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Explore Power, Politics, and the Art of War: Unraveling Power Plays and Political Warfare

G Bangladesh Defense Forum
Police has lost confidence of the people and they have lost confidence in themselves.

It is easy to say start again but that is simply not possible and army can not and should not undertake the job of the police.

Only real option is to rehabilitate the current force and start building up a new competent force slowly. During this transition we need to manage with certain level of disfunction.
 

Reforming the police
by Md Motiar Rahman 26 October, 2024, 00:00

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New Age

Police reform is crucial to addressing deep-rooted systemic issues that undermine its integrity and effectiveness. The key challenges include political interference, lack of professionalism, and recurring rights violation. Reforming the police requires a focus on neutrality, accountability and ethical conduct. Recent incidents such as the police response with lethal weapons resulting in the death of protesters during the July-August protest and uprising have brought the issues to the forefront.

These events revealed how political influence can distort police action, erode public trust and weaken the rule of law. The security infrastructure, originally established during the British rule collapsed within 45 minutes, exposing the fragility of a governance system built on an unstable foundation that was washed away by the overwhelming public and student resentment.

Legal framework

A LEGAL framework plays a pivotal role in shaping how police actions are executed, whether proactively or reactively. The Police Act 1861, enacted during the colonial era, granted the inspector general of police the authority, with government approval, to formulate regulations for the police. The Police Regulations, Bengal, 1943, originally implemented for the greater Bengal region, has still been in effect in Bangladesh. It remains largely unchanged, with the exception of Chapter 12, which pertains to the recruitment of constables, sub-inspectors and sergeants as well as the repeal of the dress code regulations in Chapter 19. Since 1943, the regulations have been reprinted several times.

According to a credible source, a reprint incorporating amendments made over the years has been pending with the relevant ministries. In contrast, metropolitan police forces established by specific acts or ordinances, with the exception of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police, operate without formal regulations. On the other hand, the Rapid Action Battallion, the elite force originating from the Armed Police Battalion Ordinance, has no operational procedure in place to guide the operational areas. As a result, police officers are left to ‘swim without having learnt the basics of aquatics.’

Judicial and legislative reforms

FOR police reforms to be successful, they must be supported by corresponding changes in the broader criminal justice system. Comprehensive criminal justice reform in Bangladesh must extend beyond police reform to encompass all partners within the system, including the judiciary, correctional facilities, prison, prosecution and legal aid services. An effective reform of the institutions is crucial to ensuring accountability, improving access to justice, enhancing transparency and upholding the rule of law. A holistic approach that addresses systemic issues expedites justice delivery, improves the overall legal framework promotes ethical practices and fosters collaboration among all stakeholders will be essential for creating a fair and just criminal justice system.

Recruitment, training, posting

THE recruitment of police officers at the levels of constable, sub-inspector and sergeants has for long been marred by political interference, often driven by monetary incentives, with candidates frequently aligned with the political party in power. It is crucial to ensure that new recruits receive training not only in basic policing skills but also in specialised areas such as crime scene investigation, data-driven policing and cybersecurity. Without this specialised training, the police remain reactive rather than proactive in addressing emerging threats, particularly complex and borderless issues such as drug trafficking, human trafficking and organised crimes that pose greater challenges than traditional crimes against property and individuals.

Additionally, ongoing professional development programmes should be introduced to allow officers to continuously enhance their skills in line with modern law enforcement practices. Another pressing concern is the issue of transfers and postings to various units. Media reports have highlighted that officers often lobby influential figures within the police and, in some cases, local political leaders exert their influence to secure desirable transfers for personal benefits. This has led to the formation of syndicates, where certain officers manipulate the transfer and promotion process by building close connection with powerful individuals. In some instances, illegal financial transactions further undermine the integrity of the system, eroding discipline and meritocracy within the police department.

Political influence and interference

ONE of the major challenges to effective policing is political interference. The law enforcement agencies are frequently accused of serving political interests rather than enforcing the law impartially. This politicisation erodes the integrity of the police as officers often face pressure to favour political figures instead of adhering to legal principles. Political influence has become so pervasive that when a political elite or member of parliament visits an area under a police station’s jurisdiction, the officer-in-charge and other officers often spend the entire day escorting them, even without any real security threat. The presence of police escorts or the privilege of being accompanied by security personnel symbolises power and authority, a status that politicians often prioritise and prefer.

This diverts officers from their primary duties, wasting time and resources that should be used to serve the public. The relationship between police officers and political figures becomes so entrenched that complaints against these officers are frequently ignored as they are seen as loyal agents of the political elite. Non-compliance with political directives can lead to serious consequences for officers, such as reprimands, transfer or being labelled as ‘not our people.’ A zero-tolerance policy within the framework of legislation against political interference is essential to protect officers from undue influence.

Resource constraints and corruption

THE Bangladesh police encounter significant challenges because of limited resources, including inadequate funding, outdated equipment and a shortage of personnel. These problems are further compounded by widespread corruption, which severely hampers the force’’s effectiveness. Corruption takes various forms such as bribery, the abuse of power and participation in illegal activities. The practices not only undermine public trust but also foster a culture of impunity within the force. To combat the issues, it is essential to implement strong anti-corruption measures, including the creation of independent commissions to investigate allegations of bribery and misconduct. Moreover, sufficient fund must be allocated to equip the police with modern tools and provide adequate staffing to handle the growing demands of an expanding population and rising crime rates.

Accountability and oversight

EFFECTIVE policing requires a system of accountability where officers are held responsible for their action. Unfortunately, Bangladesh lacks strong oversight mechanisms to ensure that police officers adhere to ethical standards. The creation of independent civilian oversight bodies, composed of members of civil society, legal experts and rights advocates, would provide the much-needed transparency in police operations. These bodies should have the authority to investigate cases of misconduct, the abuse of power and rights violations, ensuring that officers who engage in unlawful behaviour face appropriate consequences.

Rights and professional ethics

RIGHTS abuses, including extrajudicial killing, custodial torture and harassment, have marred the reputation of the police. To restore public trust and uphold the rule of law, comprehensive rights training must be mandated and internalised for all officers. This training should emphasise the importance of due process, legal rights and the appropriate use of force. A revised code of ethics, focused on integrity, professionalism and non-partisanship and the use of force along with conflict management should be developed and ingrained in every aspect of police training and operations.

Technological and operational modernisation

THE integration of advanced technology is essential for the modernisation of the police. Currently, many law enforcement activities are performed manually, limiting efficiency and transparency. The adoption of digital tools such as body cameras, electronic case management systems and online reporting mechanisms would significantly enhance the force’s operational capabilities. Additionally, investing in data-driven policing methods would enable the police to proactively address crime hotspots, analyse criminal patterns and deploy resources more effectively. Upgrading forensic and investigative capabilities with state-of-the-art technology and trained personnel would further improve the quality of evidence and reduce the reliance on forced confessions.

Gender-sensitive and inclusive policing

THE establishment of gender-sensitive units within the police is critical to addressing gender-based violence and increasing female representation in law enforcement. These units should be strengthened to ensure that female victims of crime feel safe in reporting incidents. Moreover, recruitment efforts should focus on encouraging participation from all sections to create a more inclusive and representative police.

Public relations and trust building

AFTER Sheikh Hasina had fled, public fury erupted, leading to violent attacks on police stations. Forty-six officers were lynched and police posts were abandoned, marking an unprecedented crisis in the history of the Bangladesh Police, with operational units left dysfunctional — a situation not seen even during the liberation war. Public trust in the police is essential for effective law enforcement. To rebuild this trust, the police must engage with the community through outreach programmes, town hall meetings and collaboration with local leaders. Establishing a streamlined public complaints mechanism, where citizens can report misconduct anonymously and without fear of retaliation, would further bridge the gap between the police and the public. Additionally, citizen-police collaboration platforms should be developed to encourage greater cooperation in addressing community safety issues. At this critical juncture, civil society must step forward to restore the morale of the beleaguered and demoralised police.

Digitisation and e-policing

WITH the advancement of technology, the police have begun implementing e-policing to enhance efficiency. This includes digitising case management, reporting systems and using modern tools for criminal investigations and surveillance, including the potential use of robots and artificial intelligence. These technologies could even be employed to monitor the performance of police officers. For instance, officers, particularly officers-in-charge, often avoid answering or returning calls from unknown numbers to prevent unnecessary complications or to avoid any encumbrances. Additionally, there are frequent complaints that police officers show reluctance at filing general diaries or criminal cases.

Digital technology can address this issue by monitoring case management and ensuring transparency. Each police unit should maintain a dashboard, enabling officers to track and oversee station activities in real time. Although the police station is the primary services delivery unit, people are often reluctant at visiting police stations because of the involvement of middlemen and sentries, making it difficult to access duty officers, let alone the officers-in-charge. Access to ranking officers is even more difficult, typically limited to individuals with influence. Moreover, police stations often lack adequate financial resources, equipment and physical infrastructure, making the environment unwelcoming and uncomfortable. People in distress who seek help from the police often find that the inadequate facilities fail to provide them with psychological comfort and support.

A national policing policy is crucial for setting long-term objectives, including the integration of technology and crime prevention strategies, alongside broader reforms in prosecution, courts, and prisons to create a more comprehensive justice system. The interim government deserves recognition for establishing the police reforms commission, which is tasked with submitting a report in three months. However, a permanent body should also be established to regularly propose ongoing police reforms.

Finally, the police face challenges that weaken both their effectiveness and public trust. However, structural reforms in recruitment, training, accountability, technology and public engagement can transform the police into a professional, transparent and community service-oriented institution. The changes will boost efficiency, restore trust and strengthen the police’’s role in upholding the law.

Md Motiar Rahman, a retied deputy inspector general, works at Anjuman Mufidul Islam.​
 

Guns, ammo recovered in front of Mohammadpur Police Station


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Photo: Collected

Police yesterday recovered a pistol, a revolver, and 37 rounds of ammunition of various calibers from an abandoned bag on the footpath near Mohammadpur Police Station.

The weapons and ammunition were discovered around 6:05pm, said Talebur Rahman, deputy commissioner (media) of Dhaka Metropolitan Police.

He said a passerby noticed the abandoned bag while walking along the footpath in front of the station and brought it to the police station.

Opening the bag, police found a revolver, a pistol with a magazine, 37 rounds of ammunition of various calibers, a handheld microphone, and a small signal light.

A case is being filed with the police facility, the DC said.​
 

Ensure accountability of errant Rab officers
Hold to account all accused of tampering or planting evidence


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Visual: Star

It is alarming to learn from a recent report that some members of a law enforcement agency, allegedly connected to a local Awami League leader in Dhaka, may have planted evidence to implicate an individual in a firearms possession case. The plight of such victims, and the apparent ease with which evidence can be manipulated, underscore the urgent need for accountability within our law enforcement agencies.

The case details show that on the night of March 30, a Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) team arrested two men in the capital's Madhya Pirerbagh area, accusing them of fleeing on a motorbike while in possession of a firearm. However, security camera footage from that night, a written statement from a Rab member present at the scene, a witness account, and allegations from one of the arrestee's family members present a different story. These sources indicate that the men were allegedly picked up in a microbus by several Rab officers from another location, and were not attempting to flee on a motorbike. In fact, footage shows two Rab members (later identified by their team) riding a motorbike that belonged to one of the arrestees.

One of the arrested men alleges that he was detained, handcuffed, and transported to another location in a microbus. He claims that Rab officers later instructed him to lift the seat of his motorbike, which they had brought there, where he then found a revolver and bullets allegedly placed there by the officers. His mother also accused Rab officers of framing her son at the request of a local Awami League leader, his business rival. In April, she filed a case against several Rab members and the leader in question. In response to her complaint, Rab also formed a three-member committee to investigate the incident.

This disturbing case of "arms recovery" echoes numerous reports from the previous regime where evidence was tampered with or planted to falsely implicate innocent individuals. Given the interim government's commitment to enhancing law and order, it is imperative that all such cases are thoroughly investigated or re-investigated, with strict disciplinary action taken against guilty officials. Besides, the authorities must ensure that instances of arbitrary arrests and frivolous cases do not recur. They should also thoroughly reform the accountability mechanisms within all law enforcement agencies, not just the police. Allegations of this gravity should be handled by independent investigators rather than internal committees, as the latter often failed to meet public expectations for impartiality in the past.​
 

Why police transformation is critical for Bangladesh


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VISUAL: ALIZA RAHMAN

Bangladesh stands at a crucial crossroads. The political shift following the July-August 2024 uprising, which led to Nobel Peace Prize laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus taking charge of an interim government, signals that the demand for change is no longer avoidable. These protests, originally triggered by job quota grievances, swiftly morphed into a nationwide outcry for justice, accountability, and a call for systemic reform.

The police force's role in the uprising was undeniable. Hundreds of people lost their lives, many due to the heavy-handed tactics of law enforcement, intensifying public outrage and distrust. This isn't new. For years, Bangladesh's police force has been seen as an arm of political repression rather than a protector of the public. This system has long prioritised control over community engagement, fostering an environment of systemic dysfunction and division. Allegations of extrajudicial killings enforced disappearances, and arbitrary arrests have steadily eroded public trust. The police, tasked with serving and protecting, have too often been perceived as upholding a narrow political agenda at the expense of human rights and justice—a hard truth that Bangladesh can no longer afford to overlook.

The unrest during the revolution also claimed the lives of police officers, a tragic reminder of the deep rift between law enforcement and the people they are sworn to protect. These fatalities reveal that police officers themselves are often trapped in a cycle of violence and mistrust, operating in a high-pressure environment with insufficient resources, inadequate training, and excessive working hours—factors that have a detrimental impact on the overall effectiveness and morale of the force, as highlighted in the 11-point demand presented by police personnel in August 2024.

Yet, every crisis offers an opportunity. The recent formation of the Police Reform Commission is a vital first step, but this alone isn't enough. The path forward demands lasting, transformative change—change that penetrates deeply into the core of police culture, behavior, structure, and laws. The events of July and August have made it clear that the current state of the police force cannot continue. The question we must ask now is: how do we make this reform meaningful, sustainable, and capable of restoring trust between the police and the people?

At the heart of Bangladesh's police reform lies the urgent need to move away from the outdated colonial-era Police Act of 1861—a law that prioritises control rather than service. In 2007 and again in 2013, the UN supported the drafting of a new Police Ordinance under a police reform project, which ran from 2006 to 2016. This draft ordinance promoted democratic, citizen-centred policing, emphasising public oversight and accountability, including the creation of an independent Police Commission and a formal complaints mechanism for reporting abuse. Yet despite its promise, the draft ordinance and the 2013 review of the act had stalled at the political level.

A new legal framework on policing could provide a strong foundation for transforming Bangladesh's police force into a professional, accountable, and efficient service. This will build sustainable systems that prevent abuses, protect vulnerable citizens, and foster a relationship of trust between the police and the communities they serve.

The goal of police reform in Bangladesh must be to establish a force that is democratic, people-centred, and responsive to the diverse security needs of society. This will require a complete overhaul of the existing system—from legal frameworks to police welfare, institutional strengthening, training, and community engagement practices. The police must be seen as protectors of public safety and human rights. This reform also requires a systemic approach and the Anti-Corruption Reform Commission and the Judicial Reform Commission will also be instrumental to shaping the police force.

Reform should result in a force that serves all people equally, regardless of political affiliation, gender, ethnicity, or social status. Professionalism, integrity, and impartiality must guide every action, ensuring that the police safeguard all citizens, particularly those most vulnerable to abuses.

Human rights must be embedded in the very fabric of police operations. This isn't only about preventing extrajudicial killings or arbitrary detentions; it's about ensuring that every interaction between police and the public is rooted in respect for human dignity and the rule of law.

The police in Bangladesh still monitor all political activities without discrimination, excluding only the ruling party of the day. FILE PHOTO: STAR

Lastly, accountability must be a priority. The police must be held to the highest standards of conduct, and abuses should be met with swift and impartial justice. Establishing independent oversight bodies is essential to ensure transparency and genuine accountability.

Bangladesh is not alone in its struggle to reform its police. The UN has supported police reform efforts in many countries, including Nigeria, Pakistan, Iraq, and Kenya—nations with similarly politicised policing and public mistrust. In these countries, public demands, like those currently in Bangladesh, have been vital in calling for independent oversight mechanisms to hold police accountable and ensure that reports of misconduct are investigated without interference.

Reforms have focused on making the police more responsive to the public's needs, particularly regarding issues such as gender-based violence, and protecting the most vulnerable, especially women and children. Community policing has proven to be an essential method for rebuilding trust. By engaging directly with local communities, police forces become more responsive and effective, gaining critical insights into the challenges people face.

While Bangladesh can learn from international experiences, it must tailor its reform to its own context. The Police Reform Programme of 2006-2016 offers valuable lessons. Although it improved training and professionalised certain aspects of the force, it also highlighted the deep-rooted political challenges that hinder sustainable reform. A key takeaway from this experience is that sustained political will and genuine public participation are essential to ensuring lasting change.

Public engagement must be central to the reform process, not an afterthought. In a country like Bangladesh, where youth-led activism has made it clear that the status quo is no longer acceptable, the voices of young people must shape the future of law enforcement. Nationwide dialogues with students, women, marginalised communities, and victims of police misconduct will ensure an inclusive reform process that reflects the aspirations of all Bangladeshis. Trust cannot be rebuilt in isolation—it must be founded on transparent, open communication between the police and the public.

The time for police reform in Bangladesh is now. The interim government, led by Dr Yunus, has made an important first step by establishing the Police Reform Commission. But real reform requires more than political will—it demands active involvement from civil society, the international community, and, above all, the people of Bangladesh.

The UN is committed to supporting this transformative journey. Our experience in other countries demonstrates that meaningful reform is possible—but it requires collective effort, driven by transparency, accountability, and public engagement. This is a unique opportunity for Bangladesh—not just to reform its police force but to reimagine the role of law enforcement in society. Let's seize this moment to create a future where justice, security, and dignity define the relationship between the police and the people they protect.

Gwyn Lewis is the resident coordinator of the United Nations in Bangladesh.

Stefan Liller is the resident representative at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Bangladesh.​
 

Anatomy of police reform commissions
by Md Motiar Rahman 10 November, 2024, 00:00


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Agence France-Presse/Abdul Goni

THE Bangladesh Police, as it exists today, was originally organised under the Police Act 1861. It remains a centralised force, a legacy of its colonial past. Despite population growth, industrialisation and socio-economic developments, the police structure has largely remained unchanged, with only minor adjustments over the years. The Police Act 1861 continues to govern the organisation’s recruitment, powers, and operational functions.

Over the years, numerous government committees and commissions have been formed to address issues within the police force and recommend improvement. In October 1902, Lord Curzon initiated a police commission to identify challenges and put forth reforms, with specific recommendations on recruitment and training subsequently implemented. Additional recommendations were introduced following the Blandy-Gordon committee report in 1937. However, World War II delayed further reform efforts.

Later, in 1953, the East Bengal police committee, chaired by Justice Shahabuddin, reviewed various aspects of police operations to enhance performance although significant action by the government to improve the force’s effectiveness was lacking. A comprehensive inquiry into police operations was later conducted by a commission led by Justice BG Constantine in 1960–61 and some of its recommendations were adopted for implementation. However, a subsequent police commission in 1969, led by Major General AO Mitha, saw its proposals go unimplemented.

After the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, the Bangladesh Police encountered problems in respect of human resources, logistics and equipment. The Bangladesh Police started its journey based on the foundation of the provincial police of East Pakistan.

Since 1976, various government committees in Bangladesh have made key policy recommendations to enhance police professionalism, efficiency and effectiveness. The law committee in 1976 suggested foundational changes, including a dedicated prosecutorial cadre, a police staff college and regional forensic science laboratories. In 1977, a committee led by former inspector general AMA Kabir focused on expanding and modernising police training although its recommendations were not implemented.

The criminal law reforms committee of 1982 chaired by cabinet secretary Mahbubuzzaman iterated the need for a separate cadre of prosecuting officers and proposed the separation of investigative and crime control duties. Subsequent reforms in the early 1980s, guided by the Enam committee and the 1984 administrative reforms, expanded police staffing and elevated key positions to improve operational capacity. In 1986, under additional inspector general Taibuddin Ahmed, another committee assessed organisational challenges, emphasising modernisation in organisation, training and equipment to create a highly professional and responsive police force.

In 1988, the government established the police commission under the leadership of Justice Aminur Rahman Khan, with a broad mandate to examine nearly all aspects of policing and police activities. The commission’s findings highlighted key issues undermining police effectiveness, including inadequate human resources, organisational deficiencies, insufficient transport and equipment and a lack of public trust and cooperation.

Additionally, it identified significant barriers to efficiency and professionalism, such as flaws in recruitment policies, inadequate training, flawed promotion procedures, widespread corruption and weak discipline, supervision and control. The commission concluded that addressing these issues would greatly enhance the effectiveness and performance quality of the police force.

Between 1960 and 1989, several commissions were established to address issues within law enforcement and propose police reforms. However, successive governments largely failed to take meaningful action to implement these recommendations, resulting in only partial adoption of a few proposals. This lack of effective reform has left the police widely perceived as oppressive, corrupt and abusive.

Subsequently, the police reform programme, funded by the United Nations Development Programme and other international agencies, launched the most extensive and comprehensive study aimed at reforming the police. The programme focused on strategic reforms across various domains to enhance law enforcement effectiveness, human resource development and community relations. Key achievements include drafting and revising crucial legislative frameworks, such as the Draft Police Ordinance 2007 replacing the Police Act 1861 and implementing the first-ever strategic plans for police operations.

The reform programme has also emphasised human rights, capacity-building in investigation and operations, community policing, gender-sensitive policies and the integration of advanced ICT infrastructure. Community engagement was strengthened with the establishment of more than 52,000 community policing forums, which improved local safety and police-community trust.

Gender initiatives tripled female police representation and developed gender-sensitive training and facilities. Furthermore, ICT advancements enabled better crime response, including cybercrime detection and biometric tracking, which has transformed services delivery and operational management in the police. However, the Draft Police Ordinance 2007, which was intended to serve as the foundation for a modern police force, has never been implemented.

Although there have been numerous reform initiatives over the years, the core structure and enforcement ethos of the police have remained largely unchanged. This was exposed during the student protests in July and August when the police employed excessive force, resulting in significant loss of life and property.

In the light of these events, the interim government established the police reform commission, a notable effort to address deep-seated issues within the law enforcement structure. This commission seeks to foster greater accountability, professionalism and public trust through recommended improvements in recruitment, training and conduct standards. However, as an interim body, the government’s temporary mandate limits the commission’s scope as sustainable and lasting reforms will require comprehensive legislative support and a long-term commitment from future administrations.

The commission has, nonetheless, attracted criticism for its limited composition. Composed of nine members — four civil bureaucrats, two police officers, one human rights advocate, a law professor and a student representative — the committee is seen as insufficiently inclusive, lacking representation from other criminal justice professionals such as judges, lawyers, prosecutors and correctional staff who could provide essential insights. The commission is, nevertheless, expected to mitigate these limitations with focus group discussions and interviews with key stakeholders.

Despite its limitations, the commission is working actively, sincerely and diligently. It has now launched a web site to collect public feedback through questionnaires. The interim government’s unique position and the strong commitment of the chief adviser may provide a rare window of opportunity for police reform aligned with public aspirations, free of the typical resistance of bureaucrats, politicians or police insiders. However, sustainable reform will ultimately require ownership and endorsement from elected politicians and the future government to ensure enduring progress.

The interim government’s police reform initiative has the potential to be a historic milestone, fostering a system that can stand the test of time. We look forward with hope to the successful implementation of the efforts.

Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general.​
 

Another major reshuffle in police

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The police leadership needs to explore how it can financially and socially help the aggrieved families that have been victims of police actions. File photo: Star

As part of another major reshuffle in the police service, 64 officers, from the ranks of deputy inspector general (DIG) to the superintendent of police (SP), have been transferred and attached to different police units across the country.

According to two separate notifications issued by the home ministry yesterday, 48 officials have been transferred to different police units, while 16 have been transferred but have not been assigned duty.

Being transferred and attached to different police units without any assigned duty means being made Officers on Special Duty (OSD), according to insiders.

The DIG of Police Staff College, Nazmur Karim Khan, has been made the commissioner of Gazipur Metropolitan Police (GMP), according to the ministry notification signed by Abu Sayed, deputy secretary of the home ministry.

Earlier on October 24, the former GMP commissioner, Khandaker Rafiqul Islam, was promoted to the post of additional IGP and made the chief of the Special Branch of police. Since then, the post remained vacant.

Meanwhile, the other 47 officials were transferred to different police units like Dhaka Metropolitan Police, Special Branch, in-service training centre, tourist police, and Criminal Investigation Department.

In a separate ministry notification, also signed by Deputy Secretary Abu Sayed, one DIG, six additional DIGs, and nine SPs have been attached to different offices.

An SP rank officer, attached to a range DIG's office in Chattogram, said, wishing to remain unnamed, "I was neither involved in crimes, nor are there any allegations against me, but still I have been made OSD. This is all because I was posted as an SP during the last government tenure."

The police service has seen a lot of transfers and changes since the fall of the Awami League government on August 5 following a mass uprising.

At least 400 police personnel have been transferred, while 100 others, attached to different police units, were on duty at major police units like the DMP. All the posts of divisional range DIGs, metropolitan commissioners, and district SPs now have new faces.

The role of the police during the mass uprising that led to the fall of the AL government faced public outrage as officers used excessive force to suppress the protests. Many police personnel opened fire on protesters, killing hundreds and maiming many others.

In the 15 years of Awami League rule, many police officers acted as though they were activists of the party to get desired posts and promotions.

They were also known to have used excessive force on the opposition and dissenters.​
 

Rab must be rebuilt from the ground up
But without political reforms, any change risks being superficial

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VISUAL: STAR

There is no doubt that reforming the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) has become an urgent priority. After over a decade and a half of courting allegations of rights abuses, extrajudicial killings, and enforced disappearances—to the point of incurring US sanctions in 2021—Rab has undeniably lost public trust. And a mere rebranding or restructuring won't restore it. Against this backdrop, a report by this daily has revealed that Rab authorities are considering changing its name, logo, and uniform, as well as drafting a new law to regulate its operations. Currently, as a specialised unit of police, it operates under the police ordinance.

But such cosmetic changes cannot bring about sustainable reform. The police force itself serves as a cautionary example. Like police, Rab was not solely responsible for the crimes it committed as it operated at the behest of an autocratic regime. According to Ain o Salish Kendra, Rab was involved in at least 467 crossfires between 2015 and 2023. Its image as a "death squad" owes as much to its poor accountability mechanisms as to the vested interests of the then-ruling camp. So, how can we prevent future abuses of Rab when political power so often overrides legal safeguards? Can Rab be reformed without addressing our underlying political culture?

This is a question not only for the interim government but also for all major political parties. For now, several rights advocates have suggested disbanding Rab and rebuilding it from the ground up. This would require not just reshaping its mission and operational guidelines but also putting all personnel through a rigorous orientation process to instil respect for human rights and lawful procedure. Ensuring justice for the officers guilty of past abuses would also set a critical precedent for future compliance.

Rab's recruitment model presents another key issue, as it involves seconding officers from different forces including police, army, navy, and air force. This setup places military officers in potentially compromising roles, raising concerns about not only the viability of Rab's mission but also the integrity of the military itself. Equally important is the matter of oversight. Rab's accountability mechanisms must be totally rebuilt to ensure that its errant officers cannot evade justice, regardless of their political affiliations.

Ultimately, we must remember that true reform requires transformation from within, and this is what we should be aiming for. Without genuine efforts from all stakeholders, we risk only going through the motions of reforms that may put the public at risk again in the future. We owe it to the past victims of Rab and to the future of law enforcement in Bangladesh to rebuild Rab with a clear mandate for justice and human rights.​
 

Justice for Limon would be step towards police reform
14 November, 2024, 00:00

VICTIMS of gross human rights violation in the hands of the law enforcement agencies who were denied justice during the Awami League regime are now coming forward to seek legal redress. This is a first step towards police reforms. Limon Hossain, a victim of attempted extrajudicial killing, lodged a complaint with the International Crime Tribunal against the deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina, her security adviser and eight others on November 12. On March 23, 2011, when Limon was a college student in Jhalakathi, some Rapid Action Battalion personnel shot him in the left leg, taking him for a ‘notorious criminal.’ On that day, the force filed two false cases against him for possessing arms and police obstruction. Not only was he accused in false cases, he was also denied treatment that led to the amputation of the leg. Three weeks later, Limon’s mother filed a case against five battalion personnel for attempted murder and maiming his son. The complaint lodged with the International Crimes Tribunal has, therefore, created an opportunity for redress against the wrong done to Limon Hossain.

Even more tragic is that Limon’s ordeal did not end with the amputation. At every step in his journey to seek justice, his family faced obstacles; procedural violations were reported. Initially, local police refused to register a complaint against the battalion personnel. The family later secured a court order that directed the police to record the case against the accused. In August 2012, while the victim suffered in prison hospital on false charges, the police submitted a report finding no evidence of battalion involvement in the case, but they submitted a charge sheet against him and he was indicted for the crimes he did not commit. In the face of pressure from local and international rights groups, the government in July 2013 issued an official notification withdrawing the two cases that the force had filed against Limon. The charges against him were dropped, but no directive was given by the government to investigate the procedural violation and systemic failure of the law enforcement agencies in bringing perpetrators to book. Limon’s experience resonates with many other accounts of the victims of extrajudicial killings.

The case illustrates that custodial torture and extrajudicial killing took an endemic turn under the Awami League regime that should be addressed. The government should, therefore, ensure an investigation of Limon’s case, bring all perpetrators to justice and provide compensation for the physical harm done to him. It should also take action against all those involved in covering up the crime of attempted extrajudicial killing. The case at hand also raises serious systemic concern that the recently formed police reforms commission should seriously consider, particularly the issue of the abuse of power and corruption in the justice delivery system. For any reform steps to be effective, the interim government should establish legal accountability and justice for all cases of rights violations in the hands of law enforcers.​
 

Now is the time for police force to prove themselves, says, Adviser Jahangir
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Nov 14, 2024 22:25
Updated :
Nov 14, 2024 22:25

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Home Affairs Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury has said that now is the time for the police force to prove themselves by providing service.

“The interim government is a non-political one. With the absence of political influence, there is opportunity to work with honesty, efficiency, and impartiality. The police force should utilise this opportunity to dedicate themselves to the service of the nation,” he said.

The adviser made these remarks on Thursday while delivering the keynote address at a views exchange meeting with members of the Armed Forces Division, various police units, Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), Coast Guard, Ansar and VDP, Prisons Department, Fire Service and Civil Defense Department, and Narcotics Control Department at the Barishal Police Lines.

The adviser also emphasised the crucial role of law enforcement in controlling prices. He said, “The law enforcers play an important role in controlling the prices of goods. The members of the forces have to stop extortion and stay away from it.”

Failure to do so would tarnish the force's reputation, he said. The adviser said, “No one can be arrested in civil clothes. No one can be brought under the law without identity.”

The adviser also mentioned that the condition of police stations, including food and sanitation facilities, was not satisfactory. He directed senior officials to focus on resolving these issues for police personnel.

He said the armed forces had been granted magisterial power to assist in maintaining law and order, adding, “The term would be extended further and the BGB and Coast Guard would be included.”

While briefing reporters after the meeting, the adviser said, “The current government is trying to transform the police into a people-friendly force. To this end, efforts such as the formation of a police reform commission are ongoing.”

He remarked that the law and order situation in Barishal is relatively better compared to other areas. He further instructed the police to be more vigilant in preventing various public disturbances, including road blockades due to various demands.

Inspector General of Police Md Moinul Islam, Director General of RAB A.K.M. Shahidur Rahman, Divisional Commissioner of Barishal Md Raihan Kawser, were present at the time, among others.​
 

Baharul made new IGP, Sazzad new DMP commissioner
FE Online Report
Published :
Nov 20, 2024 20:15
Updated :
Nov 20, 2024 20:40

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Former head of the Special Branch Baharul Alam has been appointed as the new Inspector General of Police, and Sheikh Sazzad Hossain has been named the new commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police.

Adviser Asif Mahmud announced their appointments during a press briefing on Wednesday.

The government has made the new appointments to bring dynamism to the police administration, he said.

More changes in the administration will take place to ensure good governance, he added.

Baharul Alam, who headed the Special Branch in 2007-08, retired from service in 2000.​
 

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