality, liberty, and fraternity.

Proclamations are also important because they give revolutionary forces legitimacy. They are declarations of moral and legal authority as well as calls to action. One such example is Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation (1863). It proclaimed the freedom of enslaved people in Confederate states, redefining the American Civil War as a fight for human liberty, even though it was essentially a wartime measure. The Union's cause gained international support and strengthened its moral standing by being in line with the universal principles of justice and freedom. Additionally, proclamations act as historical landmarks. They immortalise the inception of transformative moments, providing future generations with a lens through which to understand the aspirations and struggles of their forebears. The Proclamation of the Irish Republic (1916), read during the Easter Rising, underscored the Irish people's demand for self-determination. Though the uprising was suppressed, the proclamation became a symbol of resistance, fuelling the eventual realisation of an independent Ireland.

These are just a few examples of how these documents have influenced their respective revolutions and sparked innumerable fights for equality and justice around the world. Their capacity to turn ideas into deeds and inscribe the spirit of revolution into history is what gives them their enduring impact.

The proclamation of the July uprising, led by a courageous student movement that toppled a fascist regime at the cost of at least 1,500 lives, will be a profound declaration of justice, resilience, and rebirth. It will commemorate the martyrs who paid the ultimate price to liberate the nation from tyranny, while condemning the oppressive regime and its heinous actions under the directive of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. This will articulate the revolutionary vision of a society founded on equity, accountability, and democratic values. It will reaffirm the power of collective action and the indomitable spirit of the youth, who stood against systemic oppression.

This proclamation, which will represent both a confrontation with the past and an optimistic leap towards a better, freer tomorrow, will mark a turning point in the history of the country. A critical turning point in the country's political trajectory came about when the interim government decided to endorse the July Proclamation a couple of weeks ago. The administration hopes to strengthen the legitimacy of the revolution and guarantee that the voices of those who gave their lives—especially the students and protesters—remain at the forefront of the story by incorporating active participants in the declaration process. This joint endeavour will highlight the value of inclusivity in forming the nation's future administration and signify a shared dedication to the principles of justice, democracy, and human dignity.

Since the interim government binds itself with the goals and efforts of the revolutionaries, the proclamation can become both a formal declaration of change and an act of social reaffirmation. Through this approach, it can foster solidarity and show that the new political settlement will be based on widespread public engagement and accountability. The participation of those actively involved in the struggle guarantees that the proclamation can be a true manifestation of the desire of the people, rather than just a top-down announcement, confirming the fundamental nature of the revolution and safeguarding its course.

Monira Sharmin is joint convener and executive member at Jatiya Nagorik Committee.​

 

[Saif]

JULY PROCLAMATION: Dialogue with political parties next week for finalisation: Mahfuj Alam

Interim government adviser Mahfuj Alam said on Thursday that the government would hold dialogues with political parties and other stakeholders next week to finalise the July mass uprising proclamation.

www.newagebd.net

JULY PROCLAMATION: Dialogue with political parties next week for finalisation: Mahfuj Alam
Staff Correspondent 09 January, 2025, 19:10

Mahfuj Alam | Collected photo

Interim government adviser Mahfuj Alam said on Thursday that the government would hold dialogues with political parties and other stakeholders next week to finalise the July mass uprising proclamation.

The information was given at a press conference at the Foreign Service Academy in Dhaka after a meeting of the Council of Advisers with chief adviser Muhammad Yunus in chair held at his office.

Mahfuj, however, mentioned that the government would not give the proclamation. He said that the government would rather facilitate wider national consensus regarding the proclamation.

The proclamation would be prepared based on the proposals of the students along with national consensus of the political parties and others stakeholders, he said.

‘We want to make it an inclusive and unified document,’ Mahfuj said, adding that the proclamation would be made once wider agreement was reached and without significant delays.

When asked about whether the proclamation will be announced by January 15 following the demand of the Students Against Discrimination, he said, ‘The proclamation will be announced soon. It may be a few days later or even by January 15 if we can reach wider national consensus.’

Mahfuj expressed hope that students would be patient in this regard.

He said the proclamation would be prepared after talking to all political parties and other stakeholders, and a decision would be made within the next week on when and how the proclamation would be published or announced.

Noting that they had talked to many people informally since December 31 over the proclamation, he said ‘We will start sitting formally with political parties and others from next week.’

About the attack on shrines, Mahfuj admitted, ‘There were attacks on shrines, Qawwali songs, or various cultural events since August 5 but clear action had not been taken in many of the cases.’

‘However, from now on, if any song festival or shrine is attacked, we will take strict action. We will not spare anyone. We are committed to taking a strong role in this regard,’ the adviser said.

‘We have collected information regarding the incidents that happened since August 5,’ he said, urging the aggrieved people to file cases.

Bedside, press secretary Shafiqul Alam at the press conference on the day expressed optimism that by February all the free textbooks would be distributed among the primary and secondary-level students.

He said that though the textbook festival was celebrated on January 1 during the past regime, it took up to March and in some occasions even up to July to complete the full distribution of the books.

He also mentioned that the last date for the textbook distribution was March 24 in 2022, March 17 in 2023, and February 27 in 2024.

Shafiqul Alam also noted that the chief adviser at the meeting of the council of advisers directed the authorities concerned to resolve the waterlogging problem as quickly as possible in Chattogram city.

‘There was also an elaborate discussion over the measures for a quick solution to traffic problem in the cities. We will see some steps very soon to that end,’ he added.​

 

[Saif]

July proclamation: Govt to sit with parties tomorrow

The interim government will sit with political parties and other stakeholders tomorrow to finalise the proclamation of July uprising.

www.thedailystar.net

July proclamation: Govt to sit with parties tomorrow
Says Adviser Mahfuj Alam

The interim government will sit with political parties and other stakeholders tomorrow to finalise the proclamation of July uprising.

"We hope that through Thursday's meeting, a consensus will be reached to finalise a document. On that day, it will also become clear when the proclamation can be announced and what role the government will play in facilitating its announcement," Mahfuj Alam, adviser to the interim government.

He came up with the announcement yesterday evening during a press conference held at the Foreign Service Academy.

In reaction to this statement, Samanta Shermeen, spokesperson of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, said, "The government has taken a long time to take any visible steps. We are not taking it cordially."

Since the government scheduled a meeting on Thursday and stated that a date will be announced there, she said, "We hope they will not break their promise this time."

Asked about their next step, Samanta said, "As our various leaders and activists are engaged in different areas to carry out programmes, we have not yet had the opportunity to hold discussions among ourselves. We will hold discussions tomorrow [Thursday] and announce our next course of action."

Meanwhile, at the Foreign Service Academy, Mahfuj said the Anti-Discrimination Students' Movement was supposed to announce the proclamation, but later the government said that it would take the initiative to prepare the proclamation after consulting with all relevant parties.

"Over the past two weeks or so, we, from the advisory council, have tried to prepare a draft of the proclamation based on the students' recommendations. We have also attempted to engage with various stakeholders, including political parties, to gather opinions. However, we have not been able to communicate with everyone.

"Through the discussions that we held with several key groups, including major political parties such as the BNP and Jamaat, women's organisations, teacher platforms, and other groups, a consensus was witnessed on the need for the proclamation. However, there is no agreement on the time of the declaration or what its content would be."

Mahfuj said the draft they prepared has been shared informally with several groups, including teacher organisations and political parties including BNP, Jamaat, Gono Songhoti, Gono Odhikar, Islami Andolon Bangladesh, and others.

"Their feedback has been collected and analysed. Most of them agree on the majority of the clauses, but there are a few clauses where they have expressed disagreements. They are currently consulting with internal forums and external experts to clarify their positions and also wish to propose some additional suggestions.

"We believe that if this process is finalised through an all-party meeting, and if students give their consent, national unity can be maintained, and the proclamation will be fruitful and effective."

Asked on what issues there are disagreements, Mahfuj said that they are not yet clear on the specific areas of their disagreements but will know more after further discussions.

On December 29, the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee declared that they would announce the proclamation of the July uprising at the Central Shaheed Minar on December 31.

This move sparked various discussions in political circles, with many questioning the timing and potential impact of the declaration.

However, the Chief Adviser's Press Wing said on December 30 night that the interim government had taken the initiative to announce the proclamation based on national consensus.

Following this development, the two platforms said they would not announce the proclamation but hold a programme titled "March for Unity" at the Shaheed Minar on December 31.

From the rally, the student leaders gave the government a deadline of January 15 to announce the proclamation.

On January 4, the leaders of the students' and citizens' platforms announced that they would conduct mass contact campaign as part of observing their "Declaration Week," from January 6 to 11. Later, they extended their programme till January 14.

On January 9, during a press briefing, Mahfuj said the interim government will not formulate the July Proclamation but will facilitate the process for creating a consensus among political parties and stakeholders on the draft prepared by the Anti-Discrimination Students Movement.​

 

[Saif]

‘Will break the pen that writes for fallen fascists’

Media and intellectuals who speak in favour of the fallen fascists will face the same fate as them, said Hasnat Abdullah, the convener of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, today.

www.thedailystar.net

‘Will break the pen that writes for fallen fascists’
Says Hasnat Abdullah

Photo: Star

Media and intellectuals who speak in favour of the fallen fascists will face the same fate as them, said Hasnat Abdullah, the convener of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, today.

"Those talk show hosts and intellectuals, who are now vocal about human rights of Awami League men, supported fascism before," he said yesterday at the Shaheed Minar in Chashara of Narayanganj city before distributing leaflets supporting the "Proclamation of the July Uprising".

"We will break the pens that write in favour of fascism," said Hasnat, vowing a strong stand against any media, teacher or intellectual who speaks in favour of fascism.

"If you fail to understand the young generation's spirit, then your fate will be like that of the fallen Awami League," he warned.

Hasnat also said it is too early to consider rehabilitating the Awami League in politics.

"Whether the Awami League will be rehabilitated in politics is not a relevant question for now. First, every leader and worker must face justice.

"Those who speak of rehabilitation before the trial, those who say the elections will not be participatory without Awami League, we think, are also complicit in the oppressive politics that the Awami League had established," he said.

He also alleged that the state apparatus made various attempts to rehabilitate the AL.

However, it won't be tolerated, he added.

In a strong message to the interim government, Hasnat gave an ultimatum until January 15 to announce the declaration of the July revolution based on political consensus.

"We gave an ultimatum, and the interim government has committed to declaring it based on the consensus of all political parties. However, it is unfortunate that we have not seen any visible action yet. We have made you our advisers, you represent us. … If you fail, step down from your advisory role," he said.

Samanta Shermeen, spokesperson for the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, also addressed the event.

Later, as part of the event, leaders of Jatiya Nagorik Committee and the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement distributed leaflets in Chashara, Shimrail, and Kanchpur areas in Narayanganj.​

 

[Saif]

TRANSITION TO NEW BANGLADESH: The good, the bad and the ugly

BANGLADESH is faced with many tricky challenges in its quest for transition to a truly democratic system of governance. The student-led mass uprising of July-August 2024 forced Sheikh Hasina to flee the country after her 15-year iron-fisted rule, albeit under the façade of a democratic system of...

www.newagebd.net

TRANSITION TO NEW BANGLADESH: The good, the bad and the ugly
15 January, 2025, 00:00

New Age

Bangladesh is now at a crossroads. Politics as usual will only waste the victory of the people. The challenge in front of the interim government is to put Bangladesh back on the path of genuine democracy, writes Mohammad Zaman

BANGLADESH is faced with many tricky challenges in its quest for transition to a truly democratic system of governance. The student-led mass uprising of July-August 2024 forced Sheikh Hasina to flee the country after her 15-year iron-fisted rule, albeit under the façade of a democratic system of government. In 2021, when the country reached it 50-year milestone, many experts recognised the significant gains that her government achieved in infrastructure, economic growth, poverty reduction, women’s empowerment, longer life expectancy and literacy.

However, over the years, there was also extreme inequality in income, pounded by corruption, cronyism and almost complete disenfranchisement of the rights and representation of the people through sham elections.

As the leader of the party and the government, Hasina turned an autocrat and authoritarian ruler, ultimately running the country as a government of, what one analyst called, ‘Hasina League’ devoid of any participation and/or decision-making by the Awami League as the governing political party. She brought the party to her knees and forced party people to submit and remain subservient to her ego and wishes. The uprising, with demands for the abolition of quota for public jobs for the dependents of the 1971 war veterans, very quickly turned into a mass movement that brought down the Hasina government like a house of cards. The anger of the students and masses against Hasina that spilled onto the street in 2024 ultimately took a toll both on Sheikh Hasina and her legacy.

The sweeping reform agenda by the interim government of Dr Muhammad Yunus that replaced Sheikh Hasina’s seems ready to address the issues, with the hope for an inclusive and peaceful democratic transition. Indeed, the young student leaders, who led the mass movement, stated in clear terms to establish a new Bangladesh with democratic rights and freedom for all. The interim government has in less than six months arguably succeeded in bringing some stability, improved law and order and appointed commissions for the much-needed reforms to steer the country towards free and fair elections. In sum, the government has put the country on track although consistent high inflation is causing economic pain, with worker unrest in the garment sector remaining a major concern. Experts fear that soaring prices of food and fuel and a powerful syndicate controlling key sectors may block any meaningful economic and social transformation.

It appears that the interim government is trying to strike a balance between competing demands of various progressive forces and fundamentalist groups — both within and outside the government. The demand for elections by some political parties without real institutional reforms would not bring about any good for the country. As witnessed in the past, elections are not the ‘cure’ or remedy for all hurdles ahead. Despite this, many parties, including the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, are waiting in the wings for power. Amid the current politicking, right-wing zealots and fanatics who opposed the creation of Bangladesh are talking about ideological ‘re-branding’ of the country, with attacks on the Bengali identity and its images. Both Jamaat and Shibir, along with their allies, are trying to make a political comeback with an alternative Islamic model to rule the country. Their resurgence in politics during the transition is noticeable after a strict curb on its activities during the Hasina era.

Much to the dismay of many, the interim government has removed Sheikh Mujib’s picture from offices, signalling a shift and, perhaps, a new course without any baggage of the history and legacies of Bangladesh’s independence. The Bangladesh Bank has also taken a move to gradually phase out customary picture of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from currency notes. According to some experts, while Hasina’s government did excesses on ensuring Mujib’s seal on everything as the father of the nation, the removal of Sheikh Mujib’s picture shows the intent of the interim government, perhaps more so by a group of students, to crush every symbol of Bangladesh’s history. The government has already banned the Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League. Now, there is a call for banning the Awami League as a political party. There are reports of people being harassed for chanting Joy Bangla or victory for Bangladesh. At the same time, we hear a loud noise of Inqilab zindbad. Quite alarming, to say the least! Bangladesh in transition does not need a resurgent Jamaat politics.

The mass uprising was not to erase the history of Bangladesh, but to establish democracy and the rights of the people. The political development in the country sounds like erosion of Bangladesh’s history and legacy. These are ominous and alarming signs. The history of 1971 cannot be erased or rewritten. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was a folk hero who, among others, inspired the Bengali nation to rise up against injustice, leading to the independence of the country. Analysts and political observers are of the view that any amount of vandalised and defaced statue of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman cannot vilify or defame his legacy and footprint from Bangladesh’s history. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman should not be judged by what the government of the Hasina League did. Sheikh Hasina and her cronies should be brought to justice for misdeeds, the abuse of power, corruption and the violation of rights. The Hasina government made a lot of mistakes. The Jamaat-e-Islami, which opposed the Bangladesh movement for independence, cannot make up for Hasina government’s past misdeeds.

Bangladesh is now at a crossroads. Politics as usual will only waste the victory of the people. The challenge in front of the interim government is to put Bangladesh back on the path of genuine democracy. What Bangladesh needs is a democratic governance model rooted in the ideal of justice, accountability and opportunities for all and yet honour the history, culture and identity of the country. The country is expecting the dawn of a new future.

Dr Mohammad Zaman is a writer and columnist.​

 

[Saif]

Will we have to remain satisfied with just Hasina’s fall?

The students feel that if a parliament is formed through an election under the existing constitution, there is no guarantee that it will reform or rewrite the constitution

en.prothomalo.com

Will we have to remain satisfied with just Hasina’s fall?
The students feel that if a parliament is formed through an election under the existing constitution, there is no guarantee that it will reform or rewrite the constitution
AKM Zakaria Contributor image
AKM Zakaria
Prothom Alo Deputy Editor
Updated: 15 Jan 2025, 15: 58

The autocratic rule of Sheikh Hasina's government was toppled in August last year by the student and general people's movement. AFP

Reforms, elections – and the politics over these issues – all seems to be in a state of confusion. The student community which led Hasina’s ouster, its associate and supporting political forces and the interim government – none seems to on the same page anymore.

The students want significant changes in the state and society. They feel that so many people did not sacrifice their lives just for a fresh election. They want to ensure a state structure where no autocratic rule like Hasina’s can rise up again. This requires certain reforms, including reforms of the constitution and the election system. They want to make sure of this before the election. The students feel that if a parliament is formed through an election under the existing constitution, there is no guarantee that it will reform or rewrite the constitution.

An autocratic leader like Sheikh Hasina was ousted at the cost of much bloodshed, but in literal terms, this cannot be called a revolution (though many feel that 5 August created possibilities of a revolution). But this was no typical uprising. The uprising of 1990 and the July uprising are not the same. Not so many people gave their lives in 1990, not so many people took to the streets. The July uprising had some elements of revolutionary zeal and stance. This uprising generated much aspiration among the students and the public. The students have the fear of a new election leading back to the old system and the people who took part in the uprising have similar apprehensions. Many have also been gripped with the fear that the mass uprising may ultimately fail.

In the meantime, the stand of BNP and certain other political parties who backed in the mass uprising, is different. They want elections soon, they want a framework for the election. They feel that the reforms or any other changes that are required, will be carried out by the elected government. They are putting pressure on the government in various way to hold the election very soon.

Meanwhile, chief advisor of the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus in his 16 December speech announced a possible timeframe for the election. His government has several commissions for reforms. His government probably wanted to carry out reforms and hold the election. However, from his Victory Day address it is clear that he has moved away from his position.

Professor Muhammad Yunus said, “I have repeatedly appealed to you about completing all the major reforms and then going on to hold the election. But due to political consensus if, and I repeat ‘if’, we have to draw up an accurate voters list and hold the election, then perhaps it will be possible to hold the election towards the end of 2025. And if we add to a reasonable degree the reforms based on the recommendations of the electoral process and election reforms commission, then it may take at least another six months more. Broadly speaking, the date for the election can be fixed for the end of 2025 or the first half of 2026.”

Mistrust between the student community that led the mass uprising and the major political force that helped in organising the mass uprising, BNP, have made the political situation murky.

It is clear that he had come up with the possible timeframe for the elections following the demands of BNP and certain political parties. We recall that in an earlier interview he had said, a four-year term is being considered for the interim government and the term of any interim government should not be longer than that of an elected government. It was then assumed that the interim government’s term may be three to three and a half years.

There was no lack of clarity about the possible timeframe for the election in Professor Muhammad Yunus’ 16 December speech. He clearly said that the election would be held between the end of this year and the middle of 2026. He also announced the formation of a national consensus council to establish a consensus concerning the proposals being made by the reform commissions. He had given a roadmap for the elections to be held in the basis of consensus with the political parties. Professor Yunus’ speech, however, could not appease BNP. The party held a meeting and expressed their disappointment. BNP does not find the chief advisor’s election timeframe to be reasonable.

The BNP secretary general said. “We had hoped that the chief advisor would present a roadmap within a specific timeframe. He did not do so. This has disappointed us to an extent and, at the same time, has disappointed the nation. Why is BNP disappointed? It is clear that BNP is filled with various apprehensions. They cannot place their full confidence in this announcement. BNP is an old political party and they will not have unfounded concerns. There must be reasons for their concern.

Over the past few months BNP leaders have been referring to the minus theory, depoliticisation and such. Only recently BNP’s standing committee member Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury said, minus two aspirations will never be fulfilled. He said, election is the first step to establishing democracy in Bangladesh. Election is the first reform. He said, “Those who talk about minus two here, are voicing their wishful thinking. That will never be fulfilled. Ershad failed to do that, and this couldn’t be done in 1/11. And BNP is now stronger than ever. It cannot be wiped out.”

It is clear that BNP is apprehensive about the depolticisation of the political minus theory. They even believe that there is a certain quarter actively working to eliminate them. The fallen Awami League and its allies parties are not longer in the political field. BNP is now the largest active political party in the country. A distance may have grown with Jamaat, but in the new circumstances new allies have emerged. The question is, being the largest political party in the country, why does BNP have any apprehensions? Who can be such a big and powerful opponent that can cause BNP concern?

The students who led the mass uprising are now in the process of forming a political party. The present interim government was formed at their behest. They have representation in this government too. At the same time they criticise the government on various issues and put pressure on the government too. The relationship between the students and the government is unclear. But many feel that the formation of a political party by the students is an attempt to create a King’s Party. There are also allegations of the involvement of the intelligence in creating the new political party. There are questions about their source of funds. All this is possibly a cause of concern for BNP.

Differences over various issues, suspicions and mistrust between the student community that led the mass uprising and the major political force that helped in organising the mass uprising, BNP, have made the political situation. Unless a consensus is established on a minimum number of issues at least, uncertainty will simply increase in the country’s political arena. One cannot discard the students’ apprehensions that elections without reforms may simply be a return to the old trend of politics. That’s what past experience says. As it is, extortion has simply changed hands. Forced occupation and control of various areas continues all over the country. At the same time, BNP’s apprehensions will not dissipate unless there is transparency in the process of the students forming a political party, the role of the government or intelligence agencies, their source of income, etc.

The topple of Sheikh Hasina in the mass uprising is certainly a huge achievement, but this should not be the only achievement. If the student community that led the mass uprising and the assisting political parties cannot maintain a unity, then we will simply have to be satisfied with the fall of Hasina. The aspirations for a new state that emerged among the students and the general people, will remain a pipe dream.

* AKM Zakaria is deputy editor of Prothom Alo.

* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir​

 

[Saif]

July proclamation after intensive discussions: Asif Nazrul

He said all the leaders who joined today's meeting had told them to take time to prepare the documentation

www.thedailystar.net

July proclamation after intensive discussions: Asif Nazrul

File photo: STAR

The July proclamation will be made after intensive discussions with all the stakeholders of the uprising, including all political parties, said Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Adviser Asif Nazrul.

He said all the leaders who joined today's meeting had told them to take time to prepare the documentation.

"They advised us to take the time required to reach consensus among the stakeholders, but it should not be time wasted," he said, adding that they have taken the suggestions today.

In the meeting with the chief adviser regarding the formation of the July proclamation, most of the forces in favour of the July uprising and political parties including BNP, Jamaat, Ganatantra Mancha and Nagorik Committee joined, he said at a briefing after the meeting.

"All of them said that such documentation is necessary. Consensus was created to form the proclamation where everyone's contributions must be properly acknowledged, the continuity of the uprising must be properly mentioned. The political or legal nature of the documentation should be clarified," he added.

He said, further discussions are needed in this regard. "The national unity should be the same as it was achieved through the July uprising, which led to the downfall of Sheikh Hasina."

During today's meeting, some suggested forming a committee to carry forward the decisions, he said, adding that they found no distance among the political parties. "The only difference among them is the method of further discussions they proposed."

"We will consider all the proposals and will make a decision within a short time," he added.​

 

[Saif]

'A staged drama'

Say 12-party alliance; CPB and BSD boycott proclamation dialogue

www.thedailystar.net

'A staged drama'
Say 12-party alliance; CPB and BSD too boycott proclamation dialogue

Photo: Sajjad Hossain/Star

Leaders from 14 political parties, including the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB), Bangladesher Samajtantrik Dal (BSD), and the 12-party alliance, today boycotted a dialogue with various political groups held to discuss the proclamation of July uprising.

The parties cited inadequate time, lack of proper preparations, and a problem with the invitation process as reasons for their absence in the meeting.

Meanwhile the 12-party alliance at a press conference termed the process of conducting the discussion a "staged drama."

The all-party meeting, aimed at finalising the proclamation of the July uprising, was held at 4:30pm at the Foreign Service Academy in Dhaka, chaired by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.

Leaders of 16 parties, including BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, and Jatiya Nagorik Committee participated in the discussion.

However, in a statement, CPB General Secretary Ruhin Hossain Prince said he received an anonymous text message about the meeting at 1:29pm today, just hours before the meeting.

"The message requested us to send a representative to share our perspective on a draft proclamation, but it is unrealistic to consult our alliance and other democratic groups on such an important matter within such a short time," he said.

"Considering these, the CPB decided not to attend the meeting," he added.

Talking to The Daily Star, Razekuzzaman Ratan, assistant general secretary of BSD, said, "Proper preparation was essential. It is doubtful whether the invitation was even formal. Without adequate preparation, we cannot present our opinions."

The 12-party alliance, who previously organised joint movements with the BNP against the ousted Awami League government, expressed frustration over the meeting invitation.

"We believe a staged drama is being performed at the Foreign Service Academy today," said Syed Ehsanul Huda, coordinator of the alliance, during a press conference.

Shahadat Hossain Selim, spokesperson for the alliance, has criticised the government for its handling of the invitation process.

"If an all-party meeting is to be held, those who have fought for 16 years should be prioritised. They deserve a formal invitation, not an SMS sent at 10:00pm. A state cannot operate this way," he said.

The 12-party alliance includes a faction of Jatiya Party, LDP-Bangladesh, Bangladesh Jatiya Dal, Bikalpa Dhara Bangladesh, Jatiya Ganotantrik Party, and Bangladesh Labour Party, among others.​