[đŸ‡§đŸ‡©] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

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'The police cannot run in this way'
Sarfuddin Ahmed
Published: 24 Sep 2024, 12: 49

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Earlier, it was commonly said, "The police and local trains seldom arrive on time." However, it seems now the police don’t even arrive at all, not even on rare occasions.

Many places are devoid of police presence. Even on busy roads, the police are nowhere to be seen. Traffic management seems to be running on an "in the name of God, we proceed" system.

Recently a man selling vegetables from a mobile stall said, "Someone stole the battery from my van. That person is lucky he wasn’t caught. If I had caught him, I would have beaten him to death because there’s no police and no case would have been filed."

This suggests that people now believe that in many areas of the country, there is practically no police presence.

There are no police patrols. Ever since the shooting during student protests, the public no longer respects the police as they used to. They are no longer willing to listen to the police. Instead of following the law, people now want to do whatever they please.

The ‘open secret’ across the country today is that the police chain of command is no longer functioning. The entire command structure has collapsed. If a senior officer instructs a subordinate to go right, there’s no guarantee they will comply.

For a long time, this was perceived merely as public perception. However, last Sunday, Deputy Commissioner (DC) Sarwar Jahan of the Ramna Division of Dhaka Metropolitan Police was overheard telling a senior officer on his mobile, "Sir, this force cannot be run like this. No one is following orders. The police cannot function like this." It left no doubt in anyone’s mind that the chain of command of police has broken down.

According to a report in Prothom Alo, Sarwar Jahan had ordered his subordinates to remove auditors protesting in front of the Audit Building at Kakrail, who were blocking the road. However, like Nawab Siraj-ud- Daula’s army standing before Robert Clive’s forces, Sarwar’s team of officers stood motionless.

The report states that the auditors were blocking the road, and despite repeated requests over a loudspeaker to clear the area, they refused. Sarwar then gave them a five-minute ultimatum. When they didn’t move, he instructed his officers to advance. However, apart from a handful of officers, no one else moved.

Even after repeated urgings from DC Sarwar, some constables and sub-inspectors openly told him, "Sir, we cannot go into action."

Sarwar asked, "Won’t you listen to me?" To which one officer replied, "We can’t, sir."

At that moment, many officers were overheard saying to each other that no matter what, they would not move forward. One sub-inspector was heard telling the constables, "No matter what the sir says, just stay quiet."

Frustrated, DC Sarwar then called a superior officer and said, "Sir, no one is listening. Despite my repeated orders, no one is moving forward."

It’s not unusual for individual officers to show allegiance to a political party. However, if a large number of officers openly defy orders and say, "Sir, I won’t follow your command," then this becomes a serious issue
This is not a trivial incident. It is, in fact, quite alarming. The police are a disciplined force, and the chain of command is their primary strength. There is no room for anyone to act outside the command structure.

When a constable dares to tell a deputy commissioner of police, "I won’t follow your orders," it indicates that the chain of command within the force has broken down. There is serious disorder within the force.

Since the final days of the Hasina government, the relationship between the police and the public had become, in some cases, like that of a mongoose and a snake.

Thousands of people were injured or killed in police shootings at that time. Many police officers were also injured or killed by protesters. The antagonistic relationship that developed between the police and the public has not yet normalized.

The reality is that the police are still struggling to present themselves in a straightforward manner to the public. They feel that the public no longer respects them. This feeling can become a psychological barrier for them when attempting to break up protests.

However, a senior police officer, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Prothom Alo that "a large number of officers in Dhaka were appointed during Sheikh Hasina’s government, and they no longer want to listen to orders."

Former Inspector General of Police (IGP) Muhammad Nurul Huda has also stated that the close relationship between police officers and political parties is responsible for the current state of the force.

According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, between 2009 and 2023, a total of 119,919 constables, sub-inspectors, and sergeants were recruited. Analysts believe that over the decade and a half of the Awami League government, the police were used as a tool to maintain power.

It’s not unusual for individual officers to show allegiance to a political party. However, if a large number of officers openly defy orders and say, "Sir, I won’t follow your command," then this becomes a serious issue.

If this situation is not quickly addressed, the disciplined police force could transform into a disorderly one.

* Sarfuddin Ahmed is Assistant Editor, Prothom Alo​
 

Police in disarray, need massive reforms
Mahmudul Hasan

Dhaka
Updated: 30 Sep 2024, 15: 15

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Around 120,000 were recruited in Bangladesh Police in 15 years of Awami League. The allocation for police increased by 433 per cent in this period. Yet, there was no effective initiative to make the police a professional force. Rather, police were used to suppress the political opponents of the ruling party in the last one and a half decades.

The organisational structure of police has collapsed due to Awami League’s excessive dependence on it. Police have reached such a fragile structure that it cannot play any effective role even after one and a half months of the fall of Sheikh Hasina in a student-mass uprising. Despite change in every top post including Inspector General (IGP), police have not been able to emerge from the torpor. Now a massive reform in the policing system has been demanded. Recommendation has come to form the Police Complaints Commission to investigate crimes committed by members of the force, alongside the Police Commission.

Some recommendations came while speaking with stakeholders such as current and former police officials, experts and relevant organisations. They mainly came up with two types of recommendations. Firstly, the police need a massive overhaul in the system of transfer, promotion, recruitment, operation and other facilities. Secondly, a strong organizational structure is needed to make police service oriented and ensure its accountability in all aspects such as cases and investigations, arrest and conducting raids. To this end, some laws and regulations regarding police need to be updated.

Sources said manpower shortage, budget shortage and infrastructural limitations were once presented as the main reasons for police force’s inability to be a professional one. But this notion has changed in the last 15 years. In this period, a total of 83,070 posts were created in the police. A total of 178 posts were created in high-ups for BCS cadre officers. Majority of 120,000 were recruited on political and partisan considerations.

According to the public security division, the manpower of the police force was around 213,000 last November.

Allocation for police in 2023-24 fiscal years increased by Tk 177.65 billion from Tk 33.31 billion in 2009-10 fiscal years. A significant number of infrastructures were built during this period but a majority of these were unplanned. Allegations of corruption were also there.

Stakeholders say that increase in manpower, facilities and infrastructures failed to make police pro-people as appeasing the force got priority over welfare of the public. A majority of the force played a veritable role as party activists to bring Awami League to power in the last three general elections. Awami League relied more on police and local administration than on party leaders to ensure their win in elections.

Transparency International Bangladesh’s (TIB) executive director Iftekharuzzaman stressed on creating a sustainable structure of accountability to bring police out of present predicaments. He recommended forming a police complaint commission alongside an independent police commission like in the United Kingdom and different other countries. The Police Commission will work independently on issues such as recruitment-transfer and promotion while the Complaint Commission will ensure accountability on these activities.

Police headquarters have already formed eight committees for reform and fact-finding. Police headquarters’ spokesperson Inamul Haque said the committees will submit reports to IGP.

The chief adviser of the interim government has announced a police reform commission headed by former home secretary Safar Raz Hossain. He told Prothom Alo, "The commission might consist of 10-12 members including two representatives from police. We will hear from journalists, people from different professions and policemen. We will recommend transforming the police force in line with people’s expectations."

Concept of posting needs overhaul
Policemen are usually posted in 16 to 20 units or work stations. Insiders say out of these 16, some 3-4 are considered ‘good postings’. Dhaka Metropolitan Police’s (DMP) crime division, detective branch and some other posts, superintendent of district police and ranges’ DIG are among the posts that are considered the better posting. Some other posts of police headquarters, Special Branch of police and Criminal Investigation Department (CID) are also considered prized posts. In the last 15 years, some handful of officers were appointed in these ‘good posts’.

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police were used to suppress the political opponents of the ruling party in the last one and a half decadesProthom Alo file photo

Police insiders say that posting in the places where chances of exercising power, rate of crime and businesses and industries are generally considered as more coveted. The main reason behind it is that the chance of illegal income is comparatively more in these areas. Not only cadre officers, but non cadre officers from constable to inspector crave for posting in such areas.

Police do not have any ‘fit list’ for posting in those important posts. As a result anyone can be posted anywhere at any time. Taking this chance, the politics inside the police force mainly starts over posting in these coveted areas. This politics is mainly to blame for the lack of professionalism in the police. Officers need to lobby powerful officials to get better postings. In some places, postings of police are made as per the will of influential politicians. Some officials also form a syndicate to control the whole process of transfer and promotion. They do so by establishing good rapport with influential people in the government. Sometimes illegal transactions of money become the most important factor for posting.

These are the reasons behind the existing disarray in the posting.

Option of formulation of specific guidelines is also discussed inside the police to bring order in posting. Prothom Alo talked with 13 police officers of different ranks between inspector and DIG. They suggest police need a ‘fit list’ for posting of superintendents akin to the administration cadre’s fit list for promotion to deputy commissioners. There should also be a ‘fit list’ for officer in charge posting. An officer would require specialised and specific experience to get such postings.

They also opined that it should be specified as to how long an officer can remain in OC and SP posts. Officers of all ranks would require working in all units, except for specialised units, to ensure a balance between units so that some postings are not deemed more lucrative. If that can be done, officers would be ready to work anywhere they are appointed.

Discipline required for promotion

Relevant people said there is almost no promotion in the upper level posts without the consideration of superiors, political consideration or financial dealings. That is why instead of becoming professional, the police members become interested in tasks that would draw the attention of political leaders. As a result, the police could not become a pro-people security agency.

That is why the relevant people recommended setting some basic yardsticks for promotions. They also stressed the importance of assessing the annual confidential report (ACR) properly.

To ensure the “chain of command”, the authority to issue ACR will have to be distributed among the inspectors, assistant police supers, additional police supers, and police supers and other upper level officers rather than keeping it confined to unicentric.

Police stations to be reformed, trainings enhanced

There are allegations of harassment at the police stations for a long time even for some general services. There are also allegations that the police members are unhelpful in all the instances of filing a case, general diary (GD), investigation, patrolling and conducting raids. In some cases they just harass the service seekers. That is why the police stations could not become the places where people could rely.

Apart from this, financial dealings at the police stations have turned into a custom. That is why the relevant people advised to reform all 639 police citations across the country.

Several former and serving officials of different levels made some suggestions in this regard. Those include - employing a separate team, to be led by a superior, at the district level to monitor the activities of the members of every police station. They will submit reports on inconsistencies everyday to the SP and range DIG. Besides, they will contact a certain number of service seekers everyday to find out whether there was any illegal transaction of money and recommend taking actions based on that against the accused police member.

The officials and experts also recommended changing the recruitment of constables and their promotion and training drastically.

They said half of the sub-inspectors, who work as investigation officers, are recruited directly while the other half comes from promotion of constables. But when the constables are recruited, they do not get sufficient training to work as investigation officers. As a result, when they get the responsibility without any mental preparation, they fail to play the expected role in investigations. That is why they should be prepared during the recruitment and before the promotion.

Naim Ahmed, former additional IGP, told Prothom Alo that the main work is now to restore the morale of officers by making police stations functional again. Then there should be some specific guidelines regarding transfer and promotion. Also, training of police should be updated.

Necessity of specialised recruitment

With time, the types of crime and strategy to tackle these crimes have seen a massive change. Police are facing fresh challenges especially in tackling cyber crime and extremism. Although police have formed specialised units such as Cyber Crime Unit, SWAT, Anti-Terrorism Unit (ATU) and Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime (CTTC), no specialised recruitment of people with specific know-how were made in these units. Many posted with these specialised units get training home and abroad but they get transferred to other non-specialised units later on. As a result, the training they receive goes in vain.

Stakeholders suggest that recruitment can primarily be made in constable and sub inspector posts at first. Later the whole units can be run by specialised manpower by providing training to them. There can be some specific standards for posting in units which mainly carry out investigations. Some also recommended recruitment of specialised manpower in units such as Tourist Police, Rail Police, Industrial Police, River Police, Highway Police and training institutes.

Framework of accountability stressed

Most of the crimes committed by policemen are linked with bribes and illegal transactions. Other than these crimes, policemen are generally accused for misdemeanors, personal reasons and negligence in duty. But investigation is normally carried out in cases that come out in public. And it is the police who carry out the investigation. As a result, the policemen who commit crimes usually get less punishment or get acquitted.

Under this circumstance, the stakeholders recommended a strong framework to ensure accountability of police. They say the whole police force should be brought under accountability by forming an effective police commission. This commission will investigate all crimes and irregularities. Apart from visible crimes committed by its members, policemen will face accountability for every case and investigation. Besides, all members of police will have to submit wealth statements of their own and members of their families. Actions should be taken if any inconsistency is found between their wealth and income.

The issue of reforming police has been a long-discussed one. The initiatives taken by the caretaker government in 2007 were not implemented by the next political government. The stakeholders said the previous governments had either encouraged or forced the police to serve their own interests. That’s why these changes should be made by the interim government on an emergency basis. Work should be started by bringing into a process in case of the decisions which will take time to implement.

Former IGP of police Khoda Bakhsh Chowdhury told Prothom Alo that the police should be reformed in keeping with the times, and the process should be continued. However, to get the full benefit of this reform, the criminal justice system needs to be reformed. In that case, apart from the police, the judicial system and the prison management should also be revamped.​
 

Italy pledges support for police reforms, regular migration

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Photo: PID

Italy's ambassador to Dhaka has pledged support to the interim government's efforts to reform the police and said it would work together to promote formal migration to the country.

The ambassador, Antonio Alessandro, made the comments when he paid a courtesy call on Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at the latter's Tejgaon office in Dhaka today.

Safe, organised and regular migration to Italy, economic and trade cooperation, and police reforms dominated the talks during the meeting.

The meeting came a week after the chief adviser and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni held a one-on-one meeting at the UN Headquarters in New York.

During the UN meeting, Prof Yunus called for the large-scale formal migration from Bangladesh to Italy.

Meloni said both nations should work hard to cut irregular migration.

"We want to protect Bangladesh migrants. We have to work for better regular migration," Ambassador Alessandro said.

The Italian ambassador praised the reform efforts of the interim government. He offered Italian support for police reforms, including training for the security forces.

"Our police do it in several countries," he said.

The ambassador hoped that bilateral trade between the two nations would "rebound soon." Currently, the bilateral trade between the two nations is around $2.5 billion.

The Italian embassy would also hold a movie festival and a ballet soon, he said.​
 

Police reform: Freedom from political control is the goal
Old draft ordinance may come in handy for police reforms commission

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The setting up of a commission for police reforms is not the first such move in Bangladesh.

The last caretaker government had taken a similar step. It formed Bangladesh Police Act Drafting Committee, which came up with a draft ordinance in 2007.

The goals of the committee were to free police from political influence; make transfers, promotions, and appointments within the force transparent; and ensure that the force and its members are accountable.

That draft ordinance proposed an independent police commission and a complaints commission. It intended to change the colonial police laws of 1861, but it never saw the light of day because of strong opposition from the bureaucracy and vested quarters, said those involved in the process at that time.

Drawn up with assistance from Police Reforms Programme (PRP), funded by the UK and EU, the ordinance was forwarded to the home ministry in 2008 for promulgation, but it never happened.

One of two police officials, who were involved in drafting the ordinance and are still with the force, said the home ministry controls promotions, postings, and punishment of all officers above assistant superintendents according to the wishes of the party in power.

"But under the new law [proposed ordinance], the bureaucrats would not have any control over the police."

Citing the examples of India and Sri Lanka, they said both the South Asian neighbours have changed their British era police laws, since those were designed mainly to subjugate people and required hardly any accountability for police.

The officials suggested that the new police reforms commission, led by former home secretary Safar Raj Hossain, may draw upon the draft ordinance and the experience of Sri Lanka.

The two officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the Sri Lankan law was better than that of India or Pakistan.

They cited the example of the uprising in Sri Lanka and the ouster of president Gotabaya Rajapaksa, during which the police did not use lethal force on protesters. They did not face public wrath either. "That is because Sri Lanka's police is controlled by an independent commission," said one of the officers.

The 2007 draft had proposed a National Police Commission (NPC) and a Police Complaint Commission (PCC) to supervise policing and reduce partisan influence in the police department. The police commission would be headed by the home minister, it would have MPs from both sides of the aisle along with civil society representatives.

The complaints commission would be headed by a former judge of the appellate court along with senior retired bureaucrats and civil society representatives.

But once the Awami League took over in 2009, there was no attempt to reform the police. In fact, the AL government used the entire force as its tool for repression and to subdue opposition and dissent.

A section of police officials also worked as party activists for personal gains like securing lucrative postings and engaging in rampant corruption. In the process, they not only deprived the more competent officials, but were able to push them out to the fringes with their own groups of loyalists that had turned into an evil axis.

The axis showed its true colours during the July-August protests, when hundreds of people were shot dead by police. According to the latest estimates, at least 708 people were killed.

The law enforcers also suffered at the hands of the people who turned on them as the protests culminated in an uprising. The protesters killed 44 policemen, burnt down 224 police establishments and vandalised 236. Several police stations were razed to the ground.

Police reforms commission chief Safar Raj told The Daily Star on Sunday that his committee members had already been picked and would soon be given formal appointments.

He added the commission will seek opinions from all stakeholders, including representatives of the print and electronic media.

Yesterday, the names of the commission members were unveiled by a notification.

The commission's office is at the home ministry.

However, those involved in the draft ordinance cautioned that even being located within the home ministry made the new commission vulnerable to pressure from bureaucrats.

THE 2007 DRAFT ORDINANCE

The draft ordinance proposed a National Police Commission (NPC) to supervise and administer the force and a Police Complaint Commission (PCC) to hold it accountable. The overarching goal was essentially the same as that of the Safar Raj Commission, reduce partisan influence.

The 11-member NPC would be led by the home minister. Members would include four MPs (two each from the government and opposition), four civil society representatives, the home secretary and the police chief. This police commission was authorised to significantly contribute to the appointment of the police chief and investigate any allegations against the top cop. Furthermore, only this commission had the authority to fire or transfer the inspector general.

The NPC would also finalise three nominees for the post of inspector general and forward them to the government for a final selection. The ordinance proposed that the government would appoint senior police officials, like additional IGP, upon the advice of the police commission.

Besides, the police commission would have to periodically make recommendations ensure an efficient, effective, and accountable force.

Striving for stability within the force, the draft proposed that between the ranks of superintendent and inspector general, officials would remain at a post for at least two years.

The proposed ordinance criminalised any recommendations for appointments, transfers or promotions whether by a minister or an MP.

The five-member complaint commission was authorised to investigate any complaint against the police, abuse of power, violation of human rights, negligence and corruption.

The PCC, led by an Appellate Division judge or nationally reputed personality, would include a retired secretary or additional secretary, a retired IGP or additional IGP and two neutral civil society representatives.

The complaint commission would have had the authority to act voluntarily or on the basis of complaints. It was authorised to refer complaints of minor offences back to the police authorities and had the powers to investigate complaints it deemed serious. It could ask the chief justice to appoint a district judge for a judicial inquiry if it needed to.

The PCC was also given the responsibility to draw up recommendations for ridding the police force of corruption. This commission would closely supervise investigations related to all killing and rape. The draft ordinance had a provision for forming a summary court to swiftly punish police officials found guilty.​
 
Yes, Japanese vehicles are a bit more expensive compared to the Indian ones, but the fact of the matter is we can afford Japanese vehicles then why the Home Ministry took the decision to buy low quality Indian vehicles based on price.


Bangladesh police begin procuring Indian vehicles
Staff Correspondent 10 October, 2024, 21:54

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Indian Mahindra vehicles are distributed to 10 Dhaka Metropolitan Police stations at a programme at Razarbagh police lines in the capital on Wednesday. | Focus Bangla photo

The police in a rare move have begun procuring Indian Mahindra vehicles for the Dhaka Metropolitan Police with 10 pickup vans handed over to police stations in the first phase.

The DMP would get 50 such vehicles from the Indian company and 10 of them were already handed over the police stations on Wednesday, said officials concerned.

Experts, however, questioned about the efficacy and longevity of Indian vehicles as it could not be compared with Japanese ones now being used for police duty.

Police officials, however, claimed that they took the move for procuring duty vehicles for its stations since the India-made vehicles were cheaper than those being used by the police presently.

According to DMP, a total of 186 of its vehicles were damaged and 97 of them were completely destroyed during the student-led mass uprising that toppled Sheikh Hasina’s autocratic government on August 5.

They also said that 22 out of 50 police stations were set on fire under the DMP jurisdiction.

DMP additional commissioner for logistics, finance and procurement Hasan Md Shawkat Ali told New Age that they had procured Indian Mahindra company vehicles for police stations due to cheap price as each vehicle costs about Tk 15.90 lakh.

‘We will procure 40 more same vehicles in the coming days,’ Shawkat added.

The decision of the procurement was taken by the interim government about one and a half months ago, he added.

Uttara Purba, Gulshan, Tejgaon, Kadamtali, Jatrabari, Kamrangirchar, Sabujbagh, Khilgaon, Motijheel and New Market police stations have received the vehicles.

An officer-in-charge of one of those police stations said that it was Mahindra police pick-up.

‘We usually do not use the vehicle,’ the OC said without detailing.

DMP procured vehicles with the own fund of commissioner and vehicles would be used for maintaining law and order along with containing crimes.

Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology mechanical engineering department head Md Afsar Ali said that Indian vehicles had poor longevity and you cannot compare it with Japanese ones.

‘We had seen that Maruti company vehicles were imported in previous. Those vehicles became dysfunctional within two years. I think that there will be no exception in this case as well,’ he added.

BUET professor Md Shamsul Haque and a transport expert told New Age that the experience of Indian vehicle use was not well considering its longevity and resale value compared with Japanese one’s.

‘Earlier, some people brought Indian taxi-cab in the local market. But, those vehicles became defunct in a short time. This is why India could not succeed in the global market,’ said Shamsul.

Former inspector general of police Nur Mohammad said that the police usually used Japanese vehicles for patrolling.

‘A huge logistics loss took place after the fall of the government. I think that they imported vehicles from India for immediate solution and low cost,’ the former IGP added.

According to the Police Headquarters officials, about 1,000 vehicles were damaged, many among them were completely destroyed across the country during the movement.

An additional superintendent of police in a district in Chattogram division told New Age that only a handful number of Mahendra company vehicles were used in his district for the force.​
 

Reforming the police
Helal Uddin Ahmed
Published :
Oct 14, 2024 21:57
Updated :
Oct 14, 2024 21:57

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Organised policing in Bangladesh has a history of around 200 years starting from the British colonial era. The constitution of the country, laws, rules and regulations including the Police Regulations, the Police Act, and the Code of Criminal Procedure form the legal basis for the existence of Bangladesh Police. The interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus has recently constituted a commission for recommending measures to reform this age-old institution in order to attune it to the needs of a democratic society and modern living. This has been done in the backdrop of a breakdown in the institutional structure and functions of Bangladesh Police due to excessive politicisation and rampant misapplications by the previous autocratic regime. The situation reached such a precarious state that many policemen even went into hiding after the fall of the autocrat Hasina because of the misdeeds they had committed earlier, which was quite unprecedented in the history of Bangladesh.

Experts concerned including former police officials are now suggesting comprehensive reforms in appointments, transfers, promotions, facilities, work-environment and management of the force. Besides, they recommend a powerful supervisory structure for making Bangladesh Police a service-oriented outfit and ensure their accountability cum transparency.

According to knowledgeable quarters, manpower-problem, dearth of budgetary provisions, and infrastructural limitations were previously cited as contributing factors to the lack of professionalism in the police force. However, this notion has undergone change over the previous fifteen years. As many as 83 thousand posts were added to Bangladesh Police during that period and 178 posts were created at the higher echelons for cadre officers. The police manpower touched the figure of 213 thousand in November 2023, and the budgetary allocations for the force increased by over 433 per cent during the 15-year rule of the mafia-like fascist regime. However, most of the infrastructure built were unplanned ones and there were reports of rampant corruption in all those initiatives. Besides, the force could not be made people-oriented despite improvements in facilities, infrastructure and logistics, as pleasing the policemen was prioritised over people's welfare by the then government. Consequently, a large chunk of the force was used like party-men for keeping the regime in power through three fraudulent elections in 2014, 2018, and 2024. In fact, the regime became more dependent on the police and administration than the party workers for rigging elections.

In the above backdrop, experts have emphasized ensuring accountability of the police force by placing them under a permanent independent Police Commission and a Police Complaints Commission. The Police Commission should work independently for improving professionalism of the force through merit and efficiency-based appointments, transfers, and promotions. The Complaints Commission, on the other hand, would ensure transparency and accountability in all these matters. There is also the need for elaborate policies on postings and promotions, and fit-lists should be prepared for the purpose on a regular basis. Besides, bribery and corruption in these areas should be dealt with an iron-hand, as officials who have to pay bribes engage in similar acts later for recovering those resulting in a vicious cycle from the top to the bottom of police hierarchy with clear linkages between corruption and criminal activities by the police. It was also revealed in a 2004 TIB study that frequent transfers in the police department hampered proper functioning of the police stations, as average tenure of officers-in-charge at metropolis, district, and upazila levels were only about one year.

Two World Bank reports also shed light on the sorry state of Bangladesh Police in the past. The 1999 report titled 'Bangladesh: Key Challenges for the Next Millennium' noted: "The public at large is fearful and suspicious of the police and view law enforcement agents as predators, not protectors. Ninety-six percent of the respondents to the TI 1996 survey claimed that it was impossible to get help from the police without money or influence. More than two-thirds of the complainants reported having to pay to induce police officers to file the necessary 'First Information Report'. Seventy-one percent also accused the police of taking bribes and distorting the charge-sheet in favour of bribe-payers and delaying sending cases to the court. Physical assault and torture in police custody are common and viewed as normal means of eliciting confessions from suspects. There are frequent media reports of documented cases of people tortured to death and women sexually abused and raped while in police custody".

Another World Bank report titled 'Bangladesh: Improving Governance for Reducing Poverty' noted in 2002: "Bribery, that begins with the formality of reporting a crime in the form of General Diary (GD) or First Information Report (FIR) can also influence the outcome of any investigation and prosecution. Between the first step of registering a criminal complaint and follow-up investigation, and where appropriate, prosecution in court, money greases the wheels of justice". It is therefore evident that the country's criminal justice system also needs to be reformed alongside the police force for getting optimum result.

In the light of the above, the first priority in reforming the police force should be to amend the laws, rules and regulations related to it. Provisions should be incorporated for establishing an independent Police Commission that would supervise the functioning of the force. The commission in turn would frame the policy guidelines for the management of Bangladesh Police, covering all functional aspects and areas. Secondly, a Police Complaints Commission should be established, which would look into grievances about application of discretionary powers by the police including recording of GDs and FIRs, as well as arrests and detentions. Thirdly, the police should receive regular training on upholding human rights in order to make them more humane and people-oriented. And fourthly, measures should be taken for closer interactions of the police force with the society they live in, so that people can feel that the policemen belong to their community and are meant to ensure their safety and wellbeing. Options like increased integration of the police force with the local communities and local governments may be considered for the purpose.​
 

Five police units get new chiefs

Five police units got new chiefs as 10 additional inspectors general of police, including six recently promoted ones, were given new postings yesterday.

Additional IGP Matiur Rahman Sheikh has been made the chief of the Criminal Investigation Department since its head Mohammad Ali Mia was sent into forced retirement on August 22.

The home ministry issued a circular in this regard.

As per the circular, Addl IGPs Sarder Tamiz Uddin Ahmed, Delwar Hossain Mia, Abdullah Al Mahmud, and Kusum Dewan were given the charge of the Railway Police, Highway Police, Armed Police Battalion, and River Police respectively.

It also cancelled the posting of Addl IGP of the Police Headquarters Md Tawfique Mahbub Chowdhury to the Police Bureau of Investigation that has been without a chief since July 19 when Banaj Kumar Majumder retired as the head of the unit.

On August 13, Tawfique was transferred to PBI, but he did not join.

Meanwhile, chief of River Police Abdul Alim Mahmud, head of Special Security and Protection Battalion Golam Kibria, Addl IGPs Alamgir Alam, and Selim Mohammad Jahangir were posted to the Police Headquarters.

Despite the major reshuffle in the top positions, the Special Branch, Industrial Police, and Tourist Police are functioning without Addl IGPs who head the units.

The Special Branch is without a chief as Shah Alam retired on October 3. The Industrial Police has been without a head since August 22 when Mahbubur Rahman was sent into forced retirement. The Tourist Police has been without a boss since September 2 when Mir Rezaul Alam was asked to retire.

The Highway Police had been without a chief since October 9 when Shahabuddin Khan was forced to retire.​
 

Police to get new uniform, logo soon
Published :
Oct 16, 2024 17:14
Updated :
Oct 16, 2024 17:14

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Bangladesh Police is going to get new uniform and logo soon against the backdrop of the changed situation following the student-people movement.

A committee formed for selecting police uniform and designing a logo has almost completed its task, police spokesperson Enamul Haque Sagor, AIG, Media and Public Relations told BSS news agency on Wednesday.

The committee has selected several samples of the uniform and working to select truly a nice uniform and logo for all units of the police,” he said.

Police Headquarters on August 12 last formed a 10-member committee headed by Deputy Inspector General (DIG-Logistics) Mohammad Ataul Kibria to change the colour of the police uniform and design a logo.

Members of the committee are Additional DIG (development revenue) Dr Shoyeb Riaz Alam, Additional DIG (APBn Headquarters) Mohammad Shihab Kaiser Khan, Deputy Commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Faruk Ahmed, Airport APBn Police Super Abdullah Al Mamun, Additional Police Super (logistics, Police Headquarters), Md Nuruzzaman, Additional Police Super of Naval Police, Jewel Rana, Inspector of Criminal Investigation Department (CID) Md Zahidul Islam, Sub Inspector of Police Headquarters Md Santur Rahman and police constable of DMP Md Barkat Ullah.

The committee was given seven working days to accomplish its task, but the time has been extended, the spokesperson said.

The committee was formed following a views-exchange meeting of former home adviser Brigadier General (Retd) Dr M Sakhawat Hussain with senior officials of the police and the home ministry on August 11.​
 

Complaints against cops: Police want to investigate on their own
Reform proposal seeks no involvement of home ministry

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The police want the power to investigate complaints against their members, reforming the current system that requires the home ministry's involvement when the officer facing charges is of a certain rank.

Rights defenders say such a change will obstruct impartial investigations and further lower the chances of justice prevailing when the perpetrator is a cop.

An independent body must do the investigations because police officers rarely find their colleagues guilty in investigations, according to Supreme Court lawyer Jyotirmoy Barua and rights activist Nur Khan Liton.

Currently, the home ministry with assistance from Police Headquarters (PHQ) investigates when the officer facing allegations is of the rank of assistant superintendent of police or higher.

If the individual facing allegations is an inspector or of a lower rank, the PHQ alone investigates the matter.

The PHQ recently submitted 44 reform proposals to the home ministry.

"The discipline wing of the police needs to be rearranged to prevent unprofessional activities, ensure prompt disposal of complaints against police members and appropriate punishment as per the law," reads one of the reform proposals.

England, Wales, Northern Ireland, and Sri Lanka have independent oversight bodies to investigate complaints against police and to take action, say experts, adding that this increases public confidence in the system.

"We often see news of people's death in police custody. Barring a few instances, police do not face charges when the investigation is done by their colleagues," Jyotirmoy Barua says.

Nur Khan Liton says, "Our experience does not tell us that policemen will impartially probe another policeman. It can probably be possible if the police are free of political influence."

Both Jyotirmoy and Nur recommend forming an independent commission to investigate complaints against police.

In 2007, a draft police ordinance proposed forming a Police Complaint Commission which would be headed by a retired judge of the High Court.

The draft ordinance aimed at freeing police from political influence; making transfers, promotions, and appointments transparent; and ensuring accountability.

The draft never saw the light of day.

In the 15 years of Awami League rule, many police officers acted as though they were activists of the party to get desired posts and promotions. They used excessive force on opposition and dissenters.

During the mass uprising that led to the fall of the government, many police members opened fire on protests, killing hundreds and leaving many others with life-changing injuries.

Many members of the force could not escape public wrath: protesters killed 44 policemen, burnt down 224 police facilities, and vandalised 236.

After the fall of the government in early August, many police members went on strike, demanding an independent commission to run the police and free it from being controlled by the ruling party.

OTHER REFORM PROPOSALS

To closely monitor the activities of cops and take steps accordingly, police's internal oversight mechanism must be consolidated.

There should be a policy on cops' use of force, make arrests, detain suspects, conduct searches, and seize objects.

The proposals also include forming guidelines to make discrimination-free recruitment, promotion, and posting; and incentivise honesty, competence.

Currently, the home ministry decides promotions, postings, and punishment of officers as per the wish of those in power.

Establishing a statutory independent national police commission and amending the Police Act 1861, Police Regulation of Bengal, and regulations of specialised police units were also proposed.

Other proposals include taking steps to prevent sexual harassment, gender discrimination, and unprofessional behavior towards police women, and ensuring accountability and evaluation of police work through modern performance measuring tools.

Better training on human rights, gender, police activities; special training on crime investigations and supervision; and modern training for specialised units are also proposed.

Reforms should be made to fight transnational and organised crimes, terrorism, narcotics, human trafficking, and financial crimes, and enhance logistics to curb cybercrime.

Besides, eight-hour work days, overtime payment, risk allowance, more hospitals and living quarters are also proposed.​
 

Can police investigate police crimes with impartiality?
Independent oversight body is needed to uphold justice

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VISUAL: STAR

There is no denying the importance of reforms in police force to prevent a repeat of police excesses witnessed during the 15-year rule of Awami League, particularly in its final days when cops indiscriminately shot anti-government protesters, killing hundreds and leaving many more with life-altering injuries. But how to bring about change? It helps that there is a consensus across the political spectrum on the need for reforms. The Police Headquarters (PHQ) also seems to be on board, and the 44 reform proposals it has submitted to the home ministry address some major concerns. But one key area that it has overlooked is the question of transparency in accountability mechanisms if the police are allowed to conduct investigations against their own members.

The PHQ, as per a report in this daily, wants the power to investigate complaints against all officers regardless of their rank. Currently, the home ministry, with assistance from PHQ, investigates complaints when an accused officer is of the rank of ASP or higher. If he or she is an inspector or of a lower rank, the PHQ can conduct the investigation. Unfortunately, both variations of internal investigations have consistently failed to deliver justice throughout the Awami League period, especially in cases of custodial deaths and use of excessive force. How can we trust in this process again? Can colleagues investigate colleagues with absolute impartiality? This may work in an environment free from political influence and internal bias—something we can ill-afford to rely upon given past experience.

Ensuring that complaints against police members are investigated impartially is crucial to upholding justice and establishing public trust. If police or even home ministry officials conduct the investigation, it risks compromising the process. This is why independent oversight is crucial. We support the call for establishing a high-powered, independent oversight body to investigate police crimes, similar to those in countries like the United Kingdom or Sri Lanka, which can help establish accountability in the force. That said, many other things also need to change to ensure its success, including depoliticising decisions related to recruitments, promotions, postings, and punishments. Police performance also needs to be evaluated regularly and objectively to ensure they only serve the public, and serve better.

Some of the reform proposals forwarded by the PHQ do deserve consideration, such as formulating a proper policy on arrests, detention, searches, and seizures by police; incentivising honesty and competence; amending outdated laws; preventing sexual harassment and gender discrimination against female officers; providing proper training on human rights, crime investigations, etc; enhancing logistics to combat transnational and organised crimes; and introducing eight-hour workdays, overtime pay, risk allowances, etc. Currently, the police are still reeling from the disruptive consequences of regime change, but we must not wait any longer to initiate long-term reforms to build a modern, competent, and accountable police force.​
 
Police has lost confidence of the people and they have lost confidence in themselves.

It is easy to say start again but that is simply not possible and army can not and should not undertake the job of the police.

Only real option is to rehabilitate the current force and start building up a new competent force slowly. During this transition we need to manage with certain level of disfunction.
 

Reforming the police
by Md Motiar Rahman 26 October, 2024, 00:00

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New Age

Police reform is crucial to addressing deep-rooted systemic issues that undermine its integrity and effectiveness. The key challenges include political interference, lack of professionalism, and recurring rights violation. Reforming the police requires a focus on neutrality, accountability and ethical conduct. Recent incidents such as the police response with lethal weapons resulting in the death of protesters during the July-August protest and uprising have brought the issues to the forefront.

These events revealed how political influence can distort police action, erode public trust and weaken the rule of law. The security infrastructure, originally established during the British rule collapsed within 45 minutes, exposing the fragility of a governance system built on an unstable foundation that was washed away by the overwhelming public and student resentment.

Legal framework

A LEGAL framework plays a pivotal role in shaping how police actions are executed, whether proactively or reactively. The Police Act 1861, enacted during the colonial era, granted the inspector general of police the authority, with government approval, to formulate regulations for the police. The Police Regulations, Bengal, 1943, originally implemented for the greater Bengal region, has still been in effect in Bangladesh. It remains largely unchanged, with the exception of Chapter 12, which pertains to the recruitment of constables, sub-inspectors and sergeants as well as the repeal of the dress code regulations in Chapter 19. Since 1943, the regulations have been reprinted several times.

According to a credible source, a reprint incorporating amendments made over the years has been pending with the relevant ministries. In contrast, metropolitan police forces established by specific acts or ordinances, with the exception of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police, operate without formal regulations. On the other hand, the Rapid Action Battallion, the elite force originating from the Armed Police Battalion Ordinance, has no operational procedure in place to guide the operational areas. As a result, police officers are left to ‘swim without having learnt the basics of aquatics.’

Judicial and legislative reforms

FOR police reforms to be successful, they must be supported by corresponding changes in the broader criminal justice system. Comprehensive criminal justice reform in Bangladesh must extend beyond police reform to encompass all partners within the system, including the judiciary, correctional facilities, prison, prosecution and legal aid services. An effective reform of the institutions is crucial to ensuring accountability, improving access to justice, enhancing transparency and upholding the rule of law. A holistic approach that addresses systemic issues expedites justice delivery, improves the overall legal framework promotes ethical practices and fosters collaboration among all stakeholders will be essential for creating a fair and just criminal justice system.

Recruitment, training, posting

THE recruitment of police officers at the levels of constable, sub-inspector and sergeants has for long been marred by political interference, often driven by monetary incentives, with candidates frequently aligned with the political party in power. It is crucial to ensure that new recruits receive training not only in basic policing skills but also in specialised areas such as crime scene investigation, data-driven policing and cybersecurity. Without this specialised training, the police remain reactive rather than proactive in addressing emerging threats, particularly complex and borderless issues such as drug trafficking, human trafficking and organised crimes that pose greater challenges than traditional crimes against property and individuals.

Additionally, ongoing professional development programmes should be introduced to allow officers to continuously enhance their skills in line with modern law enforcement practices. Another pressing concern is the issue of transfers and postings to various units. Media reports have highlighted that officers often lobby influential figures within the police and, in some cases, local political leaders exert their influence to secure desirable transfers for personal benefits. This has led to the formation of syndicates, where certain officers manipulate the transfer and promotion process by building close connection with powerful individuals. In some instances, illegal financial transactions further undermine the integrity of the system, eroding discipline and meritocracy within the police department.

Political influence and interference

ONE of the major challenges to effective policing is political interference. The law enforcement agencies are frequently accused of serving political interests rather than enforcing the law impartially. This politicisation erodes the integrity of the police as officers often face pressure to favour political figures instead of adhering to legal principles. Political influence has become so pervasive that when a political elite or member of parliament visits an area under a police station’s jurisdiction, the officer-in-charge and other officers often spend the entire day escorting them, even without any real security threat. The presence of police escorts or the privilege of being accompanied by security personnel symbolises power and authority, a status that politicians often prioritise and prefer.

This diverts officers from their primary duties, wasting time and resources that should be used to serve the public. The relationship between police officers and political figures becomes so entrenched that complaints against these officers are frequently ignored as they are seen as loyal agents of the political elite. Non-compliance with political directives can lead to serious consequences for officers, such as reprimands, transfer or being labelled as ‘not our people.’ A zero-tolerance policy within the framework of legislation against political interference is essential to protect officers from undue influence.

Resource constraints and corruption

THE Bangladesh police encounter significant challenges because of limited resources, including inadequate funding, outdated equipment and a shortage of personnel. These problems are further compounded by widespread corruption, which severely hampers the force’’s effectiveness. Corruption takes various forms such as bribery, the abuse of power and participation in illegal activities. The practices not only undermine public trust but also foster a culture of impunity within the force. To combat the issues, it is essential to implement strong anti-corruption measures, including the creation of independent commissions to investigate allegations of bribery and misconduct. Moreover, sufficient fund must be allocated to equip the police with modern tools and provide adequate staffing to handle the growing demands of an expanding population and rising crime rates.

Accountability and oversight

EFFECTIVE policing requires a system of accountability where officers are held responsible for their action. Unfortunately, Bangladesh lacks strong oversight mechanisms to ensure that police officers adhere to ethical standards. The creation of independent civilian oversight bodies, composed of members of civil society, legal experts and rights advocates, would provide the much-needed transparency in police operations. These bodies should have the authority to investigate cases of misconduct, the abuse of power and rights violations, ensuring that officers who engage in unlawful behaviour face appropriate consequences.

Rights and professional ethics

RIGHTS abuses, including extrajudicial killing, custodial torture and harassment, have marred the reputation of the police. To restore public trust and uphold the rule of law, comprehensive rights training must be mandated and internalised for all officers. This training should emphasise the importance of due process, legal rights and the appropriate use of force. A revised code of ethics, focused on integrity, professionalism and non-partisanship and the use of force along with conflict management should be developed and ingrained in every aspect of police training and operations.

Technological and operational modernisation

THE integration of advanced technology is essential for the modernisation of the police. Currently, many law enforcement activities are performed manually, limiting efficiency and transparency. The adoption of digital tools such as body cameras, electronic case management systems and online reporting mechanisms would significantly enhance the force’s operational capabilities. Additionally, investing in data-driven policing methods would enable the police to proactively address crime hotspots, analyse criminal patterns and deploy resources more effectively. Upgrading forensic and investigative capabilities with state-of-the-art technology and trained personnel would further improve the quality of evidence and reduce the reliance on forced confessions.

Gender-sensitive and inclusive policing

THE establishment of gender-sensitive units within the police is critical to addressing gender-based violence and increasing female representation in law enforcement. These units should be strengthened to ensure that female victims of crime feel safe in reporting incidents. Moreover, recruitment efforts should focus on encouraging participation from all sections to create a more inclusive and representative police.

Public relations and trust building

AFTER Sheikh Hasina had fled, public fury erupted, leading to violent attacks on police stations. Forty-six officers were lynched and police posts were abandoned, marking an unprecedented crisis in the history of the Bangladesh Police, with operational units left dysfunctional — a situation not seen even during the liberation war. Public trust in the police is essential for effective law enforcement. To rebuild this trust, the police must engage with the community through outreach programmes, town hall meetings and collaboration with local leaders. Establishing a streamlined public complaints mechanism, where citizens can report misconduct anonymously and without fear of retaliation, would further bridge the gap between the police and the public. Additionally, citizen-police collaboration platforms should be developed to encourage greater cooperation in addressing community safety issues. At this critical juncture, civil society must step forward to restore the morale of the beleaguered and demoralised police.

Digitisation and e-policing

WITH the advancement of technology, the police have begun implementing e-policing to enhance efficiency. This includes digitising case management, reporting systems and using modern tools for criminal investigations and surveillance, including the potential use of robots and artificial intelligence. These technologies could even be employed to monitor the performance of police officers. For instance, officers, particularly officers-in-charge, often avoid answering or returning calls from unknown numbers to prevent unnecessary complications or to avoid any encumbrances. Additionally, there are frequent complaints that police officers show reluctance at filing general diaries or criminal cases.

Digital technology can address this issue by monitoring case management and ensuring transparency. Each police unit should maintain a dashboard, enabling officers to track and oversee station activities in real time. Although the police station is the primary services delivery unit, people are often reluctant at visiting police stations because of the involvement of middlemen and sentries, making it difficult to access duty officers, let alone the officers-in-charge. Access to ranking officers is even more difficult, typically limited to individuals with influence. Moreover, police stations often lack adequate financial resources, equipment and physical infrastructure, making the environment unwelcoming and uncomfortable. People in distress who seek help from the police often find that the inadequate facilities fail to provide them with psychological comfort and support.

A national policing policy is crucial for setting long-term objectives, including the integration of technology and crime prevention strategies, alongside broader reforms in prosecution, courts, and prisons to create a more comprehensive justice system. The interim government deserves recognition for establishing the police reforms commission, which is tasked with submitting a report in three months. However, a permanent body should also be established to regularly propose ongoing police reforms.

Finally, the police face challenges that weaken both their effectiveness and public trust. However, structural reforms in recruitment, training, accountability, technology and public engagement can transform the police into a professional, transparent and community service-oriented institution. The changes will boost efficiency, restore trust and strengthen the police’’s role in upholding the law.

Md Motiar Rahman, a retied deputy inspector general, works at Anjuman Mufidul Islam.​
 

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Guns, ammo recovered in front of Mohammadpur Police Station


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Photo: Collected

Police yesterday recovered a pistol, a revolver, and 37 rounds of ammunition of various calibers from an abandoned bag on the footpath near Mohammadpur Police Station.

The weapons and ammunition were discovered around 6:05pm, said Talebur Rahman, deputy commissioner (media) of Dhaka Metropolitan Police.

He said a passerby noticed the abandoned bag while walking along the footpath in front of the station and brought it to the police station.

Opening the bag, police found a revolver, a pistol with a magazine, 37 rounds of ammunition of various calibers, a handheld microphone, and a small signal light.

A case is being filed with the police facility, the DC said.​
 

Ensure accountability of errant Rab officers
Hold to account all accused of tampering or planting evidence


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Visual: Star

It is alarming to learn from a recent report that some members of a law enforcement agency, allegedly connected to a local Awami League leader in Dhaka, may have planted evidence to implicate an individual in a firearms possession case. The plight of such victims, and the apparent ease with which evidence can be manipulated, underscore the urgent need for accountability within our law enforcement agencies.

The case details show that on the night of March 30, a Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) team arrested two men in the capital's Madhya Pirerbagh area, accusing them of fleeing on a motorbike while in possession of a firearm. However, security camera footage from that night, a written statement from a Rab member present at the scene, a witness account, and allegations from one of the arrestee's family members present a different story. These sources indicate that the men were allegedly picked up in a microbus by several Rab officers from another location, and were not attempting to flee on a motorbike. In fact, footage shows two Rab members (later identified by their team) riding a motorbike that belonged to one of the arrestees.

One of the arrested men alleges that he was detained, handcuffed, and transported to another location in a microbus. He claims that Rab officers later instructed him to lift the seat of his motorbike, which they had brought there, where he then found a revolver and bullets allegedly placed there by the officers. His mother also accused Rab officers of framing her son at the request of a local Awami League leader, his business rival. In April, she filed a case against several Rab members and the leader in question. In response to her complaint, Rab also formed a three-member committee to investigate the incident.

This disturbing case of "arms recovery" echoes numerous reports from the previous regime where evidence was tampered with or planted to falsely implicate innocent individuals. Given the interim government's commitment to enhancing law and order, it is imperative that all such cases are thoroughly investigated or re-investigated, with strict disciplinary action taken against guilty officials. Besides, the authorities must ensure that instances of arbitrary arrests and frivolous cases do not recur. They should also thoroughly reform the accountability mechanisms within all law enforcement agencies, not just the police. Allegations of this gravity should be handled by independent investigators rather than internal committees, as the latter often failed to meet public expectations for impartiality in the past.​
 

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