[đŸ‡§đŸ‡©] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

  • Thread starter Thread starter Saif
  • Start date Start date
  • Replies Replies 95
  • Views Views 2K
[đŸ‡§đŸ‡©] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion
95
2K
More threads by Saif

G Bangladesh Defense Forum

Why police transformation is critical for Bangladesh


1731198233175.png

VISUAL: ALIZA RAHMAN

Bangladesh stands at a crucial crossroads. The political shift following the July-August 2024 uprising, which led to Nobel Peace Prize laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus taking charge of an interim government, signals that the demand for change is no longer avoidable. These protests, originally triggered by job quota grievances, swiftly morphed into a nationwide outcry for justice, accountability, and a call for systemic reform.

The police force's role in the uprising was undeniable. Hundreds of people lost their lives, many due to the heavy-handed tactics of law enforcement, intensifying public outrage and distrust. This isn't new. For years, Bangladesh's police force has been seen as an arm of political repression rather than a protector of the public. This system has long prioritised control over community engagement, fostering an environment of systemic dysfunction and division. Allegations of extrajudicial killings enforced disappearances, and arbitrary arrests have steadily eroded public trust. The police, tasked with serving and protecting, have too often been perceived as upholding a narrow political agenda at the expense of human rights and justice—a hard truth that Bangladesh can no longer afford to overlook.

The unrest during the revolution also claimed the lives of police officers, a tragic reminder of the deep rift between law enforcement and the people they are sworn to protect. These fatalities reveal that police officers themselves are often trapped in a cycle of violence and mistrust, operating in a high-pressure environment with insufficient resources, inadequate training, and excessive working hours—factors that have a detrimental impact on the overall effectiveness and morale of the force, as highlighted in the 11-point demand presented by police personnel in August 2024.

Yet, every crisis offers an opportunity. The recent formation of the Police Reform Commission is a vital first step, but this alone isn't enough. The path forward demands lasting, transformative change—change that penetrates deeply into the core of police culture, behavior, structure, and laws. The events of July and August have made it clear that the current state of the police force cannot continue. The question we must ask now is: how do we make this reform meaningful, sustainable, and capable of restoring trust between the police and the people?

At the heart of Bangladesh's police reform lies the urgent need to move away from the outdated colonial-era Police Act of 1861—a law that prioritises control rather than service. In 2007 and again in 2013, the UN supported the drafting of a new Police Ordinance under a police reform project, which ran from 2006 to 2016. This draft ordinance promoted democratic, citizen-centred policing, emphasising public oversight and accountability, including the creation of an independent Police Commission and a formal complaints mechanism for reporting abuse. Yet despite its promise, the draft ordinance and the 2013 review of the act had stalled at the political level.

A new legal framework on policing could provide a strong foundation for transforming Bangladesh's police force into a professional, accountable, and efficient service. This will build sustainable systems that prevent abuses, protect vulnerable citizens, and foster a relationship of trust between the police and the communities they serve.

The goal of police reform in Bangladesh must be to establish a force that is democratic, people-centred, and responsive to the diverse security needs of society. This will require a complete overhaul of the existing system—from legal frameworks to police welfare, institutional strengthening, training, and community engagement practices. The police must be seen as protectors of public safety and human rights. This reform also requires a systemic approach and the Anti-Corruption Reform Commission and the Judicial Reform Commission will also be instrumental to shaping the police force.

Reform should result in a force that serves all people equally, regardless of political affiliation, gender, ethnicity, or social status. Professionalism, integrity, and impartiality must guide every action, ensuring that the police safeguard all citizens, particularly those most vulnerable to abuses.

Human rights must be embedded in the very fabric of police operations. This isn't only about preventing extrajudicial killings or arbitrary detentions; it's about ensuring that every interaction between police and the public is rooted in respect for human dignity and the rule of law.

The police in Bangladesh still monitor all political activities without discrimination, excluding only the ruling party of the day. FILE PHOTO: STAR

Lastly, accountability must be a priority. The police must be held to the highest standards of conduct, and abuses should be met with swift and impartial justice. Establishing independent oversight bodies is essential to ensure transparency and genuine accountability.

Bangladesh is not alone in its struggle to reform its police. The UN has supported police reform efforts in many countries, including Nigeria, Pakistan, Iraq, and Kenya—nations with similarly politicised policing and public mistrust. In these countries, public demands, like those currently in Bangladesh, have been vital in calling for independent oversight mechanisms to hold police accountable and ensure that reports of misconduct are investigated without interference.

Reforms have focused on making the police more responsive to the public's needs, particularly regarding issues such as gender-based violence, and protecting the most vulnerable, especially women and children. Community policing has proven to be an essential method for rebuilding trust. By engaging directly with local communities, police forces become more responsive and effective, gaining critical insights into the challenges people face.

While Bangladesh can learn from international experiences, it must tailor its reform to its own context. The Police Reform Programme of 2006-2016 offers valuable lessons. Although it improved training and professionalised certain aspects of the force, it also highlighted the deep-rooted political challenges that hinder sustainable reform. A key takeaway from this experience is that sustained political will and genuine public participation are essential to ensuring lasting change.

Public engagement must be central to the reform process, not an afterthought. In a country like Bangladesh, where youth-led activism has made it clear that the status quo is no longer acceptable, the voices of young people must shape the future of law enforcement. Nationwide dialogues with students, women, marginalised communities, and victims of police misconduct will ensure an inclusive reform process that reflects the aspirations of all Bangladeshis. Trust cannot be rebuilt in isolation—it must be founded on transparent, open communication between the police and the public.

The time for police reform in Bangladesh is now. The interim government, led by Dr Yunus, has made an important first step by establishing the Police Reform Commission. But real reform requires more than political will—it demands active involvement from civil society, the international community, and, above all, the people of Bangladesh.

The UN is committed to supporting this transformative journey. Our experience in other countries demonstrates that meaningful reform is possible—but it requires collective effort, driven by transparency, accountability, and public engagement. This is a unique opportunity for Bangladesh—not just to reform its police force but to reimagine the role of law enforcement in society. Let's seize this moment to create a future where justice, security, and dignity define the relationship between the police and the people they protect.

Gwyn Lewis is the resident coordinator of the United Nations in Bangladesh.

Stefan Liller is the resident representative at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Bangladesh.​
 

Anatomy of police reform commissions
by Md Motiar Rahman 10 November, 2024, 00:00


1731201027968.png

Agence France-Presse/Abdul Goni

THE Bangladesh Police, as it exists today, was originally organised under the Police Act 1861. It remains a centralised force, a legacy of its colonial past. Despite population growth, industrialisation and socio-economic developments, the police structure has largely remained unchanged, with only minor adjustments over the years. The Police Act 1861 continues to govern the organisation’s recruitment, powers, and operational functions.

Over the years, numerous government committees and commissions have been formed to address issues within the police force and recommend improvement. In October 1902, Lord Curzon initiated a police commission to identify challenges and put forth reforms, with specific recommendations on recruitment and training subsequently implemented. Additional recommendations were introduced following the Blandy-Gordon committee report in 1937. However, World War II delayed further reform efforts.

Later, in 1953, the East Bengal police committee, chaired by Justice Shahabuddin, reviewed various aspects of police operations to enhance performance although significant action by the government to improve the force’s effectiveness was lacking. A comprehensive inquiry into police operations was later conducted by a commission led by Justice BG Constantine in 1960–61 and some of its recommendations were adopted for implementation. However, a subsequent police commission in 1969, led by Major General AO Mitha, saw its proposals go unimplemented.

After the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, the Bangladesh Police encountered problems in respect of human resources, logistics and equipment. The Bangladesh Police started its journey based on the foundation of the provincial police of East Pakistan.

Since 1976, various government committees in Bangladesh have made key policy recommendations to enhance police professionalism, efficiency and effectiveness. The law committee in 1976 suggested foundational changes, including a dedicated prosecutorial cadre, a police staff college and regional forensic science laboratories. In 1977, a committee led by former inspector general AMA Kabir focused on expanding and modernising police training although its recommendations were not implemented.

The criminal law reforms committee of 1982 chaired by cabinet secretary Mahbubuzzaman iterated the need for a separate cadre of prosecuting officers and proposed the separation of investigative and crime control duties. Subsequent reforms in the early 1980s, guided by the Enam committee and the 1984 administrative reforms, expanded police staffing and elevated key positions to improve operational capacity. In 1986, under additional inspector general Taibuddin Ahmed, another committee assessed organisational challenges, emphasising modernisation in organisation, training and equipment to create a highly professional and responsive police force.

In 1988, the government established the police commission under the leadership of Justice Aminur Rahman Khan, with a broad mandate to examine nearly all aspects of policing and police activities. The commission’s findings highlighted key issues undermining police effectiveness, including inadequate human resources, organisational deficiencies, insufficient transport and equipment and a lack of public trust and cooperation.

Additionally, it identified significant barriers to efficiency and professionalism, such as flaws in recruitment policies, inadequate training, flawed promotion procedures, widespread corruption and weak discipline, supervision and control. The commission concluded that addressing these issues would greatly enhance the effectiveness and performance quality of the police force.

Between 1960 and 1989, several commissions were established to address issues within law enforcement and propose police reforms. However, successive governments largely failed to take meaningful action to implement these recommendations, resulting in only partial adoption of a few proposals. This lack of effective reform has left the police widely perceived as oppressive, corrupt and abusive.

Subsequently, the police reform programme, funded by the United Nations Development Programme and other international agencies, launched the most extensive and comprehensive study aimed at reforming the police. The programme focused on strategic reforms across various domains to enhance law enforcement effectiveness, human resource development and community relations. Key achievements include drafting and revising crucial legislative frameworks, such as the Draft Police Ordinance 2007 replacing the Police Act 1861 and implementing the first-ever strategic plans for police operations.

The reform programme has also emphasised human rights, capacity-building in investigation and operations, community policing, gender-sensitive policies and the integration of advanced ICT infrastructure. Community engagement was strengthened with the establishment of more than 52,000 community policing forums, which improved local safety and police-community trust.

Gender initiatives tripled female police representation and developed gender-sensitive training and facilities. Furthermore, ICT advancements enabled better crime response, including cybercrime detection and biometric tracking, which has transformed services delivery and operational management in the police. However, the Draft Police Ordinance 2007, which was intended to serve as the foundation for a modern police force, has never been implemented.

Although there have been numerous reform initiatives over the years, the core structure and enforcement ethos of the police have remained largely unchanged. This was exposed during the student protests in July and August when the police employed excessive force, resulting in significant loss of life and property.

In the light of these events, the interim government established the police reform commission, a notable effort to address deep-seated issues within the law enforcement structure. This commission seeks to foster greater accountability, professionalism and public trust through recommended improvements in recruitment, training and conduct standards. However, as an interim body, the government’s temporary mandate limits the commission’s scope as sustainable and lasting reforms will require comprehensive legislative support and a long-term commitment from future administrations.

The commission has, nonetheless, attracted criticism for its limited composition. Composed of nine members — four civil bureaucrats, two police officers, one human rights advocate, a law professor and a student representative — the committee is seen as insufficiently inclusive, lacking representation from other criminal justice professionals such as judges, lawyers, prosecutors and correctional staff who could provide essential insights. The commission is, nevertheless, expected to mitigate these limitations with focus group discussions and interviews with key stakeholders.

Despite its limitations, the commission is working actively, sincerely and diligently. It has now launched a web site to collect public feedback through questionnaires. The interim government’s unique position and the strong commitment of the chief adviser may provide a rare window of opportunity for police reform aligned with public aspirations, free of the typical resistance of bureaucrats, politicians or police insiders. However, sustainable reform will ultimately require ownership and endorsement from elected politicians and the future government to ensure enduring progress.

The interim government’s police reform initiative has the potential to be a historic milestone, fostering a system that can stand the test of time. We look forward with hope to the successful implementation of the efforts.

Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general.​
 

Another major reshuffle in police

1731369224188.png

The police leadership needs to explore how it can financially and socially help the aggrieved families that have been victims of police actions. File photo: Star

As part of another major reshuffle in the police service, 64 officers, from the ranks of deputy inspector general (DIG) to the superintendent of police (SP), have been transferred and attached to different police units across the country.

According to two separate notifications issued by the home ministry yesterday, 48 officials have been transferred to different police units, while 16 have been transferred but have not been assigned duty.

Being transferred and attached to different police units without any assigned duty means being made Officers on Special Duty (OSD), according to insiders.

The DIG of Police Staff College, Nazmur Karim Khan, has been made the commissioner of Gazipur Metropolitan Police (GMP), according to the ministry notification signed by Abu Sayed, deputy secretary of the home ministry.

Earlier on October 24, the former GMP commissioner, Khandaker Rafiqul Islam, was promoted to the post of additional IGP and made the chief of the Special Branch of police. Since then, the post remained vacant.

Meanwhile, the other 47 officials were transferred to different police units like Dhaka Metropolitan Police, Special Branch, in-service training centre, tourist police, and Criminal Investigation Department.

In a separate ministry notification, also signed by Deputy Secretary Abu Sayed, one DIG, six additional DIGs, and nine SPs have been attached to different offices.

An SP rank officer, attached to a range DIG's office in Chattogram, said, wishing to remain unnamed, "I was neither involved in crimes, nor are there any allegations against me, but still I have been made OSD. This is all because I was posted as an SP during the last government tenure."

The police service has seen a lot of transfers and changes since the fall of the Awami League government on August 5 following a mass uprising.

At least 400 police personnel have been transferred, while 100 others, attached to different police units, were on duty at major police units like the DMP. All the posts of divisional range DIGs, metropolitan commissioners, and district SPs now have new faces.

The role of the police during the mass uprising that led to the fall of the AL government faced public outrage as officers used excessive force to suppress the protests. Many police personnel opened fire on protesters, killing hundreds and maiming many others.

In the 15 years of Awami League rule, many police officers acted as though they were activists of the party to get desired posts and promotions.

They were also known to have used excessive force on the opposition and dissenters.​
 

Rab must be rebuilt from the ground up
But without political reforms, any change risks being superficial

1731546228625.png

VISUAL: STAR

There is no doubt that reforming the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) has become an urgent priority. After over a decade and a half of courting allegations of rights abuses, extrajudicial killings, and enforced disappearances—to the point of incurring US sanctions in 2021—Rab has undeniably lost public trust. And a mere rebranding or restructuring won't restore it. Against this backdrop, a report by this daily has revealed that Rab authorities are considering changing its name, logo, and uniform, as well as drafting a new law to regulate its operations. Currently, as a specialised unit of police, it operates under the police ordinance.

But such cosmetic changes cannot bring about sustainable reform. The police force itself serves as a cautionary example. Like police, Rab was not solely responsible for the crimes it committed as it operated at the behest of an autocratic regime. According to Ain o Salish Kendra, Rab was involved in at least 467 crossfires between 2015 and 2023. Its image as a "death squad" owes as much to its poor accountability mechanisms as to the vested interests of the then-ruling camp. So, how can we prevent future abuses of Rab when political power so often overrides legal safeguards? Can Rab be reformed without addressing our underlying political culture?

This is a question not only for the interim government but also for all major political parties. For now, several rights advocates have suggested disbanding Rab and rebuilding it from the ground up. This would require not just reshaping its mission and operational guidelines but also putting all personnel through a rigorous orientation process to instil respect for human rights and lawful procedure. Ensuring justice for the officers guilty of past abuses would also set a critical precedent for future compliance.

Rab's recruitment model presents another key issue, as it involves seconding officers from different forces including police, army, navy, and air force. This setup places military officers in potentially compromising roles, raising concerns about not only the viability of Rab's mission but also the integrity of the military itself. Equally important is the matter of oversight. Rab's accountability mechanisms must be totally rebuilt to ensure that its errant officers cannot evade justice, regardless of their political affiliations.

Ultimately, we must remember that true reform requires transformation from within, and this is what we should be aiming for. Without genuine efforts from all stakeholders, we risk only going through the motions of reforms that may put the public at risk again in the future. We owe it to the past victims of Rab and to the future of law enforcement in Bangladesh to rebuild Rab with a clear mandate for justice and human rights.​
 

Justice for Limon would be step towards police reform
14 November, 2024, 00:00

VICTIMS of gross human rights violation in the hands of the law enforcement agencies who were denied justice during the Awami League regime are now coming forward to seek legal redress. This is a first step towards police reforms. Limon Hossain, a victim of attempted extrajudicial killing, lodged a complaint with the International Crime Tribunal against the deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina, her security adviser and eight others on November 12. On March 23, 2011, when Limon was a college student in Jhalakathi, some Rapid Action Battalion personnel shot him in the left leg, taking him for a ‘notorious criminal.’ On that day, the force filed two false cases against him for possessing arms and police obstruction. Not only was he accused in false cases, he was also denied treatment that led to the amputation of the leg. Three weeks later, Limon’s mother filed a case against five battalion personnel for attempted murder and maiming his son. The complaint lodged with the International Crimes Tribunal has, therefore, created an opportunity for redress against the wrong done to Limon Hossain.

Even more tragic is that Limon’s ordeal did not end with the amputation. At every step in his journey to seek justice, his family faced obstacles; procedural violations were reported. Initially, local police refused to register a complaint against the battalion personnel. The family later secured a court order that directed the police to record the case against the accused. In August 2012, while the victim suffered in prison hospital on false charges, the police submitted a report finding no evidence of battalion involvement in the case, but they submitted a charge sheet against him and he was indicted for the crimes he did not commit. In the face of pressure from local and international rights groups, the government in July 2013 issued an official notification withdrawing the two cases that the force had filed against Limon. The charges against him were dropped, but no directive was given by the government to investigate the procedural violation and systemic failure of the law enforcement agencies in bringing perpetrators to book. Limon’s experience resonates with many other accounts of the victims of extrajudicial killings.

The case illustrates that custodial torture and extrajudicial killing took an endemic turn under the Awami League regime that should be addressed. The government should, therefore, ensure an investigation of Limon’s case, bring all perpetrators to justice and provide compensation for the physical harm done to him. It should also take action against all those involved in covering up the crime of attempted extrajudicial killing. The case at hand also raises serious systemic concern that the recently formed police reforms commission should seriously consider, particularly the issue of the abuse of power and corruption in the justice delivery system. For any reform steps to be effective, the interim government should establish legal accountability and justice for all cases of rights violations in the hands of law enforcers.​
 

Now is the time for police force to prove themselves, says, Adviser Jahangir
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Nov 14, 2024 22:25
Updated :
Nov 14, 2024 22:25

1731634624075.png


Home Affairs Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury has said that now is the time for the police force to prove themselves by providing service.

“The interim government is a non-political one. With the absence of political influence, there is opportunity to work with honesty, efficiency, and impartiality. The police force should utilise this opportunity to dedicate themselves to the service of the nation,” he said.

The adviser made these remarks on Thursday while delivering the keynote address at a views exchange meeting with members of the Armed Forces Division, various police units, Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), Coast Guard, Ansar and VDP, Prisons Department, Fire Service and Civil Defense Department, and Narcotics Control Department at the Barishal Police Lines.

The adviser also emphasised the crucial role of law enforcement in controlling prices. He said, “The law enforcers play an important role in controlling the prices of goods. The members of the forces have to stop extortion and stay away from it.”

Failure to do so would tarnish the force's reputation, he said. The adviser said, “No one can be arrested in civil clothes. No one can be brought under the law without identity.”

The adviser also mentioned that the condition of police stations, including food and sanitation facilities, was not satisfactory. He directed senior officials to focus on resolving these issues for police personnel.

He said the armed forces had been granted magisterial power to assist in maintaining law and order, adding, “The term would be extended further and the BGB and Coast Guard would be included.”

While briefing reporters after the meeting, the adviser said, “The current government is trying to transform the police into a people-friendly force. To this end, efforts such as the formation of a police reform commission are ongoing.”

He remarked that the law and order situation in Barishal is relatively better compared to other areas. He further instructed the police to be more vigilant in preventing various public disturbances, including road blockades due to various demands.

Inspector General of Police Md Moinul Islam, Director General of RAB A.K.M. Shahidur Rahman, Divisional Commissioner of Barishal Md Raihan Kawser, were present at the time, among others.​
 

Baharul made new IGP, Sazzad new DMP commissioner
FE Online Report
Published :
Nov 20, 2024 20:15
Updated :
Nov 20, 2024 20:40

1732150475318.png


Former head of the Special Branch Baharul Alam has been appointed as the new Inspector General of Police, and Sheikh Sazzad Hossain has been named the new commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police.

Adviser Asif Mahmud announced their appointments during a press briefing on Wednesday.

The government has made the new appointments to bring dynamism to the police administration, he said.

More changes in the administration will take place to ensure good governance, he added.

Baharul Alam, who headed the Special Branch in 2007-08, retired from service in 2000.​
 

Crowd control: Police seek to stop use of lethal weapon
Recommendations to be submitted to IGP, ministry

1732405895986.png


The police may stop using lethal weapons and lead pellets for crowd control as their widespread use during the July mass uprising led to massive casualties and global criticism.

The process is underway to make time-befitting regulations on the use of firearms, said Enamul Haque Sagor, assistant inspector general (media) at the Police Headquarters.

The Police Headquarters has already formed a committee, led by a deputy inspector general, to recommend non-lethal methods for controlling crowds and unlawful assemblies.

"We have been discussing banning the use of long barrel firearms even in case of rowdy protests," said an additional inspector general seeking anonymity.

Police will use small arms like in developed countries in extreme cases of necessity in line with the UN guidelines to which Bangladesh is a signatory, he added.

The committee's recommendations will be given to the IGP for review and then to the ministry for finalisation, said a committee member.

Around 1,500 people lost their lives during the July uprising, while 19,931 others got injured, said Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus while addressing the nation on the completion of 100 days of the interim government on November 17.

Members of the police, Rab, Border Guard Bangladesh and other forces fired on the protesters during demonstrations that began on July 14. Many victims suffered permanent disabilities, with more than 400 losing eyesight due to lead pellet injuries.

The Daily Star analysed the pattern of injuries of 204 people who died as of August 1 and found that almost 95 percent of them were killed by bullets, including live rounds and shotgun pellets.

Of them, 113 were shot in the head, chest, stomach and abdomen.

Lawyers for Energy, Environment and Development analysed 100 cases filed with 22 police stations in Dhaka and Chattogram.

The analysis showed that lethal weapons like 7.62mm semi-automatic rifles, submachine guns, BD08 assault rifles, Taurus 9mm revolvers and Type 54 pistols had been used.

The law enforcement agencies gave priority to using lethal weapons over other methods of riot control, the analysis showed.

During the 1971 Liberation War, the police put up resistance against the Pakistan Army at Rajarbagh Police Lines with .303 rifles.

Those rifles have become outdated, and police have periodically modernised their arsenal, introducing advanced lethal weapons like 7.62mm sniper firearms, LMG (Light Machine Gun) and SMG (Submachine Gun) along with Chinese rifles.

In October 2014, a meeting involving various stakeholders, including representatives from the home ministry and Police Headquarters, was held to discuss the procurement of lethal firearms including 7.62mm rifles.

Senior officials then justified the procurement saying such weapons were necessary for combating criminals equipped with sophisticated firearms, especially in the diverse geographical landscapes of Bangladesh's hilly and plain regions and dreaded militants.

However, during the recent protests, police and other forces used these military-grade weapons widely against unarmed demonstrators.

"Police actions deviated from the existing domestic laws, which themselves fall short of UN standards," said a committee member, criticising the continued reliance on colonial-era legislation designed to suppress dissent.

The UN guidelines on the use of force by law enforcement state that public assemblies may be deemed unlawful under domestic laws for various reasons, such as failing to meet procedural requirements or violating restrictions.

However, many such reasons, like procedural noncompliance, do not render an assembly unlawful under international human rights law.

"
In any case, the mere fact that an assembly is considered unlawful under domestic legislation does not justify the use of force by law enforcement officials," reads the guidelines.

The committee will also recommend what extent of force can be used when and in what situation.

Before using any force to disperse unlawful assembly, police have to take into consideration the reasons for the assembly and take peaceful means to settle their problems, the official said.

PROCUREMENT AND USE OF ADVANCED WEAPONRY

A number of police officers said the force has had SMG and LMG for many years and those assault rifles were to guard police stations in war-like situations or any other emergency.

However, the use of weapons in crowd control began on a limited scale in 2012 and 2013 and it continued to increase during Awami League's rule as people became hostile to the government and police for issues like holding farcical elections and taking hardline on political opponents, they added.

A meeting in October 2014, including representatives from the home ministry and Police Headquarters, decided to procure lethal firearms including 7.62mm rifles.

The decision to acquire the weapons was influenced by the events surrounding a Hefajat-e-Islam rally at Shapla Chattar on May 5, 2013 and protests by Jamaat-Shibir men against the trial of war criminals, an official who was in the meeting told The Daily Star recently.

The government also considered their potential use to suppress dissent.

The first batch of weapons arrived in 2015 from Italy.

The weapons were intended for specialised units to tackle special situations but not for use against unarmed people, said a retired additional inspector general of police who attended the home ministry meeting.

"Such actions are unacceptable and the responsibility lies with those who misuse their authority," he added.

The issue of using lethal weapons indiscriminately came to the fore after the fall of the AL government on August 5 when former Home Affairs Adviser M Sakhawat Hossain on several occasions questioned how such "military grade" weapons were given to police.

Ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina's son Sajeeb Wazed Joy made several Facebook posts claiming that Bangladesh police did not use 7.62mm rifles and claimed outsiders opened fire with 7.62 firearms on the students.

But, purchase documents on the Bangladesh Police's website show police have long been using 7.62 sniper rifles and 7.62mm bullets.

The latest such move was made in March when the Police Headquarters floated a tender inviting bids for buying 50 7.62mm sniper rifles.

Earlier in March 2023, the Police Headquarters purchased 30 7.62 sniper rifles. Officials said the weapons were purchased keeping the January 2024 general elections in mind.

Besides, police authorities procured a large consignment of 15,000 pieces of 7.62mm semi-automatic rifles in September 2019 and August 2018, according to the website of Bangladesh Public Procurement Authority.​
 

Now is the time for police force to prove themselves, says, Adviser Jahangir
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Nov 14, 2024 22:25
Updated :
Nov 14, 2024 22:25

View attachment 10605

Home Affairs Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury has said that now is the time for the police force to prove themselves by providing service.

“The interim government is a non-political one. With the absence of political influence, there is opportunity to work with honesty, efficiency, and impartiality. The police force should utilise this opportunity to dedicate themselves to the service of the nation,” he said.

The adviser made these remarks on Thursday while delivering the keynote address at a views exchange meeting with members of the Armed Forces Division, various police units, Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), Coast Guard, Ansar and VDP, Prisons Department, Fire Service and Civil Defense Department, and Narcotics Control Department at the Barishal Police Lines.

The adviser also emphasised the crucial role of law enforcement in controlling prices. He said, “The law enforcers play an important role in controlling the prices of goods. The members of the forces have to stop extortion and stay away from it.”

Failure to do so would tarnish the force's reputation, he said. The adviser said, “No one can be arrested in civil clothes. No one can be brought under the law without identity.”

The adviser also mentioned that the condition of police stations, including food and sanitation facilities, was not satisfactory. He directed senior officials to focus on resolving these issues for police personnel.

He said the armed forces had been granted magisterial power to assist in maintaining law and order, adding, “The term would be extended further and the BGB and Coast Guard would be included.”

While briefing reporters after the meeting, the adviser said, “The current government is trying to transform the police into a people-friendly force. To this end, efforts such as the formation of a police reform commission are ongoing.”

He remarked that the law and order situation in Barishal is relatively better compared to other areas. He further instructed the police to be more vigilant in preventing various public disturbances, including road blockades due to various demands.

Inspector General of Police Md Moinul Islam, Director General of RAB A.K.M. Shahidur Rahman, Divisional Commissioner of Barishal Md Raihan Kawser, were present at the time, among others.​

Forehead grapes have started appearing on our eastern flank.

@Krishna with Flute @Guru Dutt
 
Police has lost confidence of the people and they have lost confidence in themselves.

It is easy to say start again but that is simply not possible and army can not and should not undertake the job of the police.

Only real option is to rehabilitate the current force and start building up a new competent force slowly. During this transition we need to manage with certain level of disfunction.

Thanks for your opinion MB444 bhai and welcome as a regular poster to our new forum.

The ranks of the police are filled with rogue Chhatra League members, and as if this was not enough, many of them have gotten used to corruption/bribery and irregular use of govt. resources. To clean house and pick out the rogue Chhatra League elements will require a long time, but we have no alternative I guess.
 

The police legacy of using lethal weapons has to change
Militarisation of police force cannot be accepted under any pretext

1732493552193.png

VISUAL: STAR

It is encouraging to learn that the police may cease using lethal weapons and lead pellets for crowd control. We fully support this drive as there is no justification for the police to use lethal force against ordinary citizens. Such actions, however, were rampant during the tenure of the ousted Awami League regime. During the July uprising, excessive use of lethal weapons by police and other security agencies resulted in approximately 1,500 deaths while leaving nearly 20,000 injured. It is incomprehensible that those entrusted with the duty to protect the public could commit such violence against them.

In light of these events, it is imperative that our security agencies, including police, undergo reforms to prevent such atrocities from ever occurring again. Reportedly, the Police Headquarters has already formed a committee to recommend non-lethal methods for controlling crowds and unlawful assemblies. Discussions are also underway about banning the use of long-barrel firearms. In extreme cases of necessity, it is expected that police will rely on small arms, in accordance with practices in developed countries and aligned with UN guidelines, to which Bangladesh is a signatory.

Following the successful July uprising, The Daily Star analysed the injury patterns of 204 individuals who had died as of August 1. Nearly 95 percent of these victims were killed by bullets, including live rounds and shotgun pellets. Of these, 113 were shot in the head, chest, stomach, or abdomen—clearly indicating an intent to kill. Additionally, an analysis by the Lawyers for Energy, Environment and Development (LEED) revealed that lethal weapons such as 7.62mm semi-automatic rifles, submachine guns, BD08 assault rifles, Taurus 9mm revolvers, and Type 54 pistols were used during attacks on protesters.

As highlighted in a report by this daily, the militarisation of the police under the previous regime began in 2012-2013. In an October 2014 meeting, a decision was made to procure lethal firearms, including 7.62mm rifles. From that point onward, the regime increasingly pressured the police to use such deadly weapons to suppress dissent. Procurement records available on the Bangladesh Police website show that 7.62 sniper rifles and 7.62mm bullets have been in use for years, with their acquisition often coinciding with the farcical elections held under the regime, the latest being the January 2024 general elections.

Former Home Affairs Adviser M Sakhawat Hossain has rightly questioned the rationale for giving such "military-grade" weapons to the police. The answer is clear—they were introduced to enable the fascist regime to maintain power by silencing dissent and oppressing citizens. Therefore, comprehensive reforms in our security agencies, particularly the police, are critical. These reforms must also include establishing thorough, independent mechanisms to investigate errant police officers and hold them accountable.​
 

A police system for people
Muhammad Tanbirul Islam 26 November, 2024, 00:00

1732580822237.png

New Age

THE July uprising marked a significant turning point in Bangladesh’s history. It was driven primarily by the youth, especially students, who demanded a systemic change. This uprising was not merely a protest. It represented a collective yearning for a reformed governance structure that would prioritise democracy and the protection of rights. Central to this movement is the urgent call for police reforms as the police have for long been marred by corruption, inefficiency and political manipulation. The challenge lies in redefining what policing should look like and determining how to build a law enforcement system that serves the public.

Memories of police brutality are deeply embedded in the national consciousness with numerous instances of violence and injustice perpetrated by law enforcers. The acts are symptomatic of a larger systemic failure rather than the result of individual malice. It is essential to recognise that while accountability for wrongdoing is necessary, a wholesale condemnation of the police force is neither fair nor constructive. Such an approach risks undermining law and order further and emboldening criminal elements. Instead, we must understand how the police became what they are today, acknowledging that they have often been used as instruments of political power rather than as protectors of people.

The roots of the current state of policing can be traced back to the colonial past, when the police were established to serve the interests of the British rulers rather than those of the people. This legacy has persisted through successive governments that have exploited law enforcement to their own gains, leading to an erosion of public trust and increasing instances of corruption and excessive force. The outdated training systems and inadequate resources have left the police ill equipped to tackle modern challenges such as cybercrime and terrorism. Consequently, reforming the institution is not just an ethical obligation but an urgent necessity for sustainable governance.

Looking beyond Bangladesh, there are valuable lessons to be learnt from international policing models that prioritise community engagement and trust-building. Countries such as Japan have successfully implemented community-based policing systems that embed officers within neighbourhoods, fostering collaboration between law enforcement and citizens. Similarly, initiatives in the United Kingdom and the United States emphasise proactive crime prevention through strong relationships with local communities. Adopting such models could enable Bangladesh to envision a future where police officers are seen not as enforcers of fear but as partners in creating safer environments.

To achieve meaningful reform, several key measures must be prioritised. Establishing an independent oversight commission to monitor police conduct is crucial for ensuring accountability and transparency. This body would allow citizens to report misconduct without fear and ensure that investigation of abuses is conducted impartially. Additionally, implementing merit-based recruitment and promotion practices will help to restore public confidence in law enforcement by ensuring that officers are selected based on their skills rather than political connections. Comprehensive training programmes focused on rights and ethical policing must also become mandatory.

Community policing should be at the forefront of this transformation, encouraging partnerships between law enforcement and local organisations to address issues such as drug abuse and domestic violence at grass roots. Regular community engagement initiatives can help to rebuild mutual trust between citizens and police officers, reinforcing their role as allies in fostering safe neighbourhoods.​
 

Why would those we shot days ago trust us now, asks IGP Baharul
bdnews24.com
Published :
Dec 05, 2024 21:29
Updated :
Dec 05, 2024 22:51

1733449246623.png


Inspector General of Police Baharul Alam believes it will be a “very difficult task” to mobilise his force on the ground after firing on and killing people in July-August uprising.

He said, “We opened fire and killed people just a few days back. Now it is a Herculean task to make a 360-degree turnover from that place and become people-friendly.”

The IGP said many police officers cannot avoid responsibility and some officers have been charged in cases for various reasons.

No action is being taken against the police officers only if they are accused in the complaint like others, he said.

While speaking at a media briefing at Police Headquarters on Thursday, Baharul said: “Police no longer want to be used politically. This is my number one demand like all others.”

Referring to his recent visit to the National Institute of Traumatology and Orthopaedic Rehabilitation, popularly known as Pongu Hospital, he said: “I went to NITOR that day. One of the injured asked me ‘why did you shoot me? I am a poor driver.’ I didn’t have an answer. I said I have no answer, I came here just to apologise.”

Many police officers have been accused of using excessive force during the Anti-discrimination Student Movement.

Among them, the names of half a dozen police officers, including former SB head Monirul Islam, DMP commissioners Habibur Rahman, Biplob Kumar Sarkar, Proloy Kumar Joarder, and Harunor Rashid are being frequently heard.

Several cases have been initiated against them. Where are they located now?

Asked whether they would be declared missing by the authorities, the IGP said: “We have received information from the media about the names that were mentioned. An investigation is under way at our end.”

“They will be arrested if they are in the country and if we can identify their location. And if they are outside the country, there is also a legal process for that.”​
 

Police should put in more efforts to arrest jailbreakers
06 December, 2024, 00:00

ABOUT 700 prisoners who escaped jails during the time of turmoil around the fall of the Awami League government, toppled on August 5 in a mass uprising that resulted from student protests spanning July, still being at large is worrying. The prisons directorate at a press conference in Dhaka on December 4, highlighting the directorate’s activities of the past three months, said that more than 2,200 people escaped from five jails; and 1,500 of them have so far either surrendered or have been arrested by the law enforcement agencies. In the Narsingdi jailbreak that took place on July 19, 826 prisoners and others detained escaped; 596 prisoners escaped the Satkhira jail and 518 prisoners escaped the Sherpur jail on August 5; 201 prisoners escaped the Kashimpur jail on August 6 and close to a hundred prisoners escaped the Kushita jail on August 7. What is further worrying, as the inspector general of prisons has said, is that some of the people who escaped are death-row convicts and many, especially in the Narsingdi jailbreak, have escaped with looted firearms. This makes the situation alarming. The inspector general seeks to say the jailer concerned has been suspended after the incident and necessary action has been taken against all others responsible. But this does not lessen the gravity of the situation at all.

The jailbreaks appear to have happened at a time when law and order was not in shape amidst the political turmoil and mostly after August 5, when law enforcement was very weak. The army, which promised to attend to issues of law and order and security, appears to have left the prisons inadequately attended. The prisons authorities also appear to have taken no proper precautions to protect the prisons, especially at a time when law enforcement was clearly declining or declined. The jailbreaks in Kashimpur, Satkhira, Kushtia and Sherpur are reported to have happened after demonstrations by some prisoners and in some cases attacks by the cohorts and relatives of the prisoners from outside the jails. In the Kashimpur jailbreak that happened on August 7, at least six prisoners are reported to have been killed when prison guards shot at them. A similar incident also happened in the Sirajganj jail on August 7, but the prison guards, aided by the army, could foil the jailbreak attempt. All this having happened, the inspector general of prisons at the press conference at hand has said that 17 out of the 69 jails were in a rickety condition. A situation like this warrants that the authorities should immediately attend to the physical condition of the prisons so that such jailbreaks do not recur. There should be no lapses in the security of prisons to stop such events from recurring.

Whilst the authorities should take early steps to prevent the recurrence of any jailbreak, they should also put in more efforts to find out and arrest the people who broke the prions and are still at large because they continue to pose security risks.​
 

BNP for RAB’s abolition
Staff Correspondent 11 December, 2024, 00:21

1733878918982.png

New Age photo

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party recommended the abolition of the Rapid Action Battalion, citing allegations of human rights violations and extrajudicial killings.

It made the recommendation to the Police Reform Committee the interim government has recently formed.

BNP standing committee member retired major Hafizuddin Ahmed came up with the recommendation at a press conference on Tuesday at the party chairperson’s office at Gulshan in the capital.

Mentioning that the force already faced harsh criticism at home and abroad, he said that the RAB became a ‘monster’ in the eyes of the country’s people.

‘We recommend the RAB’s abolition for their involvement in extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances and we believe that its abolition would send a positive message to people,’ he added.

Hafiz also said that necessary measures could be taken to enable the police force along with its specialised forces, including the Armed Police Battalion, to carry out the responsibilities of the Rapid Action Battalion.

He further said that both local and international human rights organisations, the United Nations, most political parties, and the public blamed the RAB for most of the incidents of enforced disappearances, killings, torture and repression.

Hafiz at the briefing also referred to the United States’ sanctioning of the force over allegations of human rights violation.

The Rapid Action Battalion was founded on March 26, 2004 during the BNP-led four-party alliance government to curb organised crimes and terrorism.

Since its very establishment the force had remained under intense scrutiny, facing serious allegations of human rights violations.

The party also gave other reform recommendations, including forming a police commission, to the Police Reform Commission.

It has suggested formation of an eight-member Police Commission headed by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs chairman to properly guide, advise and support the police force.

One of its recommendations is to form a citizen committee in every upazila or police station jurisdiction to support the police in combating crimes at the local level, improving public-police relations, and giving advice on maintaining law and order.

The chair of the committee would be an eminent person of the respective area and the officer-in-charge of the police station concerned would be its member secretary, the BNP suggested as the possible structure of its proposed citizen committees.

They also recommended strengthening of community policing, saying that community policing would reduce various crimes and social unrest, help bridge the gap between the police and the public, and increase public awareness.

Hafiz further said that after the fall of the Awami League regime on August 5, a total of 488 police officers took shelter at the cantonment who he said were involved with enforced disappearances, killings and corruption.

The army did not do the right thing by giving them shelter as they were offenders, the retired serviceman said.

Enforced disappearances, killings and repression of the opposition people perpetrated by the Awami regime turned the country into a ‘police state’, he added.​
 

Latest Posts

Back