[🇧🇩] Student Revolution: Lessons from Bangladesh

[Saif]

Graffiti ignites a flame of anger in 2024 uprising

Graffiti, a form of writings or drawings on open walls, appeared to be an aesthetic mode of rebellion against the fallen Awami League (AL) in the July-August uprising of 2024, ending around 16 years of autocratic rule in the country. Graffiti re-emerged as a tool for expressing resentment in the c

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Graffiti ignites a flame of anger in 2024 uprising
BSS
Published :
Dec 27, 2024 20:10
Updated :
Dec 27, 2024 20:10

Graffiti, a form of writings or drawings on open walls, appeared to be an aesthetic mode of rebellion against the fallen Awami League (AL) in the July-August uprising of 2024, ending around 16 years of autocratic rule in the country.

Graffiti re-emerged as a tool for expressing resentment in the country as the July revolution against deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina's misrule got momentum, turning every wall into a canvas of protest, expressing hopes and aspirations of youths along with their anger, disappointment and revolt.

Revolutionary students and mass people took colours and brushes to paint thousands of walls, especially in the capital city and other divisional and district towns innocently. But it was a powerful effort to expose mass rebellion against the then-AL government.

City walls were decorated with colourful artworks as pro-democratic people along with students of every school, college, university and madrasah posed as true artists. The graffiti possessed a strong message that helped spearhead anti-fascist resistance.

The people of Bangladesh saw a unique and extraordinary mass uprising in the middle of 2024, appearing to be the most spontaneous in people's participation along with the most awful and severe in the context of violence.

The mass upsurge saw over eight hundred deaths and twelve thousand injured due to the brutal tackling of AL as the country didn't witness such casualties during nine years of autocratic rule of General Ershad and even during pre-independence period such as the 1952 Language Movement and 1969 Mass Uprising against occupation Pakistani ruler.

However, the indiscriminate killings of AL could not tame the mass movement as revolutionary people took up diversified political strategies to continue the anti-Hasina movement, resulting in the emergence of graffiti as a form of mass discontent in the uprising.

The use of graffiti was seen on the walls as the movement started just centring quota reform in government jobs. Students painted graffiti as a method of dissatisfaction and anger against the then-AL government's stance about quotas along with traditional political programmes like processions, rallies and strikes.

They exposed their expressions of mind drawing graffiti on the walls titled "Quota Na Medha, Medha, Medha (quota or merit, merit, merit)", "Quota Protha Nipat Jak, Medhabira Mukti Pak (down with quota system, meritorious persons be free)", or "Amar Sonar Banglai Boisommer Thai nay (no discrimination will be allowed in the golden Bangla".

But, at the beginning of the movement, graffiti is not widely used as a tool of resistance. Its use was slightly enhanced after the Chhatra League unleashed an attack on agitating students on the Dhaka University campus. Then, in the face of a brutal attack by government forces and Awami League cadres, the more the movement intensified the more the usage of graffiti increased.

At one stage, the anti-discrimination students' movement announced a programme of drawing graffiti and wall writing online and offline on July 18 as the quota reform movement turned into a mass upsurge.

Revolutionary students and mass people carried out the programme in Dhaka city and elsewhere in the country risking their lives in the red eye of law enforcers and loyalists of Awami League.

The people being aggrieved by the heavy-handed crackdown of the autocrat government opted for graffiti to expose their resentment against Sheikh Hasina. They expressed their long overdue hatred against Hasina's fascism. Every graffiti appeared to be a spark of resistance and an exposure of the rebel minds of millions, turning into a no-confidence mass of people against an oppressive ruler.

Revolutionaries chose open canvas of walls to protest injustice, misjudge, misrule and corruption of autocratic government at different times though graffiti drawing is touted as an illegal act in the world. They painted the walls with graffiti. So, many also call it "an art of street".

Bangladesh also witnessed graffiti as a symbol of rebellion from a long ago. The people of the country used graffiti to express opinions of dissent in 1952, 1971 and even 1990. In continuation with that, the revolutionaries of 2024 used graffiti as an artistic silent expression against Awami League's misrule.

Iconic graffiti like "Pani Lagbe Pani (Do you need water?)", "Lakho Shaheeder Rokte Kena, Deshta Karo Baper Na (The country which is bought in exchange for blood of millions of martyrs, doesn't belong to anyone's father)," "Chaite Gelam Odhikar, Hoye Galam Razakar (we asked for rights and you dubbed us as traitor)," "Hamar Batak Marlu Kane (why did you kill my son?)," "Bullet Diye Biplob Thame Na (bullet can't stop revolution)," and "Ekattor E desh Luv, 2024 e Purno Sadhina Luv (We got country in 1971 and got full independence in 2024)," were apparently a stiff resentment and defiance against oppressive Awami League regime.

Saner section of the society observed that this graffiti of rebellion will bear the legacy of the 2024 uprising among future generations.​

 

[Saif]

Students against discrimination: ‘Proclamation of July revolution’ set for Dec 31

The Students Against Discrimination is set to proclaim on December 31 the July mass uprising as a revolution.

www.thedailystar.net

Students against discrimination: ‘Proclamation of July revolution’ set for Dec 31

The Students Against Discrimination is set to proclaim on December 31 the July mass uprising as a revolution.

The Proclamation of July Revolution is likely to include what student leaders say is a framework for a country free of discrimination.

Leaders of the platform, which spearheaded the uprising that toppled the Awami League government, made the announcement on Facebook yesterday evening.

Hasnat Abdullah, convener of Students Against Discrimination, shared on Facebook a status about the proclamation late last night.

"Why do we need a Proclamation of Revolution? To save my existence, your existence, and to transform our movement into a true revolution, this proclamation is essential. This should have been done on August 5. Even though it's late, it's still reassuring news," reads the status written by Fardeen Hasan, editor of The Inquest, a bite-sized news aggregator platform.

"You may be wondering what this proclamation means. It is the formal declaration of a new political framework."

"The current government is illegal as per the constitution. But a proclamation directly challenges the constitution…the constitution needs to be interpreted and amended in light of the proclamation. It [proclamation] rejects the state system that has, until now, treated me, you, or anyone else as a mere pawn in a broken system…

"The proclamation is vital to overhaul this outdated state machinery. It will discard the obsolete rules of the state apparatus and lay the foundation for a new state structure illuminated by the ideals of July. The dreams of a new Bangladesh that people have cherished will be realised through this…"

The proclamation will feature a timeline of events, from the quota reform movement to the departure of Sheikh Hasina. It will also address critical incidents from the past 15 years, including the BDR mutiny, the Shapla Chattar crackdown, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings.

A member of the platform drew parallels with other historical documents, such as the "Tin Joter Ruprekha" from the 1990 anti-Ershad movement and the Proclamation of Independence from 1971.

It will critically evaluate key historical events, including 1947 and 1971, and examine why the aspirations of various movements failed.

"The proclamation will serve as a documentary testament to the mass uprising," said Umama Fatema, spokesperson for the platform. "It will highlight how the quota reform movement evolved into a revolution and why people laid down their lives."

According to sources, the proclamation will explain the failures of past leadership and movements.

"The declaration will critique the proclamation of independence and the 1/11 caretaker government," said a member of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, who along with others, drafted the proclamation.

Leaders of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee will be with the students at the Central Shaheed Minar at 3:00pm. Families of those martyred in the uprising will join the event.

Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan, adviser to the ministry of local government, wrote on Facebook, "Comrades Now or Never".

"This is the declaration of the burial of Mujibbad", wrote Hasnat Abdullah.

The students and Jatiya Nagorik Committee, formed in September, plan to launch a political party by February.

Tuhin Khan, a member of the Jatiyo Nagorik Committee, told The Daily Star, "This proclamation will serve as both a written acknowledgment of the revolution and its manifesto, embedding the public aspirations of the movement into its framework.

"It legitimises the post-revolution government, granting it formal authority. It plays a crucial role in constitutional restructuring, often marking the beginning of a new constitution. It is formal, written, and made public. It initiates a significant break from the previous system, laying the foundation for a new political order."

"For Bangladesh, this declaration symbolises a shift from fascism towards democracy, similar to the transitions from monarchy to democracy in France and Spain. However, it will also involve redefining secularism and reconciling conflicting ideologies within the nation's context."

He, however, said that these are his personal opinions and work of drafting the declaration is still ongoing.​

 

[Saif]

From crisis to change: Education will sustain the revolution

Standing on the isthmus of change, we must avoid any form of myopia.

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From crisis to change: Education will sustain the revolution

VISUAL: SHAIKH SULTANA JAHAN BADHON

Let's take a moment to reflect on the remarkable year of 2024 as we approach its final act. Our national annals will remember 2024 as a conduit of change. The 53-year-old country shook off its midlife crisis and reinvented itself. The spark that came from students spread as a flame of mass uprising. The gale, akin to Kazi Nazrul Islam's poetic nor'wester, swept away the old and breathed new life into the stagnant system. The flag of a new beginning heralds new possibilities. But history tells us that revolutions don't sustain themselves. For changes to happen, we need a structural base and a superstructural vision. Education can help us attain such long-term, systemic, and sustainable change.

The call for reform started with a desire to end all discriminatory practices. The mass endorsed the demand through their wholehearted participation, toppling the regime that had alienated itself from the people with its partisan politics and industrial-scale corruption. Equity, therefore, must be the guiding principle of all reforms, including education. However, the delay by the interim government in forming an education commission suggests a tendency to reclaim politics from the vantage point of those close to the power centre. The reformers' fixation on ideological purity became apparent when they challenged the credentials of certain members of a proposed committee. Rewriting history to suit one agenda is a policy of the old. The new government must be forward-looking enough to craft an education system that equips students for a rapidly changing, complex, interconnected world.

Standing on the isthmus of change, we must avoid any form of myopia. We need to realise that by the time our students graduate, they will be competing on a global platform for jobs that don't even exist today. Given the exponential growth of technology over the last decade, it is clear that the frontiers our youth will inhabit a decade from now will be drastically different from our current ones. Our educational policies, therefore, need to find the right balance between accessibility and global immersion. There is no reason why we cannot envision our youth as world players. Recent ethnicity-based GCSE results placed Bangladeshi students only after Chinese and Indians. The data shows that given the right opportunities, our youth can deliver at the highest level.

The challenge for us is to create a condition where our students are motivated enough to learn. The ongoing wave of change has resulted in a sense of false empowerment and a disregard for institutional authority. By forcing authorities to publish half-baked results, cancel HSC examinations, ransack colleges, or oust teachers, enough damage has been inflicted to give students the false impression that they can chase illogical terms. The feeling that students learn more from the web has reduced the authority of both schools and textbooks. As educators, the challenge for us is to create a pull factor that makes schools and education relevant for our students. The shadow structure that thrived outside the school system promoted coaching businesses and notebooks. Then there was this tempting idea that privileges skill over knowledge. In a country where nearly 28 percent of tertiary-educated youth are unemployed (2022), it was convenient for the government to champion entrepreneurship and skill-based courses for self-employment. It's quite fashionable to cite successful university dropouts like Bill Gates and Mark Zuckerberg to encourage students to start their own businesses, oblivious to the fact that most startups fail. We rarely acknowledge that even the renowned entrepreneurs met the required high scores for admission into the world's top universities. There is no substitute for a strong educational base at primary and secondary levels before one ventures out to pursue passion or hone skills.

The previous government tried to bring in change by following a model from a culturally homogenous Scandinavian country with a strong Protestant work ethic. Traditionally, Finland prides itself on the best scores in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA). Countries across the world tried to replicate the creative model to inculcate a sense of lifelong learning in their students. In Bangladesh, high-paid experts persuaded the previous government of the model's potential, shielding the fact that Finland's model is experiencing a decline in success. The influx of immigrants has challenged the model, which relies on the highest standards of pedagogical practices, social democracy, and cultural homogeneity for its survival. In contrast, countries like Türkiye and Chile, which have incorporated indigenous models, have yielded better results in recent years.

The current government's task is to adopt a locally rooted but globally connected education model. The reformed curriculum should ensure that students from all socioeconomic backgrounds have access to quality education, bridging the gaps that currently exist not only in rural and urban areas but also in the three-pronged Bangla-English-madrasa systems. Equity also demands an objective representation of the nation's past, fostering a balanced understanding of history that can withstand political transitions. By embedding equity into the ethos of education reform, we can create a system that is resilient, inclusive, and forward-thinking, sparing future generations from the turmoil of abrupt and ideologically driven changes.

By promoting the success of Bangladeshis abroad, we can go beyond the myopic vision of thinking of ourselves within the deltaic confines. Bangladeshi-origin students in the United Kingdom outperform their peers, with only Chinese and Indian students surpassing them. This is not a fluke; it is the result of a structured, inclusive education system that prioritises competency and equal opportunity. It pains me to reflect on the stark contrast between Bangladeshi students excelling abroad and those floundering within our own borders. The pain intensifies when you consider that our students are falling behind without any personal fault. Their poor performance in literacy and numeracy skills is largely due to an education system that is plagued by abrupt and ill-conceived reforms, which are rolled out without adequate research or preparation. The education system leaves untrained and underpaid teachers to grapple with new methods. Students bear the brunt of this chaos. Petty interests such as commercial benefits and political gains exacerbate the situation.

We can learn our lessons from the Global South. Countries like Vietnam and South Korea have modernised their systems while remaining rooted in their cultural contexts. We must chart a similar path, combining global best practices with our indigenous realities. Our national vision should be ambitious yet grounded, aiming to produce informed, capable global citizens prepared for the challenges of the tech-driven world. The curriculum of the National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) rightly prioritised critical thinking, technological proficiency, and a deep understanding of our own cultural heritage in its framework. However, the textbooks failed to translate the policies, exposing our inability to generate content and develop materials.

As we step into 2025, let this moment of upheaval galvanise us to action. Our students' revolution demands more than just rhetoric; it demands real, sustained change. Let's honour their bravery and vision by establishing an education system that fosters their potential and ensures a brighter future for Bangladesh. Now that the storm has passed, we must rebuild with purpose and clarity.

Dr Shamsad Mortuza is professor of English at Dhaka University.​

 

[Saif]

Can we save our republic?

The only way to preserve our newly acquired freedom is to put power where it belongs—to the people.

www.thedailystar.net

Can we save our republic?

ILLUSTRATION: REHNUMA PROSHOON

We can pat ourselves on the back for having been selected the "Country of the Year" by the Economist for overthrowing an autocrat. But for the role of the students and the youth, we might well not have been able to assert ourselves. Thus, the acknowledgement of the Economist is actually an acknowledgement of the power of the young generation, or Gen Z, to provide leadership in reverting the regression of the country, reclaiming its sovereignty and bringing it back to the path of prosperity.

However, the magazine ends on a cautionary note mentioning the bumpy road ahead, economically, politically, and indeed diplomatically. The British weekly commented that in 2025, "Bangladesh would need to repair ties with India and decide when to hold elections—first ensuring that the courts are neutral and the opposition has time to organise." A tall order indeed.

Not unsurprisingly, our achievement has been taken with derision from certain quarters across the border, in the land of our big neighbour, where the media have gone on overdrive in manufacturing, distorting and concocting news. They manufacture chaos, concoct stories of minority repression, and exaggerate stray incidents to inflate the matter. Admittedly, there have been incidents, albeit isolated, of harassment of minorities in Bangladesh. The difference between what happens in Bangladesh and the persecution of minorities in India is that while in Bangladesh it is done by individuals, the persecution of Indian Muslims is state-sponsored.

We have said many times that while it is one thing to see through a successful revolution, it is another thing to see that the ultimate goal, for which thousands were killed, maimed and disappeared, is achieved. And very few would disagree that the ultimate aim is to achieve an egalitarian society where everyone would be free to follow his or her own goals in a free atmosphere, and would be governed by the rule of law and not by that of men—where s/he can pursue the calling of their own choice and the people's representatives serve the people and not command them. We want a country with a true republican character, in short.

However, regaining our republic will not be an easy task. The path forward appears to be extremely fraught as one would have noticed from the seminal stages of the post-revolution period. We are still in the throes of the initial stage, trying to find our feet. It is the muck that we are struggling to remove, the muck that has accreted over the last 15 years in every sector. Reportedly, the economic highway that was flaunted by the Hasina regime was really a dirt road. The story of economic miracle was a myth. Data was manufactured by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics to present a rosy economic picture. These are not my words but the words of the economic task force appearing in their White Paper on Bangladesh economy.

But there are inimical forces both within and outside the country who are hard at work to reinstate the fallen tyrant by indulging in choreographed movements in some sectors. Various cadres of the civil service are agitating for their own "cause." It seems that suddenly August 5 has generated the rise of a plethora of demands from various sectors, which had not been seen in the last 15 years.

It also seems that there still are a significant number of sympathisers within the administration who are lying in wait for the opportune moment to create chaos and numb the administration. One suspects the deep state is at work, backseat-driving the government. Otherwise, how does one explain such a large number of Awami Leaguers finding their way out of the country? And we saw another physical manifestation of this in the fire incident at the Secretariat. Everything points to a well-planned sabotage work. And this is not the last of such acts of sabotage. The warnings are clear that hostile forces are at work.

The question is, how do we safeguard our revolution, the first being frittered away by a despot who had no love lost for the people of Bangladesh and felt little obligation for the country?

The only way to preserve our newly acquired freedom is to put power where it belongs—to the people. And that brings us to the crux of the issue, that of reforms and election. So far, our base has been weakened. The civil administration and the judiciary, not to speak of the security sector, have been affected by the blatant regime of politicisation by Hasina. Can we proceed with business as usual with a rickety base to build on? The character of the state institutions would have to be restored before the next move in this respect. And that can be possible if we have people with impeccable antecedents and strong moral fibre to run these institutions. But by the same token, laws must be enacted to ensure that state institutions cannot be influenced by the government of the day.

Can we also proceed without holding to account people responsible for gross violations of human rights? And human rights are violated in more ways than one. Can those who have siphoned off billions of dollars of the country's wealth be allowed to go free? And those people include Hasina, her family members, and her cronies in the business world. Who will answer for the extrajudicial killings and the killing of the students in the recent uprising?

Can those who destroyed democracy, deprived the people of their right to choose their representatives, and made a mockery of parliament and the system be allowed to participate in future democratic exercises without paying for their misdeeds?

We would like to end with a brief comment on the said report of the Economist. Bangladesh would need to repair ties with India, it says. Let me stress that it is not for Bangladesh to repair ties with India; rather the opposite is true. Bangladesh has done nothing to impair the bilateral relationship. India has, on the other hand, not only given shelter to a person who stands accused of gross violation of human rights, corruption and other misdeeds in the country's court of law; she is using the soil of India to conspire against Bangladesh.

Since the fall and fleeing away of the autocrat, Indian political leaders have made threatening comments about Bangladesh. Our folly has been that we did not register our protests except for one instance. It is a pity that India has failed to see the reality and to honour the wish of the people of Bangladesh.

The most important thing that is the call of the hour is national unity—this is the first safeguard for our Second Victory.

Brig Gen Shahedul Anam Khan, ndc, psc (retd) is a former associate editor of The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

Relation to be pragmatic, not kowtowed or based on a whim: Mahfuj Alam

Adviser Md Mahfuj Alam said this in response to the question of a newsperson after a discussion titled “Forming a new Bangladesh: Internal reforms and foreign policy” at the secretariat on Sunday

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Relation to be pragmatic, not kowtowed or based on a whim: Mahfuj Alam
Diplomatic Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 29 Dec 2024, 23: 12

Adviser Md Mahfuj Alam talks to the media after a discussion titled “Forming a new Bangladesh: Internal reforms and foreign policy” at the secretariat on 29 December 2024 Foreign Ministry


The interim government wants the relation of Bangladesh with friendly states to be based on the principle of pragmatism, not kowtowing. There will be no place for adventurism or whim here.

Adviser Md Mahfuj Alam said this in response to the question of a newsperson after a discussion titled “Forming a new Bangladesh: Internal reforms and foreign policy” at the secretariat on Sunday.

Information affairs adviser Nahid Islam also attended the discussion that was moderated by foreign secretary Jashim Uddin.

Addressing the question of changes in the foreign policy of Bangladesh, Mahfuj Alam said, “‘Friendship with all, malice to none’ - this was like a goal. This has not changed much. Rather, we want a pragmatic relation with all, as is the case among friendly states. This would be pragmatic; there is no place for adventurism or whim here.”

Speaking about the topics of discussion, Mahfuj said that there has been discussions on how the foreign policy should be, how it should be with different countries, ranging from the Middle East to India, China, Myanmar and so on.

“At this stage we have taken some proposals and steps for reforming the state. How those could be made sustainable and visible. In that case, as our opinions, we have said that we need a detailed discussion with all the stakeholders including the political parties,” he added.

Adviser Mahfuj Alam also said, “We need to move towards a consensus with all. The unanimity on the foreign policy should be from the national point of view, and it should not change with the change in government. Rather, the foreign ministry should present the country on the global stage based on pragmatism, and with dignity.”

“We discussed various steps. How to harmonise public diplomacy and soft power with foreign countries; how we can highlight Bangladesh, all these issues were discussed. Another issue is to increase our capacity.”

Mentioning that the foreign ministry was politicised in the past, Mahfuj Alam said, “We want the foreign ministry to represent Bangladesh; not for any party, but to present Bangladesh... We want the consensus of all political parties and all our stakeholders in keeping Bangladesh ahead. This is our point of view now.”

Addressing the discussion, Mahfuj Alam said, “What we need from the state’s point of view is pragmatism. We cannot be run by any kind of whim. We want to focus on the sovereignty, national security, territorial integrity of the state - how we can increase our strength, maintaining our position. Increasing our capacity, our bargaining capacity, is more important than considering what is being done by other countries. People will benefit if we can increase our capacity.”

Responding to a question about the whimsical decisions made by the previous government and after 5 August, Mahfuj Alam said, “What the previous government did more than being whimsical is that they adopted a kowtowed foreign policy. And from our government’s perspective, we have been trying to have a pragmatic foreign policy. We will try to correct if there is any whim or mistake.”

In response to another question, advisor Mahfuj Alam stated that he had heard that the Indian government would not extradite Sheikh Hasina.

“This is a political decision they (India) have taken, they will not return her (Sheikh Hasina). We are hearing this,” he said.​

 

[Saif]

March for Unity today

Students Against Discrimination has announced that it will hold a March for Unity programme at the Central Shaheed Minar today in support of the interim government’s initiative to prepare a declaration of the July uprising based on national consensus.

www.thedailystar.net

March for Unity today
Announce student coordinators following govt move for a declaration on July uprising

Photo: Naimur Rahman/Star

Students Against Discrimination has announced that it will hold a March for Unity programme at the Central Shaheed Minar today in support of the interim government's initiative to prepare a declaration of the July uprising based on national consensus.

As of 2:30am today, the student leaders had not made it clear whether they would formally proclaim the July uprising as they had announced on Sunday.

"Our heartfelt appeal to the people of Bangladesh, spontaneously participate in this programme," Arif Sohel, member secretary of the platform, told reporters after a near four-hour meeting at the office of Students Against Discrimination at the capital's Banglamotor.

Hours after the students made the announcement on Sunday, Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam told reporters that the government had no involvement in the student leaders' proclamation event.

However, the interim government last night said it took an initiative to prepare a declaration of the July uprising based on national consensus.

After the government announcement, there was uncertainty about whether the students would hold their event. They then began the meeting.

After 1:30am, the chief organiser of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee, Sarjis Alam, said he welcomed the government's decision. "Because if the government does this based on the opinions of all quarters involved in the movement to overthrow the Awami League government, including political parties, it will be sustainable."

According to the Chief Adviser's Press Wing, the declaration will be adopted to consolidate the unity of people formed through the July mass uprising, the anti-fascist spirit, and the desire to reform the state, reports UNB.

The declaration will be prepared, taking the opinions of all political parties, Students Against Discrimination and other student bodies.

It will highlight the perspective of the July uprising, the basis of unity and the aspirations of people, says the press wing.

The government hopes that this declaration will be presented before the nation within a few days.

Earlier, the leaders of the Students Against Discrimination announced that they would hold an event, Proclamation of July Revolution, at the Central Shaheed Minar today.

The students and Jatiya Nagorik Committee said they requested supporters from districts and upazilas to attend the event.

They also invited the BNP, Jamaat, Gono Odhikar Porishad, left parties, and civil society members.

People who were injured in the uprising, family members of those martyred as well as doctors, teachers, labourers, and garment workers had been invited.

Students Against Discrimination, which spearheaded the mass uprising that ousted the Hasina-led government, is set to outline a framework of a society free of discrimination.

The declaration is supposed to present a vision to ensure equality, human dignity, and social justice, said the leaders, adding that they wanted to acknowledge people as sovereign entities.

There will be a brief timeline of the series of incidents starting from the quota reform movement to eventually to the fall of the regime.

The Proclamation of Independence of the liberation war officially announced on April 17, 1971 had equality, human dignity and social justice as principles.

According to the leaders, they will narrate the significant events of history including 1947, 1971 and an evaluation of those events.

They will describe different historical events and explain why the aspirations of different movements failed.​

 

[Saif]

Uprising Proclamation: Student leaders in meeting after govt's move

The meeting, which started at 10:00pm, is being held at the office of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement office in the capital's Bangla Motor area

www.thedailystar.net

Uprising Proclamation: Student leaders in meeting after govt's move

Photo: Amran Hossain

Soon after the interim government announced that it would prepare a declaration of the July uprising based on national consensus, Student leaders convened an emergency meeting to decide on their next move.

The meeting, which started at 10:00pm, is being held at the office of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement office in the capital's Bangla Motor area.

"We will announce our decision after the meeting. The meeting is ongoing," Hasnat Abdullah, convener of the platform told reporters.

The meeting was ongoing till filing this report at 12:40am.

On Sunday (December 29), the student movement announced in a press conference that they would unveil the "July Revolution Proclamation" at the Dhaka Central Shaheed Minar on Tuesday afternoon (December 31).

Leaders of the organisation mentioned two key points in the manifesto -- the cancellation of the 1972 constitution, which they dubbed as "Mujibist Constitution" and declaring the "Nazi-like Awami League" irrelevant in Bangladesh.​

 

[Saif]

Uprising, unity, and uncertainty: Power, protest, and politics in 2024

To speak of politics in 2024 is also to recall the entire history of political culture that has unfolded in Bangladesh since 1972.

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Uprising, unity, and uncertainty: Power, protest, and politics in 2024

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The year 2024 has emerged as the most significant conjuncture in the political history of Bangladesh since its independence in 1971. To state the obvious: on August 5 this year, we witnessed the fall of the longest-serving fascist ruler in the country's history, brought down by the largest mass uprising in the history of Bangladesh. Also known as the July uprising, it was led by none other than students themselves. Indeed, the uprising was an epic of resistance—what some have even metaphorised as a "political earthquake"—that morphed the mundane prose of daily life into the vibrant poetry of broad-based unity, particularly in July and August.

This epic was written with the blood, sweat, and tears of the people themselves as they came together across classes, genders, professions, occupations, political parties, organisations, groups, even generations. For instance, even children—cradled in their mothers' arms or perched on their fathers' shoulders—were visibly present on the streets, embodying the collective spirit of our resistance. And, of course, the costs of this uprising were staggering. At least 1,500 people were brutally killed, with nearly 20,000 wounded, many suffering devastating injuries such as the loss of eyes, arms, legs or other limbs. Those who were murdered came from all walks of life—children, youth, the middle-aged, the elderly, women, workers, and more—each a poignant reminder of the immense sacrifices made in the pursuit of freedom and justice.

But to grasp the significance of the year 2024 in political terms, I believe, requires accounting for its radiant singularity as well as understanding its determinate web of connections—direct or indirect—to preceding years. In other words, it is essential to envision a dialectic of continuity and discontinuity that encompasses a broad temporal horizon—a framework that underscores the imperative to historicise. Rabindranath Tagore, although on a different register, tells us in a poem, "O time past, you wander from world to world, continuing to work in silence" (translation mine). I particularly align with my favourite Black writer James Baldwin, one who instructively asserts that "history is literally present in all that we do." To speak of politics in 2024, then, is also to recall the entire history of political culture that has unfolded since 1972, and—dialectically—with the history of people's resistances to that very culture. So, what does politics look like in 2024? And what is politics, after all?

Politics is often understood as the art and science of governance, involving the administration of government, public policymaking, and control within a formalised state apparatus. This includes the actions of political parties, elected officials, bureaucracies, and legislatures, as well as formal mechanisms like laws, elections, and diplomacy. However, politics ranges beyond the zodiac of formal institutions to encompass all spaces where power relations, power struggles, and decision-making processes and practices obtain and operate—from families and communities to workplaces and even global interactions. It also embraces informal practices, resistance movements, and cultural norms (as the Italian Marxist revolutionary Antonio Gramsci rightly contends, culture is political). In this piece, I address politics in both its formal and broader senses while exploring political culture.

Of course, understanding politics and even Realpolitik requires grasping the underlying political culture. And the mainstream ruling-class political culture that has evolved from 1972 to 2024 can be characterised by at least five broad and distinct yet interconnected trends: 1) the commodification and commercialisation of politics and politicisation of plundering business elites, driven by the logic of capital; 2) the bureaucratisation of politics and the politicisation of bureaucracy; 3) the militarisation of politics and the politicisation of the military; 4) the class-driven politicisation of religion, often divorced from religious principles; and 5) the criminalisation of politics and the politicisation of criminals, as Badruddin Umar aptly described. Together, these trends characterise at least part of what I term the "fascisation of politics," exemplified in practices like extreme nationalism, authoritarianism, corporatism, media monopolisation, cult fetishism, masculinist idolisation or even deification of a singular leader, and repression through organised state violence and surveillance—all continuing to remain decisive hallmarks of Sheikh Hasina's regime in 2024 (more on Hasina's brand of fascism later). Clearly, the trends I have categorically described here egregiously ran counter to the core principles of our Liberation War of 1971—equality, human dignity, and justice—principles that the July uprising sought to reclaim repeatedly with exemplary fervour and brio. Within this framework, then, Hasina's 2024 election (January 7), the year's first major political event, must be understood.

Indeed, from 2008 to 2024, Bangladesh's elections under Sheikh Hasina's leadership were marked by the abolition of the caretaker government system and the establishment of an electoral process that lacked genuine competition. Opposition parties faced repression, electoral fraud, and exclusion, with the ruling Awami League securing unopposed or manipulated victories. Formal elections every five years turned out to be merely symbolic, bereft of public participation. This monopolistic governance led to severe declines in human rights, the rule of law, and economic stability, leaving the people in crisis, its so-called economic growth notwithstanding (more on economic growth later). Kallol Mustafa's 2024 book titled Sheikh Hasina Sarkar: Durnitee o Nipironer Khotian (Sheikh Hasina's Government: A Chronicle of Corruption and Oppression) usefully anatomises and analyses Hasina's electoral authoritarianism. Drawing on his rigorously researched work, I have identified 18 key areas of the fascist Hasina regime's actions, most, if not all, of which continued through 2024: 1) deprivation of voting rights; 2) dismantling democratic norms; 3) suppression of dissent; 4) enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings; 5) judicial impunity; 6) politicisation of state institutions; 7) corruption and money laundering; 8) bank looting and scandals; 9) stock market manipulation; 10) reliance on foreign loans for costly projects; 11) rising inequality; 12) jobless growth and unemployment; 13) severe labour exploitation; 14) business cartels and rising commodity prices; 15) fabricated statistics; 16) plundering in the energy sector; 17) environmental destruction; and 18) a submissive foreign policy with India, compromising sovereignty. And, undeniably, 2024 emerges as the bloodiest year in our history since 1971—a year soaked in violence and despair. Pablo Neruda's haunting lines resonate powerfully, "Come and see the blood in the streets/ Come and see/ Blood in the streets." At least 1,500 lives were mercilessly taken, and countless others left maimed and shattered, as already noted. This is a year that surely calls for reckoning, not mere remembrance.

Owing to space constraints, I will briefly focus on inequality and the marginalised populations who have suffered most under Sheikh Hasina's regime, both before and during 2024—and who continue to endure hardship today. To put it briefly and bluntly, Bangladesh's economic growth under Hasina has coincided with rising inequality. Since 1986, IMF-led reforms prioritising export-driven trade over welfare have fuelled labour exploitation, inequality, and deregulation in health and education. In the garment industry, employing over 50 lakh workers, wages remained among the world's lowest—Tk 12,500 ($113) monthly, while recent raises still remain inadequate. Roughly, the richest five percent control over 30 percent of the national income, while the poorest five percent hold only 0.37 percent. With 84.9 percent of workers in the informal sector and precarious jobs and more than 9,200 workplace deaths reported since 2013, inequitable policies have widened disparities, leaving most struggling to meet basic needs. Neoliberalism, this historically specific phase of capitalism, has repeatedly failed to provide a way forward.

As others and I have written elsewhere, ethnic, religious, and linguistic minorities—particularly Indigenous communities, Bangalee Hindus, Ahmadis and Shias, Urdu speakers—have faced multifaceted marginalisation since 1975, when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's one-party authoritarian rule sowed the seeds of fascism. For these groups, land rights have always been a critical issue, compounded by unjust, discriminatory laws—an issue that remains insufficiently addressed to this day.

The July uprising and the subsequent formation of the interim government on August 8, 2024 must be viewed in this broader context. While I can't recount the full narrative of the uprising here, its significance deserves brief but categorical reflection. First, the movement inaugurated a collective political subjectivity and new historical agency, made possible by the creative, non-hierarchical, non-partisan leadership of young students and the oppressive history of fascism and failed resistances. Second, it heightened political consciousness among the people like never before. Third, it immediately secured certain freedom of speech. Most importantly, through the students' anti-discrimination platform, the movement repeatedly reclaimed the three core principles of our Liberation War: equality, human dignity, and justice. Finally, it led to the formation of the interim government, a necessary but increasingly fragile outcome.

The interim government, led by Prof Muhammad Yunus, identifies as reformist, establishing commissions to propose democratic restructuring of state institutions. Student leaders from the uprising, alongside the military and political parties, helped negotiate its composition. However, most of its members, lacking political expertise and experiences (in the hardest sense) and even ties to mass uprisings, do not position the government as "revolutionary." It is unrealistic to expect it to extend beyond limited democratic reforms within the existing undemocratic systems.

To be effective, the Yunus government must reprioritise instead of restlessly moving in numerous directions. First, it must compile a full list of those killed and injured during the uprising and provide financial support to their families. Second, accountability demands that those responsible for the mass killings—especially Sheikh Hasina and her cabinet—be brought to justice. Third, the police and bureaucratic system must be restructured and made efficient. Fourth, the government must address soaring prices of essential goods. Lastly, of course, it must ensure conditions for free and fair elections.

There are immense challenges ahead, both for the government and for us—the people. Let 2025 not drag on but give way to a truly new year of meaningful action and intervention. A new Bangladesh cannot emerge from old ideas and from old, unreformed political parties. Democracy and the country's future decisively rest on centring—not tokenising—the agendas and aspirations of the most exploited and marginalised: poor peasants, workers, women, ethnic, religious, and linguistic minorities, who together constitute the majority. Our real struggle begins now—after the uprising—as we confront the question of how to use our newfound freedom.

Dr Azfar Hussain is director of the graduate programme in social innovation and associate professor of integrative/interdisciplinary studies at Grand Valley State University in Michigan, US. He is also vice-president of the US-based Global Center for Advanced Studies (GCAS).​