[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

Remain cautious to resist return of fascists: Yunus

'Sacrifice for the country is never in vain. We must be careful so that no dictatorship returns to this country,' says the chief adviser

www.thedailystar.net

Remain cautious to resist return of fascists: Yunus

File photo

Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus today urged the countrymen to remain alert to resist the return of fascists.

"Sacrifice for the country is never in vain. We must be careful so that no dictatorship returns to this country," he said at a video message at the inaugural ceremony of the 7th National Community Development Camp organised by Bangladesh Scouts at the National Scout Training Centre-2 in the hard point of Sirajganj town protection embankment.

In exchange of blood of eight scout members including Mir Mahfuzur Rahman Mugdho and hundreds of students, youths, teenagers and people, new doors of the country's potentiality have been opened after the fall of the fascist government through July-August mass uprising, he said.

"Many young people lost their lives as victims of the fascist government's repressive policies. The graffiti painted on the walls of Dhaka, the pictures of the blood-stained streets and the slogans on the mouths of the protesters during the turbulent times of the movement are etched in our minds," he added.

He pointed out that their sacrifices have opened new doors not only in politics but in the country's culture and society.

He laid emphasis on fulfilling the dreams of the martyrs by remembering the sacrifices of the student mass movement.

Chairman of the Bangladesh Scout's 7th National Comdeca Organising Committee and Chief Adviser's Principal Secretary M Siraz Uddin Miah presided over the function while Comdeca Chief of the Bangladesh Scout's 7th National Comdeca Mir Mahbubur Rahman Snigdho delivered the welcome speech.

A total of 3,200 rovers from 400 units in colleges, universities and about 5,000 scouts including volunteers, unit leaders and officials are participating in the 7th National Comdeca.​

 

[Saif]

Why Bangladesh needs deliberative democracy now

The July Revolution of 2024 marks Bangladesh's shift toward deliberative democracy.

www.thedailystar.net

Why Bangladesh needs deliberative democracy now

Illustration: Rehnuma Proshun

The July Revolution of 2024 has irrevocably altered the political trajectory of Bangladesh. The ouster of Sheikh Hasina, after years of political dominance, symbolises the aspiration of the masses. The uprising was not merely a rejection of the old political system but a call for a new era of governance rooted in accountability, inclusion, and deliberation. The formation of an interim government represents the culmination of years of frustration with authoritarianism, systemic corruption, and institutional decay. Bangladesh now faces a critical question: how can it institutionalise its people's aspirations into a sustainable governance framework? The answer lies in adopting deliberative democracy.

Unlike traditional democratic models, which often prioritise majority rule over consensus, deliberative democracy emphasises dialogue, inclusivity, and reasoned and active citizen participation in decision-making. At its core, deliberative democracy is about fostering trust in institutions. For Bangladesh, where mistrust of political elites in the existing system runs deep, this model could serve as an antidote to decades of disillusionment. Through forums, assemblies (citizen committees), and referendums, deliberative democracy, in contrast to conventional democracy (electoral democracy), actively includes people in the decision-making process. By ensuring that policies represent the will of the people, this strategy can aid in bridging the divide between the governed and the government.

For example, citizens' assemblies—randomly selected representative groups tasked with deliberating on specific policy issues—could be introduced to complement parliamentary decision-making. These assemblies have been successfully implemented in countries like Ireland and Canada. In Canada, they were used in British Columbia and Ontario to deliberate on electoral reform, showcasing their capacity to engage citizens in complex and technical policy discussions.

In Bangladesh, citizen assemblies could address pressing issues like electoral reform, education policy, climate adaptation, and health—areas where public input is crucial. The concept isn't entirely alien to our context. Local governance structures like ward meetings and open budget meetings reflect similar principles of citizen engagement.

However, these systems often fall short of their potential. The entrenched client-patron relationship and citizens' fear of raising their voices have hindered their effectiveness. For example, although the concept of participatory budgeting is present at the local government's union parishad level through open budget meetings, in practice, these communities rarely can decide on issues related to public fund allocation. A low quality of citizenship, marked by limited political awareness and civic courage, undermines these participatory mechanisms. As a result, ward meetings and similar forums are often reduced to tokenistic exercises rather than genuine platforms for deliberation.

The implementation of deliberative democracy would not only empower citizens but also ensure that resources are used efficiently and equitably. Moreover, deliberative processes can serve as a check on executive overreach by mandating public consultations and expert panels for major policy decisions. As a result, the government would be compelled to justify its actions based on evidence and public consensus rather than partisan interests.

While the theoretical benefits of deliberative democracy are compelling, its implementation will need to consider the existing power imbalances and social norms that stifle meaningful participation. Without a parallel effort to cultivate an empowered and informed citizenry, even the most well-designed participatory frameworks risk becoming symbolic gestures rather than instruments of real change.

Bangladesh requires extensive constitutional revisions to transition to a deliberative democracy. The current constitution, shaped by years of dictatorial changes, cannot support a genuinely deliberative democratic framework. Besides, the political culture of patronage and partisanship poses significant barriers to implementing deliberative democracy. Additionally, the lack of institutional capacity and resources hinders participatory initiatives.

The interim government can prioritise capacity-building, both within state institutions and civil society, to ensure that deliberative processes are effective and sustainable. Bangladeshi civil society has been at the forefront of the July uprising and can continue to play a pivotal role in the transition to deliberative democracy. By partnering with the government, academia, and international donors, they can help create the institutional architecture necessary for deliberative democracy to thrive.

Moreover, the media can act as a watchdog and facilitator of public discourse. By providing a platform for diverse perspectives and holding decision-makers accountable, the media can ensure that deliberative processes remain transparent and inclusive. In addition, public awareness campaigns are crucial to educate citizens about their rights and responsibilities in a deliberative democracy.

As the nation grapples with pressing challenges such as climate change, economic inequality, and youth unemployment, the need for effective and equitable governance has never been greater. Deliberative democracy, with its promise of collective problem-solving and trust-building, is the key to unlocking the country's full potential. Failure to do so would not only betray the aspirations of the July uprising but also risk the nation back into the cycle of authoritarianism and unrest.

Aishwarya Sanjukta Roy Proma is research associate at the BRAC Institute of Governance and Development at BRAC University.​

 

[Saif]

What’s so special about Bangladesh?

The people—the wonderful people of Bangladesh—are the reason that the country is so special for me.

www.thedailystar.net

What’s so special about Bangladesh?

The student-led July-August uprising aspired for a new Bangladesh, where citizens could participate freely and safely in building better futures for themselves. FILE PHOTO: AMRAN HOSSAIN

It is no secret that Bangladesh, long ago, captured and continues to hold my heart. As I commented on that sad day a decade ago when I departed Dhaka at the end of my ambassadorship, "I am leaving Bangladesh, but my heart is staying behind," so it remains.

Those who know my enduring affection for Bangladesh sometimes ask, "What is so special about Bangladesh?" This question has a simple answer: the people—the wonderful people of Bangladesh—are the reason that the country is so special for me. During my tenure as US ambassador to Bangladesh, I visited all 64 districts, and everywhere I travelled I saw Bangladeshi men and women—farmers, village women, teachers, medical workers, street vendors, shopkeepers, businesspeople, ready-made-garment workers—all working hard and creatively to build a peaceful, secure, prosperous, healthy and, aspirationally, democratic Bangladesh, a far-cry from the "international basket case" that a US diplomat envisioned in 1971 for the then newly-independent nation.

Last July and August, the magic and wonder of the Bangladeshi people were on full display as the nation threw off the cloak of authoritarianism and oppression that had suffocated the people. This revolution was led by students who seek a new Bangladesh that enables citizens to participate freely and safely in building better futures for themselves, their families and their communities. Is this too much to expect? I don't think so, and neither do the students, so they persist in their pursuit of the new Bangladesh. Sadly, some made the ultimate sacrifice to this end during the July-August uprising.

This is not the first time in Bangladesh's history that the people declared "enough" and threw off oppression. Those earlier endeavours to emancipate the people did not end well, as forces of oppression re-emerged and again subjected the people to tyranny.

I believe this time it could be different. The students realise that toppling the previous regime is not an end, but only a step to the larger goal of building the new Bangladesh. History shows that revolutionaries, upon achieving their immediate goal of toppling the existing power structure, often then turn upon each other in a battle for power, until one leader emerges on top and other would-be leaders are vanquished or worse. The students, to their great credit, have learned from Bangladesh's history and have chosen a different path. Instead of wrestling among themselves for power, they joined together and reached out to Bangladesh's most distinguished luminary, Professor Muhammad Yunus, to provide leadership to their enterprise.

Professor Yunus is an inspired choice. He has no personal political agenda; he does not seek power for himself; and he has nothing more to prove—he is already a Nobel laureate. I believe he seeks simply to help his beloved Bangladesh find its way through these challenging times. The revolution is an historic opportunity to realise the long-elusive dream of a free, democratic Bangladesh, a dream that has tragically been crushed repeatedly in Bangladesh's short but turbulent history. The path ahead is treacherous. As Bangladesh struggles to recraft itself, some want Bangladesh to fail in its pursuit of democracy; extremists and others see opportunities for advancing their own agendas. Others, filled with rage and anger, lash out to exact retribution from those perceived as implementing or benefitting from the atrocities perpetrated by the previous government.

These negative forces are destabilising. They deepen hate and divide people at a time when Bangladeshis must stand united to create a durable democracy that brings peace and prosperity to all citizens. To that end, there is only one game in town: the interim government under the leadership of Professor Yunus. I hope all Bangladeshis will stand behind this transitional government by helping the government see what it has done right in launching Bangladesh on a democratic trajectory, where it has made mistakes, and where it must do better. Standing together, the people and the transitional government can get it right in laying the foundation for the new Bangladesh.

Most critical now is for the interim government to sustain citizens' hope that this time, Bangladesh will triumph in building democracy. This is a tough challenge as the interim government must deliver on many fronts, including i) ensuring safety and security for all citizens; ii) providing quality education, health care and other basics of life; iii) undertaking an effective campaign against corruption; iv) fostering an economy that provides jobs and improves standards of living; v) holding accountable members of the previous government who committed the most egregious acts against the people; vi) rehabilitating people connected to the previous government implicated in lesser acts against the people perhaps by establishing a truth and reconciliation process, along the lines of the South African model. Such a process could enable these individuals to publicly acknowledge their past transgressions, ask for forgiveness from victims, and commit themselves to Bangladesh's emerging democracy. Finally, the electoral process can be reformed so Bangladeshis can effectively voice their political views, either by creating new political parties or by the erstwhile opposition parties recreating themselves by implementing internal democratic processes that enable party members to freely choose their party's leaders.

I appreciate the gravity and severity of these challenges. Nonetheless, I am confident the people of Bangladesh, in partnership with the interim government, will prevail in addressing these challenges, thus setting the stage for electoral reforms that enable citizens to freely participate in the democratic process.

Is this simply wishful thinking on the part of someone who loves Bangladesh? I think not. Bangladeshis know that this is a critical juncture in their nation's history. Bangladeshis have seen their dream of a democratic Bangladesh crushed too many times. Bangladeshis will not accept the return of autocracy; they will accept nothing less than democracy.

Dan Mozena is former US ambassador to Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

In the spirit of July uprising empower our youth

CHIEF adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus drew attention to the enormous potential of the country’s youthful population at the recently concluded annual conference of the Bangladesh Administrative Service Association. On many other...

www.newagebd.net

In the spirit of July uprising empower our youth
by Anis Chowdhury 04 March, 2025, 00:00

CHIEF adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus drew attention to the enormous potential of the country’s youthful population at the recently concluded annual conference of the Bangladesh Administrative Service Association. On many other recent occasions, professor Yunus articulated the need to recognise the potential of our youth.

To emphasise the urgency for unleashing the latent power of the youth, professor Yunus suggested that the minimum voter age should be 17 years. Speaking as the chief guest in December at the Forum for Bangladesh Studies, he said, ‘To give their (youth) opinion on their own future, I think the voting age for them should be fixed at 17 years.’

However, unfortunately, professor Yunus’ suggestion received mixed reactions from the political quarters of the country. Besides smelling political foul plays, some doubted the cognitive maturity at 17.

‘Old enough to fight, old enough to vote’

THIS slogan was born soon after the US Congress approved lowering the minimum draft age to 18 on 11 November, 1942, to boost US troop numbers. But it took nearly 30 years in the US to pass legislation lowering the voting age at the national level to 18 years in 1971.

Reflecting on the historic moment when the Congress passed the bill, senator Jennings Randolph who first proposed to lower the voting age three decades ago (as a West Virginia congressman), said, ‘I believe that our young people possess a great social conscience, are perplexed by the injustices that exist in the world, and are anxious to rectify these ills.’

Can we not say the same about the youths of Bangladesh? Have they not been at the forefront of every movement and struggle against injustices in this country, including the recent mass uprising against the tyrannical and corrupt regime of Sheikh Hasina?

Do not the letters our martyred children wrote to their parents, or the slogans that our youths created, or the graffiti that they wrote on the walls, or the strategies the coordinator used reflect their cognitive maturity?

Do they not indicate our youths’ great social conscience, their perplexities at the injustices in the world, and their anxiousness to rectify these ills and create a ‘new Bangladesh’ based on justice, equality, and freedom?

The recruitment age into our armed forces (army, navy, and air force) varies between 16 and 18 years. Using the US analogy, if they are old enough to fight at 17 or 18, why can’t they be old enough to vote?

The minimum age for obtaining an ordinary driving license in Bangladesh is 18. If one can navigate through our chaotic traffic maze, why can’t she/he make an informed choice about the plethora of candidates seeking votes?

If our youths are capable of making conscious decisions at 17 or 18 in the campus elections, why should their cognitive maturity be doubted for the national or local elections?

What does research say about cognitive maturity?

PSYCHOLOGISTS are in general agreement: 16-year-olds are as good, cognitively, as 20-year-olds, 40-year-olds, or anyone else older than them at processing the information necessary for voting.

As a leading psychologist, Laurence Steinberg said, ‘[a]dolescents may make bad choices [in voting], but statistically speaking, they won’t make them any more often than adults.’

Thus, nothing dramatic happens, from a psychological or cognitive standpoint, when someone turns 16 or 18. However, something magical does occur when they reach 16 or 18; they gain the cognitive capabilities to engage in measured and reasoned decision-making.

This is probably the reason why we allow 18-year-olds to drive, consent to marry, or live independently; that is, we already treat these young people like ‘adults’.

So, there is little reason why we should not also empower our young adult with the right to vote.

Voting age around the world

AGES for voting and political participation were progressively lowered as the franchise was extended to women and other groups. A first wave of lowering the voting age to 16 occurred in the second half of the 20th century in Latin America, and a second wave started in the early 2000s, mainly in European countries.

UNICEF reports that in most countries and territories (around 90 per cent) in the world, the voting age is 18 in at least local elections. These include developing countries like Brazil, Chile, Cuba, Ecuador, Indonesia, Nicaragua, Nigeria, and least developed countries, such as Tanzania and Timor-Leste.

In neighbouring Bhutan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, the voting age is 18. By what logic can we disenfranchise our youths?

Cannot betray the spirit of July mass uprising

DENYING our youths their right to choose who should lead them and have a say in the matters that affect their lives and aspirations will be tantamount to betraying the spirit of the July mass uprising.

Professor Yunus has summarised the spirit of the July revolution: ‘Our young generation has impressed upon the people their aspirations for a revolutionary change, restoration of all institutions of the state to ensure democracy and human rights through a meaningful reform.’

The benefits of lowering the voting age are myriad. Lowering the voting age will likely increase voter turnout, give young people a political voice, force politicians to pay greater attention to the views and needs of the youths, and create a larger pool of talented and energetic young leaders.

In short, lowering the voting age will create a ‘trickle-up’ effect on civic participation, which contributes to the consolidation of democracy and enhancement of leadership quality.

If the right to vote is our most precious, fundamental right, then we should extend it to anyone who is competent enough to make democratic decisions and has a sufficient, actual stake in the outcome.

Anis Chowdhury is an emeritus professor at Western Sydney University in Australia and held senior UN positions in Bangkok and New York in economic and social affairs.​

 

[Saif]

Are we looking at a second republic or a fourth?

The fundamental goal must be to preserve historical integrity rather than rewrite history for political convenience.

www.thedailystar.net

Are we looking at a second republic or a fourth?
Setting the record straight

The success of the student-led mass uprising in July-August 2024 marks a decisive break from the trajectory of 'Hasinocratic' authoritarianism. FILE PHOTO: AFP

The Jatiya Nagorik Party (National Citizen Party, NCP), driven by the momentum of the anti-discrimination student movement and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, recently proposed the establishment of what they call a "second republic" in Bangladesh. This bold declaration has reignited debate over the country's constitutional trajectory and evolving governance. At its core, the proposal seeks to redefine the state structure by reconstructing the constitution, ostensibly to prevent future authoritarian rule. But framing this moment as the "birth" of a second republic overlooks the deeper and more complex reality of the country's political evolution. Bangladesh is not on the verge of a second republic—it is transitioning into its fourth. Recognising this distinction is not just a matter of historical accuracy but is essential for understanding the true nature of the transformation underway.

In a discussion published by Prothom Alo English on March 1, 2025, Ariful Islam Adib, senior joint convener of NCP, elaborated on what the party envisions by a second republic. He said their vision seeks to unify the people's historical struggles into a single political moment, one that demands an entirely new constitutional order. "The first republic," he asserts, "was the independence we gained through our great Liberation War. The constitution formulated after the War had some structural flaws, which made the government and prime ministers authoritarian and fascist." By calling for a "second republic," Adib and his party advocate for breaking away from this flawed system to prevent the monopolisation of power and ensure lasting democratic stability.

This frustration with past governance failures is valid. Over the years, various groups in Bangladesh, including civil society organisations, opposition parties and, notably, student-led movements have consistently advocated for structural reforms to prevent the return of authoritarian rule. The idea of a second republic reflects a broader aspiration for a decisive break from systemic failures, rather than a series of incremental reforms. However, this framing overlooks the fact that Bangladesh has already undergone multiple political and constitutional transformations, each representing a distinct "republican" phase by promoting the sovereignty of the people in deciding their body of representatives. Consequently, defining a republic as anything beyond substantial constitutional reforms aimed at securing popular sovereignty and addressing systemic failures could risk plunging the country into a reign of terror, potentially unmanageable in our current context.

The concept of a second republic draws inspiration from countries that have undergone fundamental constitutional overhauls, most notably France and Spain. France, for instance, established its first republic in 1792 following the fall of the monarchy, only for it to collapse in 1804. The second republic (1848-1852) emerged after another revolution but was short-lived, giving way to further republics over time. Each transition marked a radical restructuring of governance, legally and institutionally. Applying this framework to Bangladesh shows that the country already transitioned through three distinct republics before the mass uprising in July-August 2024, each marked by significant shifts in governance, national identity, and political structure, pointing towards popular sovereignty, which is a mark of the "republican" phase.

Bangladesh's first republic began with its independence in 1971 and the adoption of the 1972 constitution, which sought to establish a democratic, secular, socialist and nationalist state. This represented a significant effort to redefine the state structure in alignment with the ideals of popular sovereignty post-independence. It was an era of idealism as the new nation aimed to rebuild from the destruction of war. However, governance quickly became centralised. Political instability, economic struggles, and the shift to a one-party system under BAKSAL in 1975 led to growing authoritarian control. The assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975, marked the violent end of this phase.

The second republic emerged following the military coup of November 7, 1975, bringing military-backed rule under Ziaur Rahman and later HM Ershad. This period saw an ideological shift as Zia moved away from Bangalee nationalism and introduced "Bangladeshi nationalism." In 1977, Zia removed secularism from the constitution, rehabilitated Islamic political groups, and promoted privatisation over state-controlled socialism. Although marked by military dominance, the reinstatement of a multi-party system in 1979 can be seen as an attempt to reintroduce some degree of popular participation in governance. Zia's assassination in 1981 triggered further instability, culminating in Ershad's authoritarian rule, which cemented military dominance in politics. Despite holding elections, governance remained under the military's influence. It was not until 1990, when mass protests forced Ershad to resign, that Bangladesh transitioned back to civilian rule.

The third republic began with the fall of Ershad on December 6, 1990, marking the return to civilian governance under alternating leadership of the Awami League and BNP. At the outset of this phase, the enactment of a caretaker government system to oversee free and fair elections was seen as an attempt to ensure popular sovereignty. However, both the major parties later amended the constitution to consolidate power rather than strengthen democracy. By the time of the 2014, 2018, and 2024 elections, each widely criticised for irregularities, Bangladesh drifted further into authoritarianism, characterised by the centralisation of power, suppression of opposition, and erosion of democratic institutions under Sheikh Hasina's prolonged rule.

The success of the student-led mass uprising in July-August 2024, which led to the ouster of Sheikh Hasina on August 5, marks a decisive break from the trajectory of "Hasinocratic" authoritarianism. Bangladesh is now entering its fourth republic, not as a mere extension of the past but as a structural overhaul of the state and its constitution to prevent authoritarianism from resurfacing. This moment is critical as the country seeks to dismantle the entrenched centralisation of power that defined the Hasina era. The goal is to establish governance that is more transparent, accountable, and resistant to single-party domination, thereby moving closer to the republican ideals of popular sovereignty and systemic reform.

However, this transition must be approached without distorting history, as previous regimes have done to justify their rule. The NCP must uphold historical accuracy in its framing of the republics. The Awami League was heavily criticised for manipulating history to serve its political agenda, and any new political force must avoid the same appropriation of history. Whether one advocates for a second republic or a fourth, the fundamental goal must be to preserve historical integrity rather than rewrite history for political convenience. Understanding Bangladesh's evolution as a progression through distinct republics is crucial to ensuring that the lessons of the past inform the future.

The road ahead remains uncertain, but one fact is clear. Historical truth must not be sacrificed in the pursuit of political change. Bangladesh is entering its fourth republic, and recognising this reality is the first step towards fostering a genuinely democratic future. A steadfast commitment to truth and transparency will be essential in shaping a republic that not only learns from past mistakes but also lays the foundation for a truly democratic and accountable state.

Dr Kazi ASM Nurul Huda is associate professor of philosophy at the University of Dhaka and adjunct faculty at North South University (NSU).​

 

[Saif]

Uprising paves way for liberation war spirit realisation: politicians

Political leaders say that the July uprising has paved the way for a discrimination-free society and democratic governance in line with the aspirations of the liberation war which have remained unfulfilled even 54 years after independence.

www.newagebd.net

Uprising paves way for liberation war spirit realisation: politicians
Moinul Haque and Moloy Saha 26 March, 2025, 00:02

Dhaka city’s important roads, buildings, offices, and courts have been decorated in colourful decorations on the occasion of Independence and National Day. The photo is taken on Tuesday evening. | Focus Bangla photo

Political leaders say that the July uprising has paved the way for a discrimination-free society and democratic governance in line with the aspirations of the liberation war which have remained unfulfilled even 54 years after independence.

The nation is set to celebrate the 54th anniversary of its independence today to mark the 1971 historic struggle against Pakistan that was driven by the aspiration to establish a democratic state free from discrimination, ensuring equality, human dignity, and social justice for all.

Political leaders said that despite numerous movements and struggles across the country after the independence to realise the aspirations of the liberation war, successive governments consistently undermined these efforts.

They also believe that the July uprising has brought an opportunity to realise the aspiration of the liberation war.

Freedom fighter and Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal-JSD president ASM Abdur Rob said that a scope was created for establishing a discrimination-free society after the student-led mass uprising.

‘We must work to establish a society free from all forms of discrimination and repression,’ he said.

‘We must help the interim government for the democratic transition of the country and holding a free, fair and credible general election,’ Rob said.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party standing committee member Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain said that it was unfortunate that the aspirations of the independence and the liberation war remained unrealised even after 54 years of the country’s independence.

He attributed this failure to the post-independence political landscape, specifically highlighting the Awami League’s establishment of a one-party Baksal regime.

After the fall of the Ershad regime amid a mass uprising in 1990, the BNP came to state power and established a caretaker government system to ensure parliamentary democracy and protect the people’s right to vote.

‘Later, when the Awami League assumed power, it forcibly abolished the caretaker government system to lengthen its tenure and effectively suppressed the people’s right to vote. This led to the current state of Bangladesh,’ the BNP leader said.

He claimed that the Awami League had destroyed the very essence of the Liberation War by undermining democracy in pursuit of its own power.

‘Now, following the student-led mass uprising in 2024, dictatorship has been removed, and political parties are striving to realise the true aspirations of the liberation war,’ Mosharraf said.

What politicians need to do now is to unite in their efforts to restore the spirit of the liberation war and rebuild the democratic ideals that were once envisioned, he said.

Communist Party of Bangladesh former president and freedom fighter Mujahidul Islam Selim said that the dream of forming a discrimination-free society was not established in the seven months of the interim government.

The government had rather created some unwanted controversy on different issues including the issue of the liberation war, Selim said.

He stressed the need for holding the next general election as early as possible in a free, fair and credible manner.

Ganosamhati Andolan chief coordinator Zonayed Saki said that they wanted a democratic Bangladesh free from repression on the basis of new political settlements.

Such a scope has been created after the fall of the fascist Sheikh Hasina regime, he said.

National Citizen Party joint convener Sarwar Tushar said that the successive ruling establishments, including political parties, had failed to create necessary political arrangements for people to benefit from the independence as their focus on vested interests left state formation incomplete.

‘As a result, the political, economic and cultural interests of the people were not protected,’ he said.

Tushar also said that the failure to formulate a democratic constitution to establish a democratic state was one of the greatest shortcomings of the successive ruling establishments after the liberation war.

According to Tushar, the student-led mass uprising in 2024 came with the promise of addressing that failure, and this year’s Independence Day is being celebrated in light of this new reality.

The July uprising has emerged with the aim of rebuilding a democratic Bangladesh that would ensure democracy, economic justice and human dignity, he added.

Jatiya Party secretary general Mujibul Haque Chunnu believed that the aspirations of the independence and the liberation war had not been realised fully.

‘In 1971, we fought for the political and economic liberation of the people of Bangladesh. The inequality in income and wealth in the country, however, remained glaring,’ Chunnu said.

He said that the people of Bangladesh were unable to fully enjoy their basic rights, including freedom of expression, due to the challenging socio-economic conditions.

He said that there was no doubt that the student movement in 2024 was aimed at fighting against discrimination and securing freedom of speech, but progress toward achieving these goals appeared limited.

Chunnu said that the government needed to work impartially by ensuring fairness for all political parties and citizens to fulfil the aspirations of the liberation war.​

 

[Saif]

US honours women protesters with international courage award

The United States has honoured the women student protest leaders of the July uprising in Bangladesh with the Madeleine Albright Honorary Group Award.

en.prothomalo.com

US honours women protesters with international courage award
Prothom Alo English Desk
Published: 30 Mar 2025, 12: 35

RAJUK Uttara Model College students take out rally protesting killing of students. 11:00am, Uttara Sector 6, in front of college Ashraful Alam

The United States has honoured the women student protest leaders of the July uprising in Bangladesh with the Madeleine Albright Honorary Group Award.

In a media note of the US department of state, it was noted that state secretary Marco Rubio and first lady Melania Trump will host the annual International Women of Courage (IWOC) Awards ceremony at the department of state on 1 April.

Regarding the women protest leaders of Bangladesh, the note mentioned that "a valiant group of women were key drivers in the student protest movement against violent repression in Bangladesh in July-August 2024.

Two female students are being beaten up by the Bangladesh Chhatra League man on the Dhaka University campus during the quota reform movement in July, 2024. Prothom Alo File photo

"They demonstrated extraordinary bravery, including standing between security forces and male protestors in spite of threats and violence. When male counterparts were arrested, these women found innovative ways to continue communication and lead the protests, defying censorship efforts, even during the complete shutdown of the internet. The bravery and selflessness of these women amid uncertainty was the very definition of courage."

Chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus congratulated the women student protesters for winning the prestigious award. In his congratulatory message, he noted, “On behalf of the interim government of Bangladesh, I extend my heartfelt congratulations to all of you. This recognition stands as a powerful testament to your extraordinary courage, leadership, and unwavering commitment during the student-led mass uprising in July and August in 2024. Your actions in that critical moment set a true example of bravery.”

Umama Fatema, the spokesperson of the Students Against Discrimination (SAD), rejected the award personally, citing that the award endorses the brutal Israeli attacks on Palestine since October, 2023.

Expressing pride for the prestigious recognition, Professor Yunus said, “We take immense pride in each of you. This honor is well-deserved, which reflects your relentless determination. The interim government stands with you, and together, we will continue to uphold the ideals of democracy, justice, and freedom that you have so courageously defended.”

However, Umama Fatema, the spokesperson of the Students Against Discrimination (SAD), rejected the award personally, citing that the award endorses the brutal Israeli attacks on Palestine since October, 2023.

In a post on her verified Facebook handle, Umama noted that the collective recognition for women protesters is a great honour. “However, this award has been used to openly endorse Israel's brutal assault on Palestine since October 2023. By justifying Israel's attacks while denying the Palestinian struggle for independence, the award's integrity comes into question. When the Palestinian people are being deprived of their fundamental human rights (right to land), I am personally refusing this award out of respect for the Palestinian’s struggle for independence.”

Now in its 19th year, the state secretary’s IWOC Award recognises women from around the world who have demonstrated exceptional courage, strength, and leadership – often at great personal risk and sacrifice.

Since 2007, the state department has recognised more than 200 women from over 90 countries with the IWOC Award. US diplomatic missions overseas nominate one woman of courage from their respective host countries, and finalists are selected and approved by senior department officials. Following the IWOC ceremony, the awardees will participate in an International Visitor Leadership Programme (IVLP) and additional programming in Los Angeles.​

 

[Saif]

Tribute to July uprising: Drone show lights up Dhaka's sky

In 12 vivid motifs, the July uprising came alive, tracing the heroism of Abu Sayed and the stirring role of women in the movement

www.thedailystar.net

Tribute to July uprising: Drone show lights up Dhaka's sky

 

[Saif]

A sample of proclamation of July-August 2024 revolution

Only eight months into the political changeover that ended the rule of a fascist regime on 5 August 2024, the stakeholders inclusive of some political elements and a section of citizens have become confused about the post-revolutionary moves and actions required for building a new, democratic...

en.prothomalo.com

A sample of proclamation of July-August 2024 revolution
Khawaza Main Uddin
Published: 19 Apr 2025, 21: 33

Only eight months into the political changeover that ended the rule of a fascist regime on 5 August 2024, the stakeholders inclusive of some political elements and a section of citizens have become confused about the post-revolutionary moves and actions required for building a new, democratic Bangladesh.

This is precisely because, let’s admit, there had been no codified objectives or pre-political concept of the revolution despite the greatness of people’s resistance movement and great expectations spelt out from time to time and sometimes haphazardly. In fact, missing was the ‘Proclamation of the Revolution’, which, in historic instances elsewhere, was found to have been prepared and announced by the leading party or the paramount leader.

In our case, the July-August 2024 revolution took place all of a sudden and without one particular political party at its helm, but of course as consequence of denial of democratic rights over the years. The context of this revolution was set bit by bit with coercive and corrupt measures and abuse of power by the Sheikh Hasina regime and obviously due to the prolonged popular anger, finally triggered by the bloodshed – killing of more than 1,000 innocent people and injuries to over 20,000 in three weeks.

The ‘Students Against Discrimination’, the umbrella organisation of the youths, which started the protest against the quota system in civil service and coordinated with different stakeholders for carrying forward the movement with suitable, innovative programmes, and major political organisations including Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Islamic political forces, that extended their support by sending their activists and supporters to the movement for political change, have not yet come up with such a proclamation or manifesto as guiding principles to transform the people’s aspirations into actionable reality.

The rotten system of governance unleashed by Hasina’s Bangladesh Awami League collapsed like a house of cards following the revolution joined by various socio-political forces and cross section of people.

Installed with a definitively revolutionary mandate, the interim administration of Professor Muhammad Yunus and his Council of Advisers have initiated to restore peace and order, carry out routine official works, rebuild democratic institutions and the economy and bring necessary reforms for building a truly democratic republic for current and future generations.

In order to ensure and protect freedom and welfare of people, all three branches of the state – executive, legislature and judiciary – shall be empowered and allowed to function smoothly with checks and balances in power and authority and the fourth estate, the intelligentsia and citizens’ conscientious voice shall act independently to help ensure proper management of the state affairs and smooth functioning of public institutions.
However, a clear sense of direction from the revolution towards the next courses of action is yet to be made in absence of documented objectives for determining and implementing the tasks of present and future governments.

In such a situation, may I offer a sample proclamation as food for thought to reach certain understanding, overcoming the deadlock over preparaton of a proclamation. Since this is the personal view of this author, anyone can differ, criticise or even dismiss this proposition. The aim of this initiative is to generate constructive public debates that often lead to positive movements in society and political arena.

So, here is the proposed draft ‘Proclamation of the July-August 2024 Revolution’:

“Born in a country inherited from our forefathers, we have dreamt of having better life, peaceful and vibrant society, a just economic order and a fair justice delivery system as well as functional democracy. Generations after generations have strived for freeing them from various curses and misrule and attaining progress in building a true republic.

Bangladesh was liberated in 1971 to get rid of deprivation and subjugation of the people by foreign rulers once and for all. Unfortunately, the country has once again fallen into the hole of dictatorial rule enforced by one party, Bangladesh Awami League, first in 1972-1975 and then during the 2009-2024 period. Ultimately, the common people have to revolt against the illegitimate, anti-people, anti-state regime laying down many lives to make sure that they are not the slaves of rulers and their oligarchs, nor are they aliens in their motherland. Through their participation in the movement they have indicated their longing for change in governance culture and state structure and of tolerant leadership and harmonious society, as may be expressed in the following manner:

Whereas the people of Bangladesh have suffered a serious setback for the fascist rule backed by its collaborators at home and abroad, we hereby assert the right to self-determination and pursuit of individual and collective wellbeing in our national life.

The revolution unequivocally calls for building a new Bangladesh republic. It is being categorically stated here that this country belongs to the people and the people are committed to serving the country with dignity and integrity.

For the Bangladesh people have been deliberately made victims of genocide, political witch-hunting, extrajudicial killing, enforced disappearance and arbitrary detention, in connivance of local authorities and foreign players, and the country’s sovereignty was sacrificed for prolonging a party leader’s stay in power, the new republic shall put an end to the culture of impunity and give priority to safety and security of the people alongside collective endeavours to promote national interest and bolster security of the state.

As the people of this delta had not been treated fairly and equally, and not been provided with social justice during the colonial rule and major part of post-colonial period, particularly in the past one and a half decades, and as the government as representative entity of the state, had remained oppressive and repressive, the new generation of Bangladeshis has been pledge-bound to make the state sensitive to humans, rewriting and amending the Constitution, laws, rules and regulations and work for peace and justice for all citizens in all sectors.

Given the arrogance of power shown by most incumbents and slavery of money and power and disparity created by the corrupt and undemocratic regime, it is essential to offer all of us, especially the commoners, salvation from all such ills and evils.

Since Bangladesh came into being with democratic aspiration and pluralistic political views, and the people have time and again fought for the cause of democracy as the system of governance, ballot shall be considered as the acceptable means of electing leaders and there shall be space, scope and system for practicing democracy, through debates and rational arguments, for example, in socio-political life every day.

While the state shall guarantee liberty of individuals and encourage their ambition to succeed, the citizens, too, should act responsibly, taking proper ownership of the state and upholding the spirit to protect independence and sovereignty of the state.

In the new republic, the right of the people to properties and services and access to justice and equitable distribution of resources shall be established socially, legally and politically.

Whereas ‘power tends to corrupt’ as we have experienced of late, effective institutional arrangements must be put in place to stop corruption and its sources; office bearers and political leaders shall advocate and maintain anti-corruption stance, transparency and accountability in society and statecraft; and the citizens shall remain vigilant and raise voice as and when necessary.

Whereas the fascist regime has silenced the people by suppressing their voting rights, politicising the administration and the judiciary and muzzling the media to perpetuate its rule and plunder national resources, those who oppose such misdeeds and support the ongoing revolution resolve that there shall be unreserved guarantee within the state to speak the truth in all affairs and spheres of life without any ambiguity and barriers.

In congruity with the demands, needs and expectations of the people in a new century, the state shall make arrangements for flourishing talent and potential of the citizens. The state shall support the youth to grow and utilise their capacity and power in greater purposes.

Thus we have been confident that Bangladesh shall emerge as a truly independent and dignified nation, among the comity of nations, that would believe in inter-state and international relations based on sovereign equality, adherence to universal laws and rules, equity in global system and partnership and amity with other countries.

This revolution promises building of a developed and happy nation in all respect and accordingly, the state shall provide the citizens with better healthcare facilities, educational opportunities and healthy living space for all.

In order to ensure and protect freedom and welfare of people, all three branches of the state – executive, legislature and judiciary – shall be empowered and allowed to function smoothly with checks and balances in power and authority and the fourth estate, the intelligentsia and citizens’ conscientious voice shall act independently to help ensure proper management of the state affairs and smooth functioning of public institutions.

Furthermore, the living generations respect the authority of the future ones and maintain flexibility to bringing necessary changes in and amendment to the system of the state, however, leaving the scope for taking today’s accomplishments as legacy and blessings for our posterity.”

*Khawaza Main Uddin is a journalist.​

 

[Saif]

Nahid criticises misinterpretation of July Movement

Nahid Islam, Convener of the National Citizens’ Party (NCP), has expressed concern that some participants of the July mass uprising are now portraying the movement as a mere “power shift” rather than a transformative people's revolution. “Our politics and our very existence

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Nahid criticises misinterpretation of July Movement
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
May 23, 2025 22:16
Updated :
May 23, 2025 22:16

Nahid Islam, Convener of the National Citizens’ Party (NCP), has expressed concern that some participants of the July mass uprising are now portraying the movement as a mere “power shift” rather than a transformative people's revolution.

“Our politics and our very existence are rooted in the July uprising. The more we embrace July, the further we can progress,” Nahid said. “It is unfortunate that some who were part of that uprising now view it as a regime change. The NCP strongly disagrees with this interpretation.”

He made the remarks on Friday while addressing the Introduction and General Meeting of the NCP’s youth wing, Jatiya Juboshokti, held at a hotel in Dhanmondi, Dhaka, according to local media.

Nahid stressed that the movement’s original aim was fundamental reform, not a reshuffling of power under the old system. “We demanded structural reform. But they see July as a regime change and cling to the old constitution in their quest for power. That is where we draw the line,” he added. “What we need now is an organised force.”

Cautioning about recent developments in the country, Nahid said, “There are efforts underway to destabilise the nation. We must not fall into that trap. Instead, we must remain united. The youth must take the lead in implementing the July Declaration. Whatever the obstacles, we will face them head-on.”

He also warned that while the country seeks systemic reform, some young leaders appear to be driven by ambition for power. “In this situation, uniting the patriotic youth will be one of our main goals. They will defend the nation and fight for the new republic,” Nahid declared, urging the youth to embody patriotism and core national values.

He further called on Jatiya Juboshokti to honour the martyrs and injured of the July uprising by ensuring the implementation of the movement's declaration.

Also speaking at the event, NCP Chief Coordinator Nasiruddin Patwary emphasised that youth politics must include participation from all sectors, especially women and the religious community. He outlined the organisation's roadmap and said the youth must act as the “vanguard of the state,” working to expand employment and promote both local and expatriate entrepreneurship.

Hasnat Abdullah, NCP’s chief organiser for the southern region, called for unity in discarding the current constitution and working toward drafting a new one. “We must promote pro-people and welfare-driven politics and bring capable individuals into the political fold,” he said.

Advocate Tarikul Islam, Convener of Jatiya Juboshokti, stated, “There’s little to show for 53 years of traditional youth politics. We are determined to bring positive change to Bangladesh's political landscape.”

Member Secretary Dr. Zahedul Islam described the youth wing as the NCP’s future power base. “We have begun working to organize young people into a new political platform,” he said.

Chief Organiser Engineer Farhad Sohel said that the organisational efficiency and on-the-ground outreach of Jatiya Juboshokti will lead to a more action-oriented political structure.

The meeting concluded with a resolution that members will contribute a one-time registration fee along with monthly dues to fund the organisation’s operations. A strategic action plan was also adopted, and guidance was provided to regional organisers.​