[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

G Bangladesh Defense
[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion
123
3K
More threads by Saif

Saif

Senior Member
13,749
7,411
Origin

Axis Group

'US for lifting Rab sanctions'
Salman F Rahman says after meeting Donald Lu

1715727483431.png

US Assistant Secretary Donald Lu. Photo: Reuters

US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia Donald Lu yesterday told the government they will support the withdrawal of sanctions against Rapid Action Battalion, Prime Minister's Private Industry and Investment Adviser Salman F Rahman said.

The US also asked Bangladesh to ensure timely payments to American companies conducting business here.

Rahman was briefing journalists after a meeting with Donald Lu at his Gulshan residence last night.

However, neither Lu nor the US embassy in Dhaka spoke publicly about the meeting.

Lu has been in the region since May 10, visiting India and Sri Lanka, and arrived in Dhaka yesterday morning.

Rahman claimed the US side told him that the White House is also for the withdrawal of sanctions, but they have a procedure that needs to be followed. Sanctions are within the jurisdiction of the US Department of Justice.

The US last year announced a visa policy for Bangladesh, saying those undermining democratic elections would be denied visas. Earlier in 2021, it imposed sanctions on Rab and some of its officials.

Rahman also said that US wants to rebuild trust in its relationship with Bangladesh.

"We both agreed that our relationship should be better than what it was prior to the elections. There might have been misunderstandings earlier."

Rahman said there were some reservations in the run-up to the elections, and even afterwards, but when US President Joe Biden wrote to the PM, it was understood that they have accepted the elections.

Biden wrote to the PM in February iterating their willingness to help Bangladesh achieve its economic goals.

Rahman said they did not talk about visa restrictions last night but "there are no visa restrictions now".

Concerning delayed payments to American companies, he quoted Lu as saying that the US understands there is considerable pressure on Bangladesh's central reserves.

"We said we are hopeful that our export and remittance will increase since we have devalued the taka recently. We pointed out that although payments are being delayed, we haven't halted them," he added.

Bangladesh also sought funding under the US International Development Finance Corporation (DFC).

"They said Bangladesh needs to reform the labour sector as per the suggestions of the International Labour Organisation. We said we have amended the labour law and are continuing reforms. We hope to come to an understanding with ILO. Once done, we can get get DFC funding."

Bangladesh requested the US to put pressure on Myanmar for repatriation, said Rahman, adding that the US agreed to do so while also pointing out that since the situation in Myanmar is not safe, repatriation will take time.

The two also spoke about regional power connectivity between Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan, and the crisis in Gaza.

Dhaka's priority will be trade and economy, while Washington's will be security, especially advancing partnership under its Indo-Pacific Strategy, as Donald Lu holds meetings with the government high-ups today.

According to diplomatic sources and analysts, Washington is focused on strengthening its relations with the Indo-Pacific nations keeping China in mind, though it says it does not target any specific country.

Lu met with civil society members to discusse human rights, labour rights, environment, gender, and media freedom.

Today, he will hold a meeting with Foreign Secretary Masud Bin Momen and call on Foreign Minister Hasan Mahmud and Environment, Forest, and Climate Change Minister Saber Hossain Chowdhury.

"His trip will strengthen bilateral cooperation with each country and demonstrate US support for a free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific region," according to a statement issued by the US State Department ahead of Lu's visit to India, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh.

At a recent briefing in Dhaka, Maxwell Martin, political officer at the US embassy in Dhaka, said Washington wants to see Bangladesh as a net security provider, meaning that the country can support regional countries in terms of security as the country has the capacity.

"We would hope that Bangladesh sees the Indo-Pacific Strategy as an opportunity to cooperate with us and our partners to help address some of Bangladesh's security concerns," he said.

Washington's push for democracy, human rights, and good governance is also part of the US-led strategy, Martin said, referring to last year's US public statements on free and fair elections.

Nilanthi Samaranayake, a visiting expert at the US Institute of Peace and adjunct fellow at the East-West Center in Washington, in an article on April 30 said while the US raised the temperature on Bangladesh regarding the conduct of its election process before January, it appears to now be focused on the way forward in the relationship.

"As a result, a discussion about Dhaka signing the ACSA and the GSOMIA is worth reengaging on, ahead of annual partner dialogues between the two countries," she wrote.

Prof Obaidul Haque, of Dhaka University's international relations department, said Lu may press for signing the two agreements -- Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement on logistics and the General Security of Military Information Agreement -- to advance security and defense relationship.

"I don't think that Dhaka will sign the agreements now. It has a certain level of reluctance about it," he told The Daily Star yesterday.

In an email interview, Samaranayake said Dhaka is likely taking its time to study the specifics of the agreements and understand its options.

"The US agreements are bilateral and do not prevent Bangladesh from having partnerships with other countries such as China. Bangladesh's foreign policy approach is seen as open to multiple partnerships."

Besides, as a climate vulnerable country, Bangladesh needs huge funding from the developed countries. Bangladesh's annual funding requirement is of $9 billion for climate change initiatives, but the government allocates only $3 billion, resulting in a shortfall of $6 billion.

"We need funding as well as technologies. We would seek greater US contribution towards this. Also, the US has been the largest donor for Rohingyas, and we would seek their support for them," said a government official.

Bangladesh would also seek investments from the US, the single largest export market for Bangladesh.

Former ambassador M Humayun Kabir said Washington has great economic interests in Bangladesh, including in the oil and gas sectors.

US oil-gas company ExxonMobil has expressed interest in exploring oil and gas reserves in Bangladesh's offshore blocks.

"We need to decide everything from the view of our national interest," said Humayun.​
 

US sanctions against Rab to stay: State Department

The United States has said the sanctions imposed against Bangladesh's elite force Rab are not being withdrawn.

"Those claims are false. The US is not withdrawing sanctions against the Rab," said Principal Deputy Spokesperson at the US Department of State Vedant Patel.

In a regular briefing at the US Department of State, he said sanctions are intended to change "behaviour and promote accountability".

On Tuesday night, PM's Private Industry and Investment Adviser Salman Fazlur Rahman told reporters that the White House and the US Department of State are in favour of lifting sanctions on the Rab but it depends on the Department of Justice.

"The issue is with the US Department of Justice which is independent and separate from the White House and the State Department. They work independently," Salman F Rahman added.

"The issue is moving through a process," Salman said after his discussion over dinner with US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu who was on a three-day visit to Dhaka last week.​
 

Rab raids 'Arsa den' after 'gunbattle'; arrests 2

Rapid Action Battalion today arrested two suspected members of Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (Arsa) during a raid in a hill adjacent to Ukhiya Rohingya camp in Cox's Bazar this morning.

The raid follows a gunbattle in the area in the early hours.

They also recovered arms, grenades and rocket shells during the raid on a den of Myanmar-based armed group at Lal Pahar area, according a notification sent to media by Rab this morning.

A bomb disposal unit of Bangladesh Army has reached the spot to destroy the recovered bombs and explosives, it added.

Rab will hold a press briefing later in the day to disclose more details in this regard.​
 

RAB raids city house, arrest three
Staff Correspondent 23 May, 2024, 05:36

Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) arrested three individuals allegedly involved in the production of hand bombs at a residence situated in Tekpara area of East Badda in the capital city on Wednesday night.

The arrested individuals have been identified as Fahim, Limon, and Akul, according to RAB-3 Captain, Lieutenant Colonel Md Firoz Kabir. The operation was carried out based on intelligence report, he said.

Lt. Col. Kabir briefed the press, stating, 'We received intelligence suggesting the existence of a bomb-making operation affiliated with a group based in Narayanganj. This group has been clandestinely producing hand bombs using techniques reminiscent of militant organisations and distributing them across various regions, including Gazipur and Dhaka.'

During the raid, RAB confiscated a cache of 65 hand bombs along with materials used in their manufacturing.

Although three suspects were caught in the act, the homeowner remains missing.

Lt. Col. Kabir mentioned, 'We are currently probing any potential involvement of the homeowner in this illicit activity.'​
 

Police undergo major reshuffle
Published: 28 Jul 2024, 22: 05

1722212203226.png

Bangladesh Police emblem

Bangladesh Police have made a major reshuffle with transferring two additional inspector generals of Police (AIGPs), five additional deputy inspector generals (ADIGs), and 48 Superintendents of Police (SP) ranking officials.

The Public Security Division of the Home Ministry issued four separate gazette notification to this end Sunday.

The two AIGPs who have been transferred are AKM Shahidur Rahman and Krishna Pada Roy.

In another notification, five additional DIGs have been transferred.

A total of 32 officials with the rank of SP, have been transferred through an order, while 16 others with the rank of SP have been transferred through another order.

The notifications will come into immediate effect.​
 

US sanctions against Rab to stay: State Department

The United States has said the sanctions imposed against Bangladesh's elite force Rab are not being withdrawn.

"Those claims are false. The US is not withdrawing sanctions against the Rab," said Principal Deputy Spokesperson at the US Department of State Vedant Patel.

In a regular briefing at the US Department of State, he said sanctions are intended to change "behaviour and promote accountability".

On Tuesday night, PM's Private Industry and Investment Adviser Salman Fazlur Rahman told reporters that the White House and the US Department of State are in favour of lifting sanctions on the Rab but it depends on the Department of Justice.

"The issue is with the US Department of Justice which is independent and separate from the White House and the State Department. They work independently," Salman F Rahman added.

"The issue is moving through a process," Salman said after his discussion over dinner with US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu who was on a three-day visit to Dhaka last week.​

I am glad that Salman Rahman is now shown as talking out of his hat. He spoke too soon. :)
 

Major reshuffle in police force
3 top cops forced into retirement; 5 retired police officials reinstated

1724799720425.png


In a major reshuffle in the police force yesterday, three top police officials have been sent into forced retirement and five mid-ranking officials, who had been forced to retire by the Awami League government, have been reinstated.

Also, 24 district police superintendents were transferred to police units across the country.

The government also transferred 38 additional SP- and 14 assistant superintendent of police- (ASP) ranked officers from Dhaka Metropolitan Police to different police units, including in-service training centre, river police, and Rab.

Many of these officials have worked in the capital for years and had held major posts during the AL rule.

Forty-seven additional SP- and 10 ASP-ranked officers, who were outside Dhaka or in different units, have been transferred to the DMP.

Six deputy inspectors general and two additional inspectors general also got new posts.

Over the last one week, 13 top police officers have been sent into forced retirement in "public interest".

Many of these officials have been alleged to have used excessive force to suppress the student movement that toppled the AL government on August 5.

Much-talked-about names like Monirul Islam, additional IGP at Special Branch; Habibur Rahman, DMP commissioner; Atiqul Islam, additional IGP of police headquarters; Mohammad Ali Miah, CID chief; and Krishna Pada Roy, additional IGP of the Police Headquarters, were among those forced to retire.

Some of them have murder cases filed against them.

Police and home ministry sources said the changes were made as a part of measures to revamp the force that has been "politically used" for a long time.

"We have transferred the officials out of Dhaka as a part of measures to revamp the force," Md Mainul Hasan, commissioner of the DMP, told The Daily Star yesterday.

He said, "Capable, professional, and deprived officers are being selected for filling the vacant posts."

Muhammad Nurul Huda, a former inspector general of police, termed the moves "administrative measures or actions warranted by the present situation".

He told The Daily Star, "The officials, who have been given charge in new posts, should strictly follow the law so that the image [of the force] is restored."

REINSTATEMENTS, RETIREMENTS

With three circulars, the government yesterday sent three top police officials, including an additional inspector general of police (IGP), into forced retirement from today.

The officials are Krishna Pada Roy, additional IGP of police headquarters; Mozammel Haque, Khulna Metropolitan Police commissioner; and Sarder Rakibul Islam, additional commissioner.

The circular invoked section 45 of the Public Service Act, 2018.

The five reinstated police officials, who were forced to retire between 2020 and 2023, are Deputy Inspector General of police Abdullah Al Mamun, and SPs Nazmul Karim Khan, Ali Hossain Khan, Delwar Hossain Mia, and Zillur Rahman.

Five circulars were issued in this regard yesterday.

They would be considered on duty from the day of their forced retirement, and they would be entitled to arrears, promotions, and other benefits as per rules, read the circulars.

The home ministry during the AL rule had cited "public interest" as reason for them being forced to retire.

THE NEW TO BE WATCHED

Sources said many of the newly posted DMP officials do not have experience in working in the capital.

Talking to this newspaper, a source, requesting anonymity, said, "It would be hard for the newly appointed officers to perform their duties if they have no experience in dealing with crime in the capital … ."

DMP Commissioner Mainul said, "We will keep the newly transferred officials under the scanner and follow their work. If they fail to perform and maintain the professional standard, then they would be sent back.

"We want to ensure the best service to people … ."

Earlier, the authorities transferred all additional commissioners and deputy commissioners of eight crime divisions and eight detective branches of the DMP.

The officials, who were posted outside Dhaka, are now being given the charges of these divisions and DB branches.

NEW SPs, DIGs

The home ministry in another circular transferred the SPs of 24 districts.

New officials were also appointed to these districts.

The districts that got new SPs are Rangpur, Gazipur, Cumilla, Dhaka, Sirajganj, Chattogram, Manikganj, Mymensingh, Gaibandha, Habiganj, Rajshahi, Munshiganj, Sylhet, Narayanganj, Natore, Pabna, Patuakhali, Bagerhat, Kishoreganj, Jhenaidah, Magura, Tangail, Jashore, and Narsingdi.

In another circular, the home ministry yesterday transferred two additional inspectors general of police and six DIGs.

Additional IGP (supernumerary) AKM Hafiz Akter and KH Mahid Uddin were transferred to the Industrial Police and Tourist Police.

DIG Munibur Rahman of DMP was sent to the Armed Police Battalion headquarters while DIG Faruk Ahmed to the DMP.

DIGs (supernumerary) Israil Howlader, Khondoker Nazmul Hasan, Masud Karim, and Hasan Md Shawkat Ali were posted to the DMP.​
 

Restoring full police capacity is vital for public security
Police must be able to carry out law and order duties

1725688821878.png

VISUAL: STAR

It is disheartening that the police still remain in a state of disarray despite attempts in recent weeks to overhaul the force and imbue it with a new sense of direction. According to a report by this daily, the violent fallout of the regime change on August 5 continues to cast a shadow over the force even now, with logistical challenges as well as low morale due to the fear of withdrawal, transfer, forced retirement, lawsuits and/or arrest still stifling their capacity. This cannot be allowed to persist, as the role of the police is critical in maintaining law and order, ensuring public security, and preventing chaos.

Presently, police services remain largely limited to registering complaints and cases. Despite all police stations resuming their operations several weeks ago, there has been little field presence of officers, especially after dark and without army escorts. Meanwhile, the national helpline 999 continues to struggle to provide services because of the lack of police personnel and logistical support. For a time, all the 999 calls asking for police help were referred to the armed forces. Even though the home adviser has urged the superintendents of police to work sincerely with the force and logistics they have in their respective districts, a number of issues have combined to make progress difficult.

Key among them is the lack of morale. Reportedly, the fear of being sued or arrested or, worse, facing public wrath for police actions during the bloody mass uprising still haunts police members. To this day, over 700-800 officers remain absent without leave. Add to that the fear of being withdrawn or transferred, with major reshuffles being announced every now and then. There is no easy solution for this. It is natural for police, after having served as enforcers of an authoritarian regime for over a decade, to find themselves caught between the need to redeem their credibility and the lingering fear of consequences. Ensuring accountability and creating an enabling environment for police are both important. The authorities must find a way to achieve these objectives with tact, and with people's expectations in mind.

The issue of diminished operational capability is another major barrier, one that should be handled with relative ease, however. Given the overarching need of public safety, the authorities must urgently expedite their efforts to reinforce and restructure the police force, make necessary resources available, and repair damaged infrastructure. Soon after the mass uprising, over 450 out of 664 police stations were attacked by mobs, with some set on fire. Around 300 vehicles were also destroyed. Large quantities of firearms and ammunition were looted as well, leaving a security concern for the future. Restoring full police capability means addressing all such logistical issues as well as staff shortages created afterwards, through new recruitments if necessary.

We must say that we expect a better performance from the interim government in terms of fully operationalising the police force. Police must be able to secure the streets, protect citizens, and prevent crimes. The responsibility to ensure that they are able to do so lies on the government. Reforms cannot happen overnight, so striking a balance between reform and general functionality may be considered in the short term, keeping long-term reforms for the future.​
 

Committee soon for police reform
Says home adviser

1725929933279.png

Photo: Jahangir Alam Chowdhury

A committee will soon be formed for police reform, said Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury yesterday.

He made this announcement during a meeting at his office, where an eight-member delegation led by Stefan Liller, resident representative of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in Bangladesh, met him.

Regarding police reform, the adviser mentioned that it is still in the preliminary stage.

"No committee has been formed yet, but a primary committee for police reform will be established soon. This committee will determine the process, how the reform will be conducted, and who will be included," he said.

The adviser further said the process will move forward based on the recommendations and opinions of the primary committee, and future actions will be determined accordingly.

Stefan Liller said police reform should be conducted in such a way that the public can gain trust and confidence in the force, avoiding any criticism.

Earlier at an event, the home adviser said most of the problems in jails could be solved by stopping bribery and corruption.

He made the remark while speaking as the chief guest at a views exchange meeting with prison officials at the Directorate of Prisons in Dhaka's Bakshibazar.

Calling for the transformation of jails into correctional centres, Jahangir said, "The quality of food for prison guards and prisoners should be improved. They need to improve their skills through training."

He also gave necessary directives to the authorities concerned to ensure discipline and welfare of jail employees.

Addressing prison officials, the adviser said, "Your main responsibility is to ensure the security of the prison. Restore your respect without taking bribes, because bribery damages the reputation of the individual as well as the organisation."

During the meeting, prison officials and employees presented various demands to the adviser.​
 

Rab can't be used for political purpose: home adviser

1726018219985.png

Photo: PID

Home Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury yesterday said Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) cannot be used for political purposes.

The adviser said this in a discussion held at Rab headquarters in the city's Uttara with participation of the senior Rab officials, a press release said.

The adviser emphasised that Rab was initially established with a commitment that it would not be used for political ends, a principle that has not been adhered to in recent years.

He noted that there is a strong public perception that the misuse of Rab for political objectives has led to its involvement in illegal activities, including enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings.

Jahangir highlighted that Rab was once a disciplined and well-regarded force, gaining public trust and respect through the deployment of top officers from the police and armed forces. However, he pointed out that political influence in the recruitment and posting within RAB has eroded the integrity of the force.

He urged that Rab's lost glory and honour could be restored through love, proper conduct, and performance, stressing the importance of operating within the law.

He instructed that illegal orders from higher authorities must not be followed, unauthorised detentions must cease, and the force must steer clear of extrajudicial actions such as crossfire, enforced disappearances, and killings.

The meeting was attended by Rab Director General AKM Shahidur Rahman and other officials of the force, who briefed the adviser on various activities of Rab.​
 

The morale issues of Bangladesh Police

1726704019451.png

The police leadership needs to explore how it can financially and socially help the aggrieved families that have been victims of police actions. FILE PHOTO: STAR

It would definitely be an understatement to say that as of now, the morale of Bangladesh police is less than desirable. The reality is that our police have been badly shaken by the events leading to the fall of a despised authoritarian government. For a significant length of time in the recent past, there was hardly any police presence in public life.

There is no denying that for a long time, the police have been used as a tool of repression in the subcontinent and politicians have frequently misused this vital organ of the state for personal gain and partisan advantages. In the process, the police hierarchy have been willing collaborators of their political masters. However, what is markedly different this time is that many police officers of different ranks have acted as party goons devoid of any sense of legal propriety of their actions. They are complicit in using excessive force while countering public protests, with some policemen stooping low enough to be branded by some as public enemies.

It has to be admitted that the single-minded pursuit of money has impoverished the minds and desiccated the hearts of many politicians, with whom an unholy nexus has been built by reckless and corrupt police officials. Quite often, interference with the statutory duties of police contrary to the provisions of law has not been condemned. This was the case when it impeded the performance of duties in the maintenance of public order and investigation of cases.

Coercive powers—such as the recourse to fire while dispersing assemblies—have been given under the law to certain officers, and they alone as agents of law, have to act in accordance with their own assessment of the situation and as per their conscience. In our situation, many senior officers have not used their statutory authority to advise, guide, and direct the public order operations. Instead, they resorted to indiscriminate and excessive use of force. Consequently, the police have been demonised in public, perhaps with some justification. This, however, is not desirable as we cannot dispense with the services of the police in public interest.

The police in Bangladesh, coupled with the required determination to perform its legally mandated functions, need to regain its confidence. Winning the trust and support of the public would be the first step. However, this will be difficult as many delinquent officers must face actions for criminal actions and have to be brought under the law by their own colleagues.

The best course of action in this case would be the police, as the country's principal law enforcement agency, themselves set an example of scrupulously abiding by the law. The practical display of this course would be to investigate all cases of murder and other offenses arising out of the recent incidents of July and August, and bringing to book the offending police functionaries. There must not be anyprotective investigation or any quarter given to defaulting officials.

The police leadership needs to explore how it can financially and socially help the aggrieved families that have been victims of police actions. There are funds that can be judiciously used to ameliorate the distress of the suffering families, particularly those that require medical assistance. Bearing the educational expenses of families that have lost its principal earner could also be helpful. The remorse and compassion has to be visible to heal the wounds.

In addition, the 999 service provided by police has to be restored to its full capacity with adequate supportive actions on ground. The "open house" project where senior officers of respective units used to hear the grievances of the public on a monthly periodical basis has to be resumed. This would hopefully allay fears, remove confusion, and create a climate of trust. This would be a salutary public relation exercise vital for enlisting public support for law and order maintenance.

Improvement in traffic management in the country, in particular Dhaka city, would significantly contribute to morale boosting. Dhaka motorists should see traffic police performing their tasks with efficiency and authority. Coordination remains a key element in any traffic management. It is suggested that actual behavior patterns of the motorists could be seen and verified only on the roads. Furthermore, wrong parking in Dhaka is a major cause of traffic snarl-ups. If necessary, we have to press several cranes into action in order to tow away the offending vehicles to the nearest police station. Everybody, including VIPs, should face consequences for wrong parking.

In the long-term, measures like sanitisation of recruitment, adequate training and depoliticisation of law enforcement must not escape our attention. The police in Bangladesh needs to be rescued from a dehumanisation process that has engulfed them.

Muhammad Nurul Huda is former IGP of Bangladesh Police.​
 

ICT case filed against six RAB officers
Staff Correspondent 23 September, 2024, 00:29

1727049255557.png


A case was filed with the International Crimes Tribunal against six Rapid Action Battalion officers on charge of crimes against humanity for reported abduction, enforced disappearance and torture of a physician in 2021.

In the first-ever case filed with the tribunal for reported abdcutionand enforced disappearance, the complainant, physician Israt Rafique Eshita, alleged that the officers abducted her from her house at Kafrul in the capital on July 28, 2021.

The accused officers include the then Squadron Leader Ali Ashraf, IT expert Rakib, and additional superintendent of police Md Akhteruzzaman.

According to Israt’s complaint, she became a victim of enforced disappearance after the battalion officers abducted her and held her in an undisclosed location, where she was subjected to torture. She was produced before the media by the battalion five days later, on August 1, 2021.

On the following day, August 2, 2021, Israt was publicly presented as a ‘fake physician’ and implicated in three narcotics-related cases, which she claimed, were fabricated.

Her case took to 30 the number of cases filed with the tribunal, mostly targeting deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina, since her resignation and fleeing to India on August 5.

In a related development, the International Crimes Tribunal-1 has received two more complaints against Sheikh Hasina, involving allegations of crimes against humanity in connection with the deaths of Dr Sajib Sarkar and Sheikh Ashabul Yamin, both of whom were killed in police firing during the student-people uprising on July 18.

Halim Sarkar, the father of Dr Sajib Sarkar, filed a complaint accusing 71 individuals, including police members, of killing his son.

Sajib, who completed his MBBS from Taherunnesa Medical College in 2020, was shot dead by police at Azampur of Uttara in the capital during peaceful protests.

‘They killed my innocent son, and I want justice,’ Halim Sarkar told the media after filing the case.

In another complaint, Yamin’s uncle, Md Abdullah Al Mun Kadir, accused 78 individuals, including Sheikh Hasina, Awami League leaders Obaidul Quader, Zunaid Ahmed Palak, and Mohammad A Arafat, of genocide and crimes against humanity under the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act of 1973.

Yamin was reportedly detained by police during the student-people uprising in Savar and shot at point-blank range. Disturbing footage of the police dragging Yamin’s body to an armoured vehicle, dropping it on the street, and brutally discarding it on a road divider went viral and shocked the nation. Yamin was rushed to Savar Enam Medical College Hospital, where doctors pronounced him dead.

The allegations against the accused are being pursued under sections 3(2), 4(1), and 4(2) of the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act, as calls for justice intensify following the tragic events of July 18.​
 

'The police cannot run in this way'
Sarfuddin Ahmed
Published: 24 Sep 2024, 12: 49

1727399659378.png


Earlier, it was commonly said, "The police and local trains seldom arrive on time." However, it seems now the police don’t even arrive at all, not even on rare occasions.

Many places are devoid of police presence. Even on busy roads, the police are nowhere to be seen. Traffic management seems to be running on an "in the name of God, we proceed" system.

Recently a man selling vegetables from a mobile stall said, "Someone stole the battery from my van. That person is lucky he wasn’t caught. If I had caught him, I would have beaten him to death because there’s no police and no case would have been filed."

This suggests that people now believe that in many areas of the country, there is practically no police presence.

There are no police patrols. Ever since the shooting during student protests, the public no longer respects the police as they used to. They are no longer willing to listen to the police. Instead of following the law, people now want to do whatever they please.

The ‘open secret’ across the country today is that the police chain of command is no longer functioning. The entire command structure has collapsed. If a senior officer instructs a subordinate to go right, there’s no guarantee they will comply.

For a long time, this was perceived merely as public perception. However, last Sunday, Deputy Commissioner (DC) Sarwar Jahan of the Ramna Division of Dhaka Metropolitan Police was overheard telling a senior officer on his mobile, "Sir, this force cannot be run like this. No one is following orders. The police cannot function like this." It left no doubt in anyone’s mind that the chain of command of police has broken down.

According to a report in Prothom Alo, Sarwar Jahan had ordered his subordinates to remove auditors protesting in front of the Audit Building at Kakrail, who were blocking the road. However, like Nawab Siraj-ud- Daula’s army standing before Robert Clive’s forces, Sarwar’s team of officers stood motionless.

The report states that the auditors were blocking the road, and despite repeated requests over a loudspeaker to clear the area, they refused. Sarwar then gave them a five-minute ultimatum. When they didn’t move, he instructed his officers to advance. However, apart from a handful of officers, no one else moved.

Even after repeated urgings from DC Sarwar, some constables and sub-inspectors openly told him, "Sir, we cannot go into action."

Sarwar asked, "Won’t you listen to me?" To which one officer replied, "We can’t, sir."

At that moment, many officers were overheard saying to each other that no matter what, they would not move forward. One sub-inspector was heard telling the constables, "No matter what the sir says, just stay quiet."

Frustrated, DC Sarwar then called a superior officer and said, "Sir, no one is listening. Despite my repeated orders, no one is moving forward."

It’s not unusual for individual officers to show allegiance to a political party. However, if a large number of officers openly defy orders and say, "Sir, I won’t follow your command," then this becomes a serious issue
This is not a trivial incident. It is, in fact, quite alarming. The police are a disciplined force, and the chain of command is their primary strength. There is no room for anyone to act outside the command structure.

When a constable dares to tell a deputy commissioner of police, "I won’t follow your orders," it indicates that the chain of command within the force has broken down. There is serious disorder within the force.

Since the final days of the Hasina government, the relationship between the police and the public had become, in some cases, like that of a mongoose and a snake.

Thousands of people were injured or killed in police shootings at that time. Many police officers were also injured or killed by protesters. The antagonistic relationship that developed between the police and the public has not yet normalized.

The reality is that the police are still struggling to present themselves in a straightforward manner to the public. They feel that the public no longer respects them. This feeling can become a psychological barrier for them when attempting to break up protests.

However, a senior police officer, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Prothom Alo that "a large number of officers in Dhaka were appointed during Sheikh Hasina’s government, and they no longer want to listen to orders."

Former Inspector General of Police (IGP) Muhammad Nurul Huda has also stated that the close relationship between police officers and political parties is responsible for the current state of the force.

According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, between 2009 and 2023, a total of 119,919 constables, sub-inspectors, and sergeants were recruited. Analysts believe that over the decade and a half of the Awami League government, the police were used as a tool to maintain power.

It’s not unusual for individual officers to show allegiance to a political party. However, if a large number of officers openly defy orders and say, "Sir, I won’t follow your command," then this becomes a serious issue.

If this situation is not quickly addressed, the disciplined police force could transform into a disorderly one.

* Sarfuddin Ahmed is Assistant Editor, Prothom Alo​
 

Police in disarray, need massive reforms
Mahmudul Hasan

Dhaka
Updated: 30 Sep 2024, 15: 15

1727833761049.png


Around 120,000 were recruited in Bangladesh Police in 15 years of Awami League. The allocation for police increased by 433 per cent in this period. Yet, there was no effective initiative to make the police a professional force. Rather, police were used to suppress the political opponents of the ruling party in the last one and a half decades.

The organisational structure of police has collapsed due to Awami League’s excessive dependence on it. Police have reached such a fragile structure that it cannot play any effective role even after one and a half months of the fall of Sheikh Hasina in a student-mass uprising. Despite change in every top post including Inspector General (IGP), police have not been able to emerge from the torpor. Now a massive reform in the policing system has been demanded. Recommendation has come to form the Police Complaints Commission to investigate crimes committed by members of the force, alongside the Police Commission.

Some recommendations came while speaking with stakeholders such as current and former police officials, experts and relevant organisations. They mainly came up with two types of recommendations. Firstly, the police need a massive overhaul in the system of transfer, promotion, recruitment, operation and other facilities. Secondly, a strong organizational structure is needed to make police service oriented and ensure its accountability in all aspects such as cases and investigations, arrest and conducting raids. To this end, some laws and regulations regarding police need to be updated.

Sources said manpower shortage, budget shortage and infrastructural limitations were once presented as the main reasons for police force’s inability to be a professional one. But this notion has changed in the last 15 years. In this period, a total of 83,070 posts were created in the police. A total of 178 posts were created in high-ups for BCS cadre officers. Majority of 120,000 were recruited on political and partisan considerations.

According to the public security division, the manpower of the police force was around 213,000 last November.

Allocation for police in 2023-24 fiscal years increased by Tk 177.65 billion from Tk 33.31 billion in 2009-10 fiscal years. A significant number of infrastructures were built during this period but a majority of these were unplanned. Allegations of corruption were also there.

Stakeholders say that increase in manpower, facilities and infrastructures failed to make police pro-people as appeasing the force got priority over welfare of the public. A majority of the force played a veritable role as party activists to bring Awami League to power in the last three general elections. Awami League relied more on police and local administration than on party leaders to ensure their win in elections.

Transparency International Bangladesh’s (TIB) executive director Iftekharuzzaman stressed on creating a sustainable structure of accountability to bring police out of present predicaments. He recommended forming a police complaint commission alongside an independent police commission like in the United Kingdom and different other countries. The Police Commission will work independently on issues such as recruitment-transfer and promotion while the Complaint Commission will ensure accountability on these activities.

Police headquarters have already formed eight committees for reform and fact-finding. Police headquarters’ spokesperson Inamul Haque said the committees will submit reports to IGP.

The chief adviser of the interim government has announced a police reform commission headed by former home secretary Safar Raz Hossain. He told Prothom Alo, "The commission might consist of 10-12 members including two representatives from police. We will hear from journalists, people from different professions and policemen. We will recommend transforming the police force in line with people’s expectations."

Concept of posting needs overhaul
Policemen are usually posted in 16 to 20 units or work stations. Insiders say out of these 16, some 3-4 are considered ‘good postings’. Dhaka Metropolitan Police’s (DMP) crime division, detective branch and some other posts, superintendent of district police and ranges’ DIG are among the posts that are considered the better posting. Some other posts of police headquarters, Special Branch of police and Criminal Investigation Department (CID) are also considered prized posts. In the last 15 years, some handful of officers were appointed in these ‘good posts’.

1727833837847.png

police were used to suppress the political opponents of the ruling party in the last one and a half decadesProthom Alo file photo

Police insiders say that posting in the places where chances of exercising power, rate of crime and businesses and industries are generally considered as more coveted. The main reason behind it is that the chance of illegal income is comparatively more in these areas. Not only cadre officers, but non cadre officers from constable to inspector crave for posting in such areas.

Police do not have any ‘fit list’ for posting in those important posts. As a result anyone can be posted anywhere at any time. Taking this chance, the politics inside the police force mainly starts over posting in these coveted areas. This politics is mainly to blame for the lack of professionalism in the police. Officers need to lobby powerful officials to get better postings. In some places, postings of police are made as per the will of influential politicians. Some officials also form a syndicate to control the whole process of transfer and promotion. They do so by establishing good rapport with influential people in the government. Sometimes illegal transactions of money become the most important factor for posting.

These are the reasons behind the existing disarray in the posting.

Option of formulation of specific guidelines is also discussed inside the police to bring order in posting. Prothom Alo talked with 13 police officers of different ranks between inspector and DIG. They suggest police need a ‘fit list’ for posting of superintendents akin to the administration cadre’s fit list for promotion to deputy commissioners. There should also be a ‘fit list’ for officer in charge posting. An officer would require specialised and specific experience to get such postings.

They also opined that it should be specified as to how long an officer can remain in OC and SP posts. Officers of all ranks would require working in all units, except for specialised units, to ensure a balance between units so that some postings are not deemed more lucrative. If that can be done, officers would be ready to work anywhere they are appointed.

Discipline required for promotion

Relevant people said there is almost no promotion in the upper level posts without the consideration of superiors, political consideration or financial dealings. That is why instead of becoming professional, the police members become interested in tasks that would draw the attention of political leaders. As a result, the police could not become a pro-people security agency.

That is why the relevant people recommended setting some basic yardsticks for promotions. They also stressed the importance of assessing the annual confidential report (ACR) properly.

To ensure the “chain of command”, the authority to issue ACR will have to be distributed among the inspectors, assistant police supers, additional police supers, and police supers and other upper level officers rather than keeping it confined to unicentric.

Police stations to be reformed, trainings enhanced

There are allegations of harassment at the police stations for a long time even for some general services. There are also allegations that the police members are unhelpful in all the instances of filing a case, general diary (GD), investigation, patrolling and conducting raids. In some cases they just harass the service seekers. That is why the police stations could not become the places where people could rely.

Apart from this, financial dealings at the police stations have turned into a custom. That is why the relevant people advised to reform all 639 police citations across the country.

Several former and serving officials of different levels made some suggestions in this regard. Those include - employing a separate team, to be led by a superior, at the district level to monitor the activities of the members of every police station. They will submit reports on inconsistencies everyday to the SP and range DIG. Besides, they will contact a certain number of service seekers everyday to find out whether there was any illegal transaction of money and recommend taking actions based on that against the accused police member.

The officials and experts also recommended changing the recruitment of constables and their promotion and training drastically.

They said half of the sub-inspectors, who work as investigation officers, are recruited directly while the other half comes from promotion of constables. But when the constables are recruited, they do not get sufficient training to work as investigation officers. As a result, when they get the responsibility without any mental preparation, they fail to play the expected role in investigations. That is why they should be prepared during the recruitment and before the promotion.

Naim Ahmed, former additional IGP, told Prothom Alo that the main work is now to restore the morale of officers by making police stations functional again. Then there should be some specific guidelines regarding transfer and promotion. Also, training of police should be updated.

Necessity of specialised recruitment

With time, the types of crime and strategy to tackle these crimes have seen a massive change. Police are facing fresh challenges especially in tackling cyber crime and extremism. Although police have formed specialised units such as Cyber Crime Unit, SWAT, Anti-Terrorism Unit (ATU) and Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime (CTTC), no specialised recruitment of people with specific know-how were made in these units. Many posted with these specialised units get training home and abroad but they get transferred to other non-specialised units later on. As a result, the training they receive goes in vain.

Stakeholders suggest that recruitment can primarily be made in constable and sub inspector posts at first. Later the whole units can be run by specialised manpower by providing training to them. There can be some specific standards for posting in units which mainly carry out investigations. Some also recommended recruitment of specialised manpower in units such as Tourist Police, Rail Police, Industrial Police, River Police, Highway Police and training institutes.

Framework of accountability stressed

Most of the crimes committed by policemen are linked with bribes and illegal transactions. Other than these crimes, policemen are generally accused for misdemeanors, personal reasons and negligence in duty. But investigation is normally carried out in cases that come out in public. And it is the police who carry out the investigation. As a result, the policemen who commit crimes usually get less punishment or get acquitted.

Under this circumstance, the stakeholders recommended a strong framework to ensure accountability of police. They say the whole police force should be brought under accountability by forming an effective police commission. This commission will investigate all crimes and irregularities. Apart from visible crimes committed by its members, policemen will face accountability for every case and investigation. Besides, all members of police will have to submit wealth statements of their own and members of their families. Actions should be taken if any inconsistency is found between their wealth and income.

The issue of reforming police has been a long-discussed one. The initiatives taken by the caretaker government in 2007 were not implemented by the next political government. The stakeholders said the previous governments had either encouraged or forced the police to serve their own interests. That’s why these changes should be made by the interim government on an emergency basis. Work should be started by bringing into a process in case of the decisions which will take time to implement.

Former IGP of police Khoda Bakhsh Chowdhury told Prothom Alo that the police should be reformed in keeping with the times, and the process should be continued. However, to get the full benefit of this reform, the criminal justice system needs to be reformed. In that case, apart from the police, the judicial system and the prison management should also be revamped.​
 

Italy pledges support for police reforms, regular migration

1727917474763.png

Photo: PID

Italy's ambassador to Dhaka has pledged support to the interim government's efforts to reform the police and said it would work together to promote formal migration to the country.

The ambassador, Antonio Alessandro, made the comments when he paid a courtesy call on Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at the latter's Tejgaon office in Dhaka today.

Safe, organised and regular migration to Italy, economic and trade cooperation, and police reforms dominated the talks during the meeting.

The meeting came a week after the chief adviser and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni held a one-on-one meeting at the UN Headquarters in New York.

During the UN meeting, Prof Yunus called for the large-scale formal migration from Bangladesh to Italy.

Meloni said both nations should work hard to cut irregular migration.

"We want to protect Bangladesh migrants. We have to work for better regular migration," Ambassador Alessandro said.

The Italian ambassador praised the reform efforts of the interim government. He offered Italian support for police reforms, including training for the security forces.

"Our police do it in several countries," he said.

The ambassador hoped that bilateral trade between the two nations would "rebound soon." Currently, the bilateral trade between the two nations is around $2.5 billion.

The Italian embassy would also hold a movie festival and a ballet soon, he said.​
 

Police reform: Freedom from political control is the goal
Old draft ordinance may come in handy for police reforms commission

1728111449294.png


The setting up of a commission for police reforms is not the first such move in Bangladesh.

The last caretaker government had taken a similar step. It formed Bangladesh Police Act Drafting Committee, which came up with a draft ordinance in 2007.

The goals of the committee were to free police from political influence; make transfers, promotions, and appointments within the force transparent; and ensure that the force and its members are accountable.

That draft ordinance proposed an independent police commission and a complaints commission. It intended to change the colonial police laws of 1861, but it never saw the light of day because of strong opposition from the bureaucracy and vested quarters, said those involved in the process at that time.

Drawn up with assistance from Police Reforms Programme (PRP), funded by the UK and EU, the ordinance was forwarded to the home ministry in 2008 for promulgation, but it never happened.

One of two police officials, who were involved in drafting the ordinance and are still with the force, said the home ministry controls promotions, postings, and punishment of all officers above assistant superintendents according to the wishes of the party in power.

"But under the new law [proposed ordinance], the bureaucrats would not have any control over the police."

Citing the examples of India and Sri Lanka, they said both the South Asian neighbours have changed their British era police laws, since those were designed mainly to subjugate people and required hardly any accountability for police.

The officials suggested that the new police reforms commission, led by former home secretary Safar Raj Hossain, may draw upon the draft ordinance and the experience of Sri Lanka.

The two officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the Sri Lankan law was better than that of India or Pakistan.

They cited the example of the uprising in Sri Lanka and the ouster of president Gotabaya Rajapaksa, during which the police did not use lethal force on protesters. They did not face public wrath either. "That is because Sri Lanka's police is controlled by an independent commission," said one of the officers.

The 2007 draft had proposed a National Police Commission (NPC) and a Police Complaint Commission (PCC) to supervise policing and reduce partisan influence in the police department. The police commission would be headed by the home minister, it would have MPs from both sides of the aisle along with civil society representatives.

The complaints commission would be headed by a former judge of the appellate court along with senior retired bureaucrats and civil society representatives.

But once the Awami League took over in 2009, there was no attempt to reform the police. In fact, the AL government used the entire force as its tool for repression and to subdue opposition and dissent.

A section of police officials also worked as party activists for personal gains like securing lucrative postings and engaging in rampant corruption. In the process, they not only deprived the more competent officials, but were able to push them out to the fringes with their own groups of loyalists that had turned into an evil axis.

The axis showed its true colours during the July-August protests, when hundreds of people were shot dead by police. According to the latest estimates, at least 708 people were killed.

The law enforcers also suffered at the hands of the people who turned on them as the protests culminated in an uprising. The protesters killed 44 policemen, burnt down 224 police establishments and vandalised 236. Several police stations were razed to the ground.

Police reforms commission chief Safar Raj told The Daily Star on Sunday that his committee members had already been picked and would soon be given formal appointments.

He added the commission will seek opinions from all stakeholders, including representatives of the print and electronic media.

Yesterday, the names of the commission members were unveiled by a notification.

The commission's office is at the home ministry.

However, those involved in the draft ordinance cautioned that even being located within the home ministry made the new commission vulnerable to pressure from bureaucrats.

THE 2007 DRAFT ORDINANCE

The draft ordinance proposed a National Police Commission (NPC) to supervise and administer the force and a Police Complaint Commission (PCC) to hold it accountable. The overarching goal was essentially the same as that of the Safar Raj Commission, reduce partisan influence.

The 11-member NPC would be led by the home minister. Members would include four MPs (two each from the government and opposition), four civil society representatives, the home secretary and the police chief. This police commission was authorised to significantly contribute to the appointment of the police chief and investigate any allegations against the top cop. Furthermore, only this commission had the authority to fire or transfer the inspector general.

The NPC would also finalise three nominees for the post of inspector general and forward them to the government for a final selection. The ordinance proposed that the government would appoint senior police officials, like additional IGP, upon the advice of the police commission.

Besides, the police commission would have to periodically make recommendations ensure an efficient, effective, and accountable force.

Striving for stability within the force, the draft proposed that between the ranks of superintendent and inspector general, officials would remain at a post for at least two years.

The proposed ordinance criminalised any recommendations for appointments, transfers or promotions whether by a minister or an MP.

The five-member complaint commission was authorised to investigate any complaint against the police, abuse of power, violation of human rights, negligence and corruption.

The PCC, led by an Appellate Division judge or nationally reputed personality, would include a retired secretary or additional secretary, a retired IGP or additional IGP and two neutral civil society representatives.

The complaint commission would have had the authority to act voluntarily or on the basis of complaints. It was authorised to refer complaints of minor offences back to the police authorities and had the powers to investigate complaints it deemed serious. It could ask the chief justice to appoint a district judge for a judicial inquiry if it needed to.

The PCC was also given the responsibility to draw up recommendations for ridding the police force of corruption. This commission would closely supervise investigations related to all killing and rape. The draft ordinance had a provision for forming a summary court to swiftly punish police officials found guilty.​
 
Yes, Japanese vehicles are a bit more expensive compared to the Indian ones, but the fact of the matter is we can afford Japanese vehicles then why the Home Ministry took the decision to buy low quality Indian vehicles based on price.


Bangladesh police begin procuring Indian vehicles
Staff Correspondent 10 October, 2024, 21:54

1728608738624.png

Indian Mahindra vehicles are distributed to 10 Dhaka Metropolitan Police stations at a programme at Razarbagh police lines in the capital on Wednesday. | Focus Bangla photo

The police in a rare move have begun procuring Indian Mahindra vehicles for the Dhaka Metropolitan Police with 10 pickup vans handed over to police stations in the first phase.

The DMP would get 50 such vehicles from the Indian company and 10 of them were already handed over the police stations on Wednesday, said officials concerned.

Experts, however, questioned about the efficacy and longevity of Indian vehicles as it could not be compared with Japanese ones now being used for police duty.

Police officials, however, claimed that they took the move for procuring duty vehicles for its stations since the India-made vehicles were cheaper than those being used by the police presently.

According to DMP, a total of 186 of its vehicles were damaged and 97 of them were completely destroyed during the student-led mass uprising that toppled Sheikh Hasina’s autocratic government on August 5.

They also said that 22 out of 50 police stations were set on fire under the DMP jurisdiction.

DMP additional commissioner for logistics, finance and procurement Hasan Md Shawkat Ali told New Age that they had procured Indian Mahindra company vehicles for police stations due to cheap price as each vehicle costs about Tk 15.90 lakh.

‘We will procure 40 more same vehicles in the coming days,’ Shawkat added.

The decision of the procurement was taken by the interim government about one and a half months ago, he added.

Uttara Purba, Gulshan, Tejgaon, Kadamtali, Jatrabari, Kamrangirchar, Sabujbagh, Khilgaon, Motijheel and New Market police stations have received the vehicles.

An officer-in-charge of one of those police stations said that it was Mahindra police pick-up.

‘We usually do not use the vehicle,’ the OC said without detailing.

DMP procured vehicles with the own fund of commissioner and vehicles would be used for maintaining law and order along with containing crimes.

Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology mechanical engineering department head Md Afsar Ali said that Indian vehicles had poor longevity and you cannot compare it with Japanese ones.

‘We had seen that Maruti company vehicles were imported in previous. Those vehicles became dysfunctional within two years. I think that there will be no exception in this case as well,’ he added.

BUET professor Md Shamsul Haque and a transport expert told New Age that the experience of Indian vehicle use was not well considering its longevity and resale value compared with Japanese one’s.

‘Earlier, some people brought Indian taxi-cab in the local market. But, those vehicles became defunct in a short time. This is why India could not succeed in the global market,’ said Shamsul.

Former inspector general of police Nur Mohammad said that the police usually used Japanese vehicles for patrolling.

‘A huge logistics loss took place after the fall of the government. I think that they imported vehicles from India for immediate solution and low cost,’ the former IGP added.

According to the Police Headquarters officials, about 1,000 vehicles were damaged, many among them were completely destroyed across the country during the movement.

An additional superintendent of police in a district in Chattogram division told New Age that only a handful number of Mahendra company vehicles were used in his district for the force.​
 

Reforming the police
Helal Uddin Ahmed
Published :
Oct 14, 2024 21:57
Updated :
Oct 14, 2024 21:57

1728953407385.png


Organised policing in Bangladesh has a history of around 200 years starting from the British colonial era. The constitution of the country, laws, rules and regulations including the Police Regulations, the Police Act, and the Code of Criminal Procedure form the legal basis for the existence of Bangladesh Police. The interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus has recently constituted a commission for recommending measures to reform this age-old institution in order to attune it to the needs of a democratic society and modern living. This has been done in the backdrop of a breakdown in the institutional structure and functions of Bangladesh Police due to excessive politicisation and rampant misapplications by the previous autocratic regime. The situation reached such a precarious state that many policemen even went into hiding after the fall of the autocrat Hasina because of the misdeeds they had committed earlier, which was quite unprecedented in the history of Bangladesh.

Experts concerned including former police officials are now suggesting comprehensive reforms in appointments, transfers, promotions, facilities, work-environment and management of the force. Besides, they recommend a powerful supervisory structure for making Bangladesh Police a service-oriented outfit and ensure their accountability cum transparency.

According to knowledgeable quarters, manpower-problem, dearth of budgetary provisions, and infrastructural limitations were previously cited as contributing factors to the lack of professionalism in the police force. However, this notion has undergone change over the previous fifteen years. As many as 83 thousand posts were added to Bangladesh Police during that period and 178 posts were created at the higher echelons for cadre officers. The police manpower touched the figure of 213 thousand in November 2023, and the budgetary allocations for the force increased by over 433 per cent during the 15-year rule of the mafia-like fascist regime. However, most of the infrastructure built were unplanned ones and there were reports of rampant corruption in all those initiatives. Besides, the force could not be made people-oriented despite improvements in facilities, infrastructure and logistics, as pleasing the policemen was prioritised over people's welfare by the then government. Consequently, a large chunk of the force was used like party-men for keeping the regime in power through three fraudulent elections in 2014, 2018, and 2024. In fact, the regime became more dependent on the police and administration than the party workers for rigging elections.

In the above backdrop, experts have emphasized ensuring accountability of the police force by placing them under a permanent independent Police Commission and a Police Complaints Commission. The Police Commission should work independently for improving professionalism of the force through merit and efficiency-based appointments, transfers, and promotions. The Complaints Commission, on the other hand, would ensure transparency and accountability in all these matters. There is also the need for elaborate policies on postings and promotions, and fit-lists should be prepared for the purpose on a regular basis. Besides, bribery and corruption in these areas should be dealt with an iron-hand, as officials who have to pay bribes engage in similar acts later for recovering those resulting in a vicious cycle from the top to the bottom of police hierarchy with clear linkages between corruption and criminal activities by the police. It was also revealed in a 2004 TIB study that frequent transfers in the police department hampered proper functioning of the police stations, as average tenure of officers-in-charge at metropolis, district, and upazila levels were only about one year.

Two World Bank reports also shed light on the sorry state of Bangladesh Police in the past. The 1999 report titled 'Bangladesh: Key Challenges for the Next Millennium' noted: "The public at large is fearful and suspicious of the police and view law enforcement agents as predators, not protectors. Ninety-six percent of the respondents to the TI 1996 survey claimed that it was impossible to get help from the police without money or influence. More than two-thirds of the complainants reported having to pay to induce police officers to file the necessary 'First Information Report'. Seventy-one percent also accused the police of taking bribes and distorting the charge-sheet in favour of bribe-payers and delaying sending cases to the court. Physical assault and torture in police custody are common and viewed as normal means of eliciting confessions from suspects. There are frequent media reports of documented cases of people tortured to death and women sexually abused and raped while in police custody".

Another World Bank report titled 'Bangladesh: Improving Governance for Reducing Poverty' noted in 2002: "Bribery, that begins with the formality of reporting a crime in the form of General Diary (GD) or First Information Report (FIR) can also influence the outcome of any investigation and prosecution. Between the first step of registering a criminal complaint and follow-up investigation, and where appropriate, prosecution in court, money greases the wheels of justice". It is therefore evident that the country's criminal justice system also needs to be reformed alongside the police force for getting optimum result.

In the light of the above, the first priority in reforming the police force should be to amend the laws, rules and regulations related to it. Provisions should be incorporated for establishing an independent Police Commission that would supervise the functioning of the force. The commission in turn would frame the policy guidelines for the management of Bangladesh Police, covering all functional aspects and areas. Secondly, a Police Complaints Commission should be established, which would look into grievances about application of discretionary powers by the police including recording of GDs and FIRs, as well as arrests and detentions. Thirdly, the police should receive regular training on upholding human rights in order to make them more humane and people-oriented. And fourthly, measures should be taken for closer interactions of the police force with the society they live in, so that people can feel that the policemen belong to their community and are meant to ensure their safety and wellbeing. Options like increased integration of the police force with the local communities and local governments may be considered for the purpose.​
 

Five police units get new chiefs

Five police units got new chiefs as 10 additional inspectors general of police, including six recently promoted ones, were given new postings yesterday.

Additional IGP Matiur Rahman Sheikh has been made the chief of the Criminal Investigation Department since its head Mohammad Ali Mia was sent into forced retirement on August 22.

The home ministry issued a circular in this regard.

As per the circular, Addl IGPs Sarder Tamiz Uddin Ahmed, Delwar Hossain Mia, Abdullah Al Mahmud, and Kusum Dewan were given the charge of the Railway Police, Highway Police, Armed Police Battalion, and River Police respectively.

It also cancelled the posting of Addl IGP of the Police Headquarters Md Tawfique Mahbub Chowdhury to the Police Bureau of Investigation that has been without a chief since July 19 when Banaj Kumar Majumder retired as the head of the unit.

On August 13, Tawfique was transferred to PBI, but he did not join.

Meanwhile, chief of River Police Abdul Alim Mahmud, head of Special Security and Protection Battalion Golam Kibria, Addl IGPs Alamgir Alam, and Selim Mohammad Jahangir were posted to the Police Headquarters.

Despite the major reshuffle in the top positions, the Special Branch, Industrial Police, and Tourist Police are functioning without Addl IGPs who head the units.

The Special Branch is without a chief as Shah Alam retired on October 3. The Industrial Police has been without a head since August 22 when Mahbubur Rahman was sent into forced retirement. The Tourist Police has been without a boss since September 2 when Mir Rezaul Alam was asked to retire.

The Highway Police had been without a chief since October 9 when Shahabuddin Khan was forced to retire.​
 

Police to get new uniform, logo soon
Published :
Oct 16, 2024 17:14
Updated :
Oct 16, 2024 17:14

1729126596747.png


Bangladesh Police is going to get new uniform and logo soon against the backdrop of the changed situation following the student-people movement.

A committee formed for selecting police uniform and designing a logo has almost completed its task, police spokesperson Enamul Haque Sagor, AIG, Media and Public Relations told BSS news agency on Wednesday.

The committee has selected several samples of the uniform and working to select truly a nice uniform and logo for all units of the police,” he said.

Police Headquarters on August 12 last formed a 10-member committee headed by Deputy Inspector General (DIG-Logistics) Mohammad Ataul Kibria to change the colour of the police uniform and design a logo.

Members of the committee are Additional DIG (development revenue) Dr Shoyeb Riaz Alam, Additional DIG (APBn Headquarters) Mohammad Shihab Kaiser Khan, Deputy Commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Faruk Ahmed, Airport APBn Police Super Abdullah Al Mamun, Additional Police Super (logistics, Police Headquarters), Md Nuruzzaman, Additional Police Super of Naval Police, Jewel Rana, Inspector of Criminal Investigation Department (CID) Md Zahidul Islam, Sub Inspector of Police Headquarters Md Santur Rahman and police constable of DMP Md Barkat Ullah.

The committee was given seven working days to accomplish its task, but the time has been extended, the spokesperson said.

The committee was formed following a views-exchange meeting of former home adviser Brigadier General (Retd) Dr M Sakhawat Hussain with senior officials of the police and the home ministry on August 11.​
 

Complaints against cops: Police want to investigate on their own
Reform proposal seeks no involvement of home ministry

1729380710810.png


The police want the power to investigate complaints against their members, reforming the current system that requires the home ministry's involvement when the officer facing charges is of a certain rank.

Rights defenders say such a change will obstruct impartial investigations and further lower the chances of justice prevailing when the perpetrator is a cop.

An independent body must do the investigations because police officers rarely find their colleagues guilty in investigations, according to Supreme Court lawyer Jyotirmoy Barua and rights activist Nur Khan Liton.

Currently, the home ministry with assistance from Police Headquarters (PHQ) investigates when the officer facing allegations is of the rank of assistant superintendent of police or higher.

If the individual facing allegations is an inspector or of a lower rank, the PHQ alone investigates the matter.

The PHQ recently submitted 44 reform proposals to the home ministry.

"The discipline wing of the police needs to be rearranged to prevent unprofessional activities, ensure prompt disposal of complaints against police members and appropriate punishment as per the law," reads one of the reform proposals.

England, Wales, Northern Ireland, and Sri Lanka have independent oversight bodies to investigate complaints against police and to take action, say experts, adding that this increases public confidence in the system.

"We often see news of people's death in police custody. Barring a few instances, police do not face charges when the investigation is done by their colleagues," Jyotirmoy Barua says.

Nur Khan Liton says, "Our experience does not tell us that policemen will impartially probe another policeman. It can probably be possible if the police are free of political influence."

Both Jyotirmoy and Nur recommend forming an independent commission to investigate complaints against police.

In 2007, a draft police ordinance proposed forming a Police Complaint Commission which would be headed by a retired judge of the High Court.

The draft ordinance aimed at freeing police from political influence; making transfers, promotions, and appointments transparent; and ensuring accountability.

The draft never saw the light of day.

In the 15 years of Awami League rule, many police officers acted as though they were activists of the party to get desired posts and promotions. They used excessive force on opposition and dissenters.

During the mass uprising that led to the fall of the government, many police members opened fire on protests, killing hundreds and leaving many others with life-changing injuries.

Many members of the force could not escape public wrath: protesters killed 44 policemen, burnt down 224 police facilities, and vandalised 236.

After the fall of the government in early August, many police members went on strike, demanding an independent commission to run the police and free it from being controlled by the ruling party.

OTHER REFORM PROPOSALS

To closely monitor the activities of cops and take steps accordingly, police's internal oversight mechanism must be consolidated.

There should be a policy on cops' use of force, make arrests, detain suspects, conduct searches, and seize objects.

The proposals also include forming guidelines to make discrimination-free recruitment, promotion, and posting; and incentivise honesty, competence.

Currently, the home ministry decides promotions, postings, and punishment of officers as per the wish of those in power.

Establishing a statutory independent national police commission and amending the Police Act 1861, Police Regulation of Bengal, and regulations of specialised police units were also proposed.

Other proposals include taking steps to prevent sexual harassment, gender discrimination, and unprofessional behavior towards police women, and ensuring accountability and evaluation of police work through modern performance measuring tools.

Better training on human rights, gender, police activities; special training on crime investigations and supervision; and modern training for specialised units are also proposed.

Reforms should be made to fight transnational and organised crimes, terrorism, narcotics, human trafficking, and financial crimes, and enhance logistics to curb cybercrime.

Besides, eight-hour work days, overtime payment, risk allowance, more hospitals and living quarters are also proposed.​
 

Can police investigate police crimes with impartiality?
Independent oversight body is needed to uphold justice

1729467346291.png

VISUAL: STAR

There is no denying the importance of reforms in police force to prevent a repeat of police excesses witnessed during the 15-year rule of Awami League, particularly in its final days when cops indiscriminately shot anti-government protesters, killing hundreds and leaving many more with life-altering injuries. But how to bring about change? It helps that there is a consensus across the political spectrum on the need for reforms. The Police Headquarters (PHQ) also seems to be on board, and the 44 reform proposals it has submitted to the home ministry address some major concerns. But one key area that it has overlooked is the question of transparency in accountability mechanisms if the police are allowed to conduct investigations against their own members.

The PHQ, as per a report in this daily, wants the power to investigate complaints against all officers regardless of their rank. Currently, the home ministry, with assistance from PHQ, investigates complaints when an accused officer is of the rank of ASP or higher. If he or she is an inspector or of a lower rank, the PHQ can conduct the investigation. Unfortunately, both variations of internal investigations have consistently failed to deliver justice throughout the Awami League period, especially in cases of custodial deaths and use of excessive force. How can we trust in this process again? Can colleagues investigate colleagues with absolute impartiality? This may work in an environment free from political influence and internal bias—something we can ill-afford to rely upon given past experience.

Ensuring that complaints against police members are investigated impartially is crucial to upholding justice and establishing public trust. If police or even home ministry officials conduct the investigation, it risks compromising the process. This is why independent oversight is crucial. We support the call for establishing a high-powered, independent oversight body to investigate police crimes, similar to those in countries like the United Kingdom or Sri Lanka, which can help establish accountability in the force. That said, many other things also need to change to ensure its success, including depoliticising decisions related to recruitments, promotions, postings, and punishments. Police performance also needs to be evaluated regularly and objectively to ensure they only serve the public, and serve better.

Some of the reform proposals forwarded by the PHQ do deserve consideration, such as formulating a proper policy on arrests, detention, searches, and seizures by police; incentivising honesty and competence; amending outdated laws; preventing sexual harassment and gender discrimination against female officers; providing proper training on human rights, crime investigations, etc; enhancing logistics to combat transnational and organised crimes; and introducing eight-hour workdays, overtime pay, risk allowances, etc. Currently, the police are still reeling from the disruptive consequences of regime change, but we must not wait any longer to initiate long-term reforms to build a modern, competent, and accountable police force.​
 
Police has lost confidence of the people and they have lost confidence in themselves.

It is easy to say start again but that is simply not possible and army can not and should not undertake the job of the police.

Only real option is to rehabilitate the current force and start building up a new competent force slowly. During this transition we need to manage with certain level of disfunction.
 

Reforming the police
by Md Motiar Rahman 26 October, 2024, 00:00

1729902106615.png

New Age

Police reform is crucial to addressing deep-rooted systemic issues that undermine its integrity and effectiveness. The key challenges include political interference, lack of professionalism, and recurring rights violation. Reforming the police requires a focus on neutrality, accountability and ethical conduct. Recent incidents such as the police response with lethal weapons resulting in the death of protesters during the July-August protest and uprising have brought the issues to the forefront.

These events revealed how political influence can distort police action, erode public trust and weaken the rule of law. The security infrastructure, originally established during the British rule collapsed within 45 minutes, exposing the fragility of a governance system built on an unstable foundation that was washed away by the overwhelming public and student resentment.

Legal framework

A LEGAL framework plays a pivotal role in shaping how police actions are executed, whether proactively or reactively. The Police Act 1861, enacted during the colonial era, granted the inspector general of police the authority, with government approval, to formulate regulations for the police. The Police Regulations, Bengal, 1943, originally implemented for the greater Bengal region, has still been in effect in Bangladesh. It remains largely unchanged, with the exception of Chapter 12, which pertains to the recruitment of constables, sub-inspectors and sergeants as well as the repeal of the dress code regulations in Chapter 19. Since 1943, the regulations have been reprinted several times.

According to a credible source, a reprint incorporating amendments made over the years has been pending with the relevant ministries. In contrast, metropolitan police forces established by specific acts or ordinances, with the exception of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police, operate without formal regulations. On the other hand, the Rapid Action Battallion, the elite force originating from the Armed Police Battalion Ordinance, has no operational procedure in place to guide the operational areas. As a result, police officers are left to ‘swim without having learnt the basics of aquatics.’

Judicial and legislative reforms

FOR police reforms to be successful, they must be supported by corresponding changes in the broader criminal justice system. Comprehensive criminal justice reform in Bangladesh must extend beyond police reform to encompass all partners within the system, including the judiciary, correctional facilities, prison, prosecution and legal aid services. An effective reform of the institutions is crucial to ensuring accountability, improving access to justice, enhancing transparency and upholding the rule of law. A holistic approach that addresses systemic issues expedites justice delivery, improves the overall legal framework promotes ethical practices and fosters collaboration among all stakeholders will be essential for creating a fair and just criminal justice system.

Recruitment, training, posting

THE recruitment of police officers at the levels of constable, sub-inspector and sergeants has for long been marred by political interference, often driven by monetary incentives, with candidates frequently aligned with the political party in power. It is crucial to ensure that new recruits receive training not only in basic policing skills but also in specialised areas such as crime scene investigation, data-driven policing and cybersecurity. Without this specialised training, the police remain reactive rather than proactive in addressing emerging threats, particularly complex and borderless issues such as drug trafficking, human trafficking and organised crimes that pose greater challenges than traditional crimes against property and individuals.

Additionally, ongoing professional development programmes should be introduced to allow officers to continuously enhance their skills in line with modern law enforcement practices. Another pressing concern is the issue of transfers and postings to various units. Media reports have highlighted that officers often lobby influential figures within the police and, in some cases, local political leaders exert their influence to secure desirable transfers for personal benefits. This has led to the formation of syndicates, where certain officers manipulate the transfer and promotion process by building close connection with powerful individuals. In some instances, illegal financial transactions further undermine the integrity of the system, eroding discipline and meritocracy within the police department.

Political influence and interference

ONE of the major challenges to effective policing is political interference. The law enforcement agencies are frequently accused of serving political interests rather than enforcing the law impartially. This politicisation erodes the integrity of the police as officers often face pressure to favour political figures instead of adhering to legal principles. Political influence has become so pervasive that when a political elite or member of parliament visits an area under a police station’s jurisdiction, the officer-in-charge and other officers often spend the entire day escorting them, even without any real security threat. The presence of police escorts or the privilege of being accompanied by security personnel symbolises power and authority, a status that politicians often prioritise and prefer.

This diverts officers from their primary duties, wasting time and resources that should be used to serve the public. The relationship between police officers and political figures becomes so entrenched that complaints against these officers are frequently ignored as they are seen as loyal agents of the political elite. Non-compliance with political directives can lead to serious consequences for officers, such as reprimands, transfer or being labelled as ‘not our people.’ A zero-tolerance policy within the framework of legislation against political interference is essential to protect officers from undue influence.

Resource constraints and corruption

THE Bangladesh police encounter significant challenges because of limited resources, including inadequate funding, outdated equipment and a shortage of personnel. These problems are further compounded by widespread corruption, which severely hampers the force’’s effectiveness. Corruption takes various forms such as bribery, the abuse of power and participation in illegal activities. The practices not only undermine public trust but also foster a culture of impunity within the force. To combat the issues, it is essential to implement strong anti-corruption measures, including the creation of independent commissions to investigate allegations of bribery and misconduct. Moreover, sufficient fund must be allocated to equip the police with modern tools and provide adequate staffing to handle the growing demands of an expanding population and rising crime rates.

Accountability and oversight

EFFECTIVE policing requires a system of accountability where officers are held responsible for their action. Unfortunately, Bangladesh lacks strong oversight mechanisms to ensure that police officers adhere to ethical standards. The creation of independent civilian oversight bodies, composed of members of civil society, legal experts and rights advocates, would provide the much-needed transparency in police operations. These bodies should have the authority to investigate cases of misconduct, the abuse of power and rights violations, ensuring that officers who engage in unlawful behaviour face appropriate consequences.

Rights and professional ethics

RIGHTS abuses, including extrajudicial killing, custodial torture and harassment, have marred the reputation of the police. To restore public trust and uphold the rule of law, comprehensive rights training must be mandated and internalised for all officers. This training should emphasise the importance of due process, legal rights and the appropriate use of force. A revised code of ethics, focused on integrity, professionalism and non-partisanship and the use of force along with conflict management should be developed and ingrained in every aspect of police training and operations.

Technological and operational modernisation

THE integration of advanced technology is essential for the modernisation of the police. Currently, many law enforcement activities are performed manually, limiting efficiency and transparency. The adoption of digital tools such as body cameras, electronic case management systems and online reporting mechanisms would significantly enhance the force’s operational capabilities. Additionally, investing in data-driven policing methods would enable the police to proactively address crime hotspots, analyse criminal patterns and deploy resources more effectively. Upgrading forensic and investigative capabilities with state-of-the-art technology and trained personnel would further improve the quality of evidence and reduce the reliance on forced confessions.

Gender-sensitive and inclusive policing

THE establishment of gender-sensitive units within the police is critical to addressing gender-based violence and increasing female representation in law enforcement. These units should be strengthened to ensure that female victims of crime feel safe in reporting incidents. Moreover, recruitment efforts should focus on encouraging participation from all sections to create a more inclusive and representative police.

Public relations and trust building

AFTER Sheikh Hasina had fled, public fury erupted, leading to violent attacks on police stations. Forty-six officers were lynched and police posts were abandoned, marking an unprecedented crisis in the history of the Bangladesh Police, with operational units left dysfunctional — a situation not seen even during the liberation war. Public trust in the police is essential for effective law enforcement. To rebuild this trust, the police must engage with the community through outreach programmes, town hall meetings and collaboration with local leaders. Establishing a streamlined public complaints mechanism, where citizens can report misconduct anonymously and without fear of retaliation, would further bridge the gap between the police and the public. Additionally, citizen-police collaboration platforms should be developed to encourage greater cooperation in addressing community safety issues. At this critical juncture, civil society must step forward to restore the morale of the beleaguered and demoralised police.

Digitisation and e-policing

WITH the advancement of technology, the police have begun implementing e-policing to enhance efficiency. This includes digitising case management, reporting systems and using modern tools for criminal investigations and surveillance, including the potential use of robots and artificial intelligence. These technologies could even be employed to monitor the performance of police officers. For instance, officers, particularly officers-in-charge, often avoid answering or returning calls from unknown numbers to prevent unnecessary complications or to avoid any encumbrances. Additionally, there are frequent complaints that police officers show reluctance at filing general diaries or criminal cases.

Digital technology can address this issue by monitoring case management and ensuring transparency. Each police unit should maintain a dashboard, enabling officers to track and oversee station activities in real time. Although the police station is the primary services delivery unit, people are often reluctant at visiting police stations because of the involvement of middlemen and sentries, making it difficult to access duty officers, let alone the officers-in-charge. Access to ranking officers is even more difficult, typically limited to individuals with influence. Moreover, police stations often lack adequate financial resources, equipment and physical infrastructure, making the environment unwelcoming and uncomfortable. People in distress who seek help from the police often find that the inadequate facilities fail to provide them with psychological comfort and support.

A national policing policy is crucial for setting long-term objectives, including the integration of technology and crime prevention strategies, alongside broader reforms in prosecution, courts, and prisons to create a more comprehensive justice system. The interim government deserves recognition for establishing the police reforms commission, which is tasked with submitting a report in three months. However, a permanent body should also be established to regularly propose ongoing police reforms.

Finally, the police face challenges that weaken both their effectiveness and public trust. However, structural reforms in recruitment, training, accountability, technology and public engagement can transform the police into a professional, transparent and community service-oriented institution. The changes will boost efficiency, restore trust and strengthen the police’’s role in upholding the law.

Md Motiar Rahman, a retied deputy inspector general, works at Anjuman Mufidul Islam.​
 

Guns, ammo recovered in front of Mohammadpur Police Station


1731111334278.png

Photo: Collected

Police yesterday recovered a pistol, a revolver, and 37 rounds of ammunition of various calibers from an abandoned bag on the footpath near Mohammadpur Police Station.

The weapons and ammunition were discovered around 6:05pm, said Talebur Rahman, deputy commissioner (media) of Dhaka Metropolitan Police.

He said a passerby noticed the abandoned bag while walking along the footpath in front of the station and brought it to the police station.

Opening the bag, police found a revolver, a pistol with a magazine, 37 rounds of ammunition of various calibers, a handheld microphone, and a small signal light.

A case is being filed with the police facility, the DC said.​
 

Ensure accountability of errant Rab officers
Hold to account all accused of tampering or planting evidence


1731112992273.png

Visual: Star

It is alarming to learn from a recent report that some members of a law enforcement agency, allegedly connected to a local Awami League leader in Dhaka, may have planted evidence to implicate an individual in a firearms possession case. The plight of such victims, and the apparent ease with which evidence can be manipulated, underscore the urgent need for accountability within our law enforcement agencies.

The case details show that on the night of March 30, a Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) team arrested two men in the capital's Madhya Pirerbagh area, accusing them of fleeing on a motorbike while in possession of a firearm. However, security camera footage from that night, a written statement from a Rab member present at the scene, a witness account, and allegations from one of the arrestee's family members present a different story. These sources indicate that the men were allegedly picked up in a microbus by several Rab officers from another location, and were not attempting to flee on a motorbike. In fact, footage shows two Rab members (later identified by their team) riding a motorbike that belonged to one of the arrestees.

One of the arrested men alleges that he was detained, handcuffed, and transported to another location in a microbus. He claims that Rab officers later instructed him to lift the seat of his motorbike, which they had brought there, where he then found a revolver and bullets allegedly placed there by the officers. His mother also accused Rab officers of framing her son at the request of a local Awami League leader, his business rival. In April, she filed a case against several Rab members and the leader in question. In response to her complaint, Rab also formed a three-member committee to investigate the incident.

This disturbing case of "arms recovery" echoes numerous reports from the previous regime where evidence was tampered with or planted to falsely implicate innocent individuals. Given the interim government's commitment to enhancing law and order, it is imperative that all such cases are thoroughly investigated or re-investigated, with strict disciplinary action taken against guilty officials. Besides, the authorities must ensure that instances of arbitrary arrests and frivolous cases do not recur. They should also thoroughly reform the accountability mechanisms within all law enforcement agencies, not just the police. Allegations of this gravity should be handled by independent investigators rather than internal committees, as the latter often failed to meet public expectations for impartiality in the past.​
 

Why police transformation is critical for Bangladesh


1731198233175.png

VISUAL: ALIZA RAHMAN

Bangladesh stands at a crucial crossroads. The political shift following the July-August 2024 uprising, which led to Nobel Peace Prize laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus taking charge of an interim government, signals that the demand for change is no longer avoidable. These protests, originally triggered by job quota grievances, swiftly morphed into a nationwide outcry for justice, accountability, and a call for systemic reform.

The police force's role in the uprising was undeniable. Hundreds of people lost their lives, many due to the heavy-handed tactics of law enforcement, intensifying public outrage and distrust. This isn't new. For years, Bangladesh's police force has been seen as an arm of political repression rather than a protector of the public. This system has long prioritised control over community engagement, fostering an environment of systemic dysfunction and division. Allegations of extrajudicial killings enforced disappearances, and arbitrary arrests have steadily eroded public trust. The police, tasked with serving and protecting, have too often been perceived as upholding a narrow political agenda at the expense of human rights and justice—a hard truth that Bangladesh can no longer afford to overlook.

The unrest during the revolution also claimed the lives of police officers, a tragic reminder of the deep rift between law enforcement and the people they are sworn to protect. These fatalities reveal that police officers themselves are often trapped in a cycle of violence and mistrust, operating in a high-pressure environment with insufficient resources, inadequate training, and excessive working hours—factors that have a detrimental impact on the overall effectiveness and morale of the force, as highlighted in the 11-point demand presented by police personnel in August 2024.

Yet, every crisis offers an opportunity. The recent formation of the Police Reform Commission is a vital first step, but this alone isn't enough. The path forward demands lasting, transformative change—change that penetrates deeply into the core of police culture, behavior, structure, and laws. The events of July and August have made it clear that the current state of the police force cannot continue. The question we must ask now is: how do we make this reform meaningful, sustainable, and capable of restoring trust between the police and the people?

At the heart of Bangladesh's police reform lies the urgent need to move away from the outdated colonial-era Police Act of 1861—a law that prioritises control rather than service. In 2007 and again in 2013, the UN supported the drafting of a new Police Ordinance under a police reform project, which ran from 2006 to 2016. This draft ordinance promoted democratic, citizen-centred policing, emphasising public oversight and accountability, including the creation of an independent Police Commission and a formal complaints mechanism for reporting abuse. Yet despite its promise, the draft ordinance and the 2013 review of the act had stalled at the political level.

A new legal framework on policing could provide a strong foundation for transforming Bangladesh's police force into a professional, accountable, and efficient service. This will build sustainable systems that prevent abuses, protect vulnerable citizens, and foster a relationship of trust between the police and the communities they serve.

The goal of police reform in Bangladesh must be to establish a force that is democratic, people-centred, and responsive to the diverse security needs of society. This will require a complete overhaul of the existing system—from legal frameworks to police welfare, institutional strengthening, training, and community engagement practices. The police must be seen as protectors of public safety and human rights. This reform also requires a systemic approach and the Anti-Corruption Reform Commission and the Judicial Reform Commission will also be instrumental to shaping the police force.

Reform should result in a force that serves all people equally, regardless of political affiliation, gender, ethnicity, or social status. Professionalism, integrity, and impartiality must guide every action, ensuring that the police safeguard all citizens, particularly those most vulnerable to abuses.

Human rights must be embedded in the very fabric of police operations. This isn't only about preventing extrajudicial killings or arbitrary detentions; it's about ensuring that every interaction between police and the public is rooted in respect for human dignity and the rule of law.

The police in Bangladesh still monitor all political activities without discrimination, excluding only the ruling party of the day. FILE PHOTO: STAR

Lastly, accountability must be a priority. The police must be held to the highest standards of conduct, and abuses should be met with swift and impartial justice. Establishing independent oversight bodies is essential to ensure transparency and genuine accountability.

Bangladesh is not alone in its struggle to reform its police. The UN has supported police reform efforts in many countries, including Nigeria, Pakistan, Iraq, and Kenya—nations with similarly politicised policing and public mistrust. In these countries, public demands, like those currently in Bangladesh, have been vital in calling for independent oversight mechanisms to hold police accountable and ensure that reports of misconduct are investigated without interference.

Reforms have focused on making the police more responsive to the public's needs, particularly regarding issues such as gender-based violence, and protecting the most vulnerable, especially women and children. Community policing has proven to be an essential method for rebuilding trust. By engaging directly with local communities, police forces become more responsive and effective, gaining critical insights into the challenges people face.

While Bangladesh can learn from international experiences, it must tailor its reform to its own context. The Police Reform Programme of 2006-2016 offers valuable lessons. Although it improved training and professionalised certain aspects of the force, it also highlighted the deep-rooted political challenges that hinder sustainable reform. A key takeaway from this experience is that sustained political will and genuine public participation are essential to ensuring lasting change.

Public engagement must be central to the reform process, not an afterthought. In a country like Bangladesh, where youth-led activism has made it clear that the status quo is no longer acceptable, the voices of young people must shape the future of law enforcement. Nationwide dialogues with students, women, marginalised communities, and victims of police misconduct will ensure an inclusive reform process that reflects the aspirations of all Bangladeshis. Trust cannot be rebuilt in isolation—it must be founded on transparent, open communication between the police and the public.

The time for police reform in Bangladesh is now. The interim government, led by Dr Yunus, has made an important first step by establishing the Police Reform Commission. But real reform requires more than political will—it demands active involvement from civil society, the international community, and, above all, the people of Bangladesh.

The UN is committed to supporting this transformative journey. Our experience in other countries demonstrates that meaningful reform is possible—but it requires collective effort, driven by transparency, accountability, and public engagement. This is a unique opportunity for Bangladesh—not just to reform its police force but to reimagine the role of law enforcement in society. Let's seize this moment to create a future where justice, security, and dignity define the relationship between the police and the people they protect.

Gwyn Lewis is the resident coordinator of the United Nations in Bangladesh.

Stefan Liller is the resident representative at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Bangladesh.​
 

Anatomy of police reform commissions
by Md Motiar Rahman 10 November, 2024, 00:00


1731201027968.png

Agence France-Presse/Abdul Goni

THE Bangladesh Police, as it exists today, was originally organised under the Police Act 1861. It remains a centralised force, a legacy of its colonial past. Despite population growth, industrialisation and socio-economic developments, the police structure has largely remained unchanged, with only minor adjustments over the years. The Police Act 1861 continues to govern the organisation’s recruitment, powers, and operational functions.

Over the years, numerous government committees and commissions have been formed to address issues within the police force and recommend improvement. In October 1902, Lord Curzon initiated a police commission to identify challenges and put forth reforms, with specific recommendations on recruitment and training subsequently implemented. Additional recommendations were introduced following the Blandy-Gordon committee report in 1937. However, World War II delayed further reform efforts.

Later, in 1953, the East Bengal police committee, chaired by Justice Shahabuddin, reviewed various aspects of police operations to enhance performance although significant action by the government to improve the force’s effectiveness was lacking. A comprehensive inquiry into police operations was later conducted by a commission led by Justice BG Constantine in 1960–61 and some of its recommendations were adopted for implementation. However, a subsequent police commission in 1969, led by Major General AO Mitha, saw its proposals go unimplemented.

After the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, the Bangladesh Police encountered problems in respect of human resources, logistics and equipment. The Bangladesh Police started its journey based on the foundation of the provincial police of East Pakistan.

Since 1976, various government committees in Bangladesh have made key policy recommendations to enhance police professionalism, efficiency and effectiveness. The law committee in 1976 suggested foundational changes, including a dedicated prosecutorial cadre, a police staff college and regional forensic science laboratories. In 1977, a committee led by former inspector general AMA Kabir focused on expanding and modernising police training although its recommendations were not implemented.

The criminal law reforms committee of 1982 chaired by cabinet secretary Mahbubuzzaman iterated the need for a separate cadre of prosecuting officers and proposed the separation of investigative and crime control duties. Subsequent reforms in the early 1980s, guided by the Enam committee and the 1984 administrative reforms, expanded police staffing and elevated key positions to improve operational capacity. In 1986, under additional inspector general Taibuddin Ahmed, another committee assessed organisational challenges, emphasising modernisation in organisation, training and equipment to create a highly professional and responsive police force.

In 1988, the government established the police commission under the leadership of Justice Aminur Rahman Khan, with a broad mandate to examine nearly all aspects of policing and police activities. The commission’s findings highlighted key issues undermining police effectiveness, including inadequate human resources, organisational deficiencies, insufficient transport and equipment and a lack of public trust and cooperation.

Additionally, it identified significant barriers to efficiency and professionalism, such as flaws in recruitment policies, inadequate training, flawed promotion procedures, widespread corruption and weak discipline, supervision and control. The commission concluded that addressing these issues would greatly enhance the effectiveness and performance quality of the police force.

Between 1960 and 1989, several commissions were established to address issues within law enforcement and propose police reforms. However, successive governments largely failed to take meaningful action to implement these recommendations, resulting in only partial adoption of a few proposals. This lack of effective reform has left the police widely perceived as oppressive, corrupt and abusive.

Subsequently, the police reform programme, funded by the United Nations Development Programme and other international agencies, launched the most extensive and comprehensive study aimed at reforming the police. The programme focused on strategic reforms across various domains to enhance law enforcement effectiveness, human resource development and community relations. Key achievements include drafting and revising crucial legislative frameworks, such as the Draft Police Ordinance 2007 replacing the Police Act 1861 and implementing the first-ever strategic plans for police operations.

The reform programme has also emphasised human rights, capacity-building in investigation and operations, community policing, gender-sensitive policies and the integration of advanced ICT infrastructure. Community engagement was strengthened with the establishment of more than 52,000 community policing forums, which improved local safety and police-community trust.

Gender initiatives tripled female police representation and developed gender-sensitive training and facilities. Furthermore, ICT advancements enabled better crime response, including cybercrime detection and biometric tracking, which has transformed services delivery and operational management in the police. However, the Draft Police Ordinance 2007, which was intended to serve as the foundation for a modern police force, has never been implemented.

Although there have been numerous reform initiatives over the years, the core structure and enforcement ethos of the police have remained largely unchanged. This was exposed during the student protests in July and August when the police employed excessive force, resulting in significant loss of life and property.

In the light of these events, the interim government established the police reform commission, a notable effort to address deep-seated issues within the law enforcement structure. This commission seeks to foster greater accountability, professionalism and public trust through recommended improvements in recruitment, training and conduct standards. However, as an interim body, the government’s temporary mandate limits the commission’s scope as sustainable and lasting reforms will require comprehensive legislative support and a long-term commitment from future administrations.

The commission has, nonetheless, attracted criticism for its limited composition. Composed of nine members — four civil bureaucrats, two police officers, one human rights advocate, a law professor and a student representative — the committee is seen as insufficiently inclusive, lacking representation from other criminal justice professionals such as judges, lawyers, prosecutors and correctional staff who could provide essential insights. The commission is, nevertheless, expected to mitigate these limitations with focus group discussions and interviews with key stakeholders.

Despite its limitations, the commission is working actively, sincerely and diligently. It has now launched a web site to collect public feedback through questionnaires. The interim government’s unique position and the strong commitment of the chief adviser may provide a rare window of opportunity for police reform aligned with public aspirations, free of the typical resistance of bureaucrats, politicians or police insiders. However, sustainable reform will ultimately require ownership and endorsement from elected politicians and the future government to ensure enduring progress.

The interim government’s police reform initiative has the potential to be a historic milestone, fostering a system that can stand the test of time. We look forward with hope to the successful implementation of the efforts.

Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general.​
 

Another major reshuffle in police

1731369224188.png

The police leadership needs to explore how it can financially and socially help the aggrieved families that have been victims of police actions. File photo: Star

As part of another major reshuffle in the police service, 64 officers, from the ranks of deputy inspector general (DIG) to the superintendent of police (SP), have been transferred and attached to different police units across the country.

According to two separate notifications issued by the home ministry yesterday, 48 officials have been transferred to different police units, while 16 have been transferred but have not been assigned duty.

Being transferred and attached to different police units without any assigned duty means being made Officers on Special Duty (OSD), according to insiders.

The DIG of Police Staff College, Nazmur Karim Khan, has been made the commissioner of Gazipur Metropolitan Police (GMP), according to the ministry notification signed by Abu Sayed, deputy secretary of the home ministry.

Earlier on October 24, the former GMP commissioner, Khandaker Rafiqul Islam, was promoted to the post of additional IGP and made the chief of the Special Branch of police. Since then, the post remained vacant.

Meanwhile, the other 47 officials were transferred to different police units like Dhaka Metropolitan Police, Special Branch, in-service training centre, tourist police, and Criminal Investigation Department.

In a separate ministry notification, also signed by Deputy Secretary Abu Sayed, one DIG, six additional DIGs, and nine SPs have been attached to different offices.

An SP rank officer, attached to a range DIG's office in Chattogram, said, wishing to remain unnamed, "I was neither involved in crimes, nor are there any allegations against me, but still I have been made OSD. This is all because I was posted as an SP during the last government tenure."

The police service has seen a lot of transfers and changes since the fall of the Awami League government on August 5 following a mass uprising.

At least 400 police personnel have been transferred, while 100 others, attached to different police units, were on duty at major police units like the DMP. All the posts of divisional range DIGs, metropolitan commissioners, and district SPs now have new faces.

The role of the police during the mass uprising that led to the fall of the AL government faced public outrage as officers used excessive force to suppress the protests. Many police personnel opened fire on protesters, killing hundreds and maiming many others.

In the 15 years of Awami League rule, many police officers acted as though they were activists of the party to get desired posts and promotions.

They were also known to have used excessive force on the opposition and dissenters.​
 

Rab must be rebuilt from the ground up
But without political reforms, any change risks being superficial

1731546228625.png

VISUAL: STAR

There is no doubt that reforming the Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) has become an urgent priority. After over a decade and a half of courting allegations of rights abuses, extrajudicial killings, and enforced disappearances—to the point of incurring US sanctions in 2021—Rab has undeniably lost public trust. And a mere rebranding or restructuring won't restore it. Against this backdrop, a report by this daily has revealed that Rab authorities are considering changing its name, logo, and uniform, as well as drafting a new law to regulate its operations. Currently, as a specialised unit of police, it operates under the police ordinance.

But such cosmetic changes cannot bring about sustainable reform. The police force itself serves as a cautionary example. Like police, Rab was not solely responsible for the crimes it committed as it operated at the behest of an autocratic regime. According to Ain o Salish Kendra, Rab was involved in at least 467 crossfires between 2015 and 2023. Its image as a "death squad" owes as much to its poor accountability mechanisms as to the vested interests of the then-ruling camp. So, how can we prevent future abuses of Rab when political power so often overrides legal safeguards? Can Rab be reformed without addressing our underlying political culture?

This is a question not only for the interim government but also for all major political parties. For now, several rights advocates have suggested disbanding Rab and rebuilding it from the ground up. This would require not just reshaping its mission and operational guidelines but also putting all personnel through a rigorous orientation process to instil respect for human rights and lawful procedure. Ensuring justice for the officers guilty of past abuses would also set a critical precedent for future compliance.

Rab's recruitment model presents another key issue, as it involves seconding officers from different forces including police, army, navy, and air force. This setup places military officers in potentially compromising roles, raising concerns about not only the viability of Rab's mission but also the integrity of the military itself. Equally important is the matter of oversight. Rab's accountability mechanisms must be totally rebuilt to ensure that its errant officers cannot evade justice, regardless of their political affiliations.

Ultimately, we must remember that true reform requires transformation from within, and this is what we should be aiming for. Without genuine efforts from all stakeholders, we risk only going through the motions of reforms that may put the public at risk again in the future. We owe it to the past victims of Rab and to the future of law enforcement in Bangladesh to rebuild Rab with a clear mandate for justice and human rights.​
 

Justice for Limon would be step towards police reform
14 November, 2024, 00:00

VICTIMS of gross human rights violation in the hands of the law enforcement agencies who were denied justice during the Awami League regime are now coming forward to seek legal redress. This is a first step towards police reforms. Limon Hossain, a victim of attempted extrajudicial killing, lodged a complaint with the International Crime Tribunal against the deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina, her security adviser and eight others on November 12. On March 23, 2011, when Limon was a college student in Jhalakathi, some Rapid Action Battalion personnel shot him in the left leg, taking him for a ‘notorious criminal.’ On that day, the force filed two false cases against him for possessing arms and police obstruction. Not only was he accused in false cases, he was also denied treatment that led to the amputation of the leg. Three weeks later, Limon’s mother filed a case against five battalion personnel for attempted murder and maiming his son. The complaint lodged with the International Crimes Tribunal has, therefore, created an opportunity for redress against the wrong done to Limon Hossain.

Even more tragic is that Limon’s ordeal did not end with the amputation. At every step in his journey to seek justice, his family faced obstacles; procedural violations were reported. Initially, local police refused to register a complaint against the battalion personnel. The family later secured a court order that directed the police to record the case against the accused. In August 2012, while the victim suffered in prison hospital on false charges, the police submitted a report finding no evidence of battalion involvement in the case, but they submitted a charge sheet against him and he was indicted for the crimes he did not commit. In the face of pressure from local and international rights groups, the government in July 2013 issued an official notification withdrawing the two cases that the force had filed against Limon. The charges against him were dropped, but no directive was given by the government to investigate the procedural violation and systemic failure of the law enforcement agencies in bringing perpetrators to book. Limon’s experience resonates with many other accounts of the victims of extrajudicial killings.

The case illustrates that custodial torture and extrajudicial killing took an endemic turn under the Awami League regime that should be addressed. The government should, therefore, ensure an investigation of Limon’s case, bring all perpetrators to justice and provide compensation for the physical harm done to him. It should also take action against all those involved in covering up the crime of attempted extrajudicial killing. The case at hand also raises serious systemic concern that the recently formed police reforms commission should seriously consider, particularly the issue of the abuse of power and corruption in the justice delivery system. For any reform steps to be effective, the interim government should establish legal accountability and justice for all cases of rights violations in the hands of law enforcers.​
 

Now is the time for police force to prove themselves, says, Adviser Jahangir
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Nov 14, 2024 22:25
Updated :
Nov 14, 2024 22:25

1731634624075.png


Home Affairs Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury has said that now is the time for the police force to prove themselves by providing service.

“The interim government is a non-political one. With the absence of political influence, there is opportunity to work with honesty, efficiency, and impartiality. The police force should utilise this opportunity to dedicate themselves to the service of the nation,” he said.

The adviser made these remarks on Thursday while delivering the keynote address at a views exchange meeting with members of the Armed Forces Division, various police units, Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), Coast Guard, Ansar and VDP, Prisons Department, Fire Service and Civil Defense Department, and Narcotics Control Department at the Barishal Police Lines.

The adviser also emphasised the crucial role of law enforcement in controlling prices. He said, “The law enforcers play an important role in controlling the prices of goods. The members of the forces have to stop extortion and stay away from it.”

Failure to do so would tarnish the force's reputation, he said. The adviser said, “No one can be arrested in civil clothes. No one can be brought under the law without identity.”

The adviser also mentioned that the condition of police stations, including food and sanitation facilities, was not satisfactory. He directed senior officials to focus on resolving these issues for police personnel.

He said the armed forces had been granted magisterial power to assist in maintaining law and order, adding, “The term would be extended further and the BGB and Coast Guard would be included.”

While briefing reporters after the meeting, the adviser said, “The current government is trying to transform the police into a people-friendly force. To this end, efforts such as the formation of a police reform commission are ongoing.”

He remarked that the law and order situation in Barishal is relatively better compared to other areas. He further instructed the police to be more vigilant in preventing various public disturbances, including road blockades due to various demands.

Inspector General of Police Md Moinul Islam, Director General of RAB A.K.M. Shahidur Rahman, Divisional Commissioner of Barishal Md Raihan Kawser, were present at the time, among others.​
 

Baharul made new IGP, Sazzad new DMP commissioner
FE Online Report
Published :
Nov 20, 2024 20:15
Updated :
Nov 20, 2024 20:40

1732150475318.png


Former head of the Special Branch Baharul Alam has been appointed as the new Inspector General of Police, and Sheikh Sazzad Hossain has been named the new commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police.

Adviser Asif Mahmud announced their appointments during a press briefing on Wednesday.

The government has made the new appointments to bring dynamism to the police administration, he said.

More changes in the administration will take place to ensure good governance, he added.

Baharul Alam, who headed the Special Branch in 2007-08, retired from service in 2000.​
 

Crowd control: Police seek to stop use of lethal weapon
Recommendations to be submitted to IGP, ministry

1732405895986.png


The police may stop using lethal weapons and lead pellets for crowd control as their widespread use during the July mass uprising led to massive casualties and global criticism.

The process is underway to make time-befitting regulations on the use of firearms, said Enamul Haque Sagor, assistant inspector general (media) at the Police Headquarters.

The Police Headquarters has already formed a committee, led by a deputy inspector general, to recommend non-lethal methods for controlling crowds and unlawful assemblies.

"We have been discussing banning the use of long barrel firearms even in case of rowdy protests," said an additional inspector general seeking anonymity.

Police will use small arms like in developed countries in extreme cases of necessity in line with the UN guidelines to which Bangladesh is a signatory, he added.

The committee's recommendations will be given to the IGP for review and then to the ministry for finalisation, said a committee member.

Around 1,500 people lost their lives during the July uprising, while 19,931 others got injured, said Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus while addressing the nation on the completion of 100 days of the interim government on November 17.

Members of the police, Rab, Border Guard Bangladesh and other forces fired on the protesters during demonstrations that began on July 14. Many victims suffered permanent disabilities, with more than 400 losing eyesight due to lead pellet injuries.

The Daily Star analysed the pattern of injuries of 204 people who died as of August 1 and found that almost 95 percent of them were killed by bullets, including live rounds and shotgun pellets.

Of them, 113 were shot in the head, chest, stomach and abdomen.

Lawyers for Energy, Environment and Development analysed 100 cases filed with 22 police stations in Dhaka and Chattogram.

The analysis showed that lethal weapons like 7.62mm semi-automatic rifles, submachine guns, BD08 assault rifles, Taurus 9mm revolvers and Type 54 pistols had been used.

The law enforcement agencies gave priority to using lethal weapons over other methods of riot control, the analysis showed.

During the 1971 Liberation War, the police put up resistance against the Pakistan Army at Rajarbagh Police Lines with .303 rifles.

Those rifles have become outdated, and police have periodically modernised their arsenal, introducing advanced lethal weapons like 7.62mm sniper firearms, LMG (Light Machine Gun) and SMG (Submachine Gun) along with Chinese rifles.

In October 2014, a meeting involving various stakeholders, including representatives from the home ministry and Police Headquarters, was held to discuss the procurement of lethal firearms including 7.62mm rifles.

Senior officials then justified the procurement saying such weapons were necessary for combating criminals equipped with sophisticated firearms, especially in the diverse geographical landscapes of Bangladesh's hilly and plain regions and dreaded militants.

However, during the recent protests, police and other forces used these military-grade weapons widely against unarmed demonstrators.

"Police actions deviated from the existing domestic laws, which themselves fall short of UN standards," said a committee member, criticising the continued reliance on colonial-era legislation designed to suppress dissent.

The UN guidelines on the use of force by law enforcement state that public assemblies may be deemed unlawful under domestic laws for various reasons, such as failing to meet procedural requirements or violating restrictions.

However, many such reasons, like procedural noncompliance, do not render an assembly unlawful under international human rights law.

"…In any case, the mere fact that an assembly is considered unlawful under domestic legislation does not justify the use of force by law enforcement officials," reads the guidelines.

The committee will also recommend what extent of force can be used when and in what situation.

Before using any force to disperse unlawful assembly, police have to take into consideration the reasons for the assembly and take peaceful means to settle their problems, the official said.

PROCUREMENT AND USE OF ADVANCED WEAPONRY

A number of police officers said the force has had SMG and LMG for many years and those assault rifles were to guard police stations in war-like situations or any other emergency.

However, the use of weapons in crowd control began on a limited scale in 2012 and 2013 and it continued to increase during Awami League's rule as people became hostile to the government and police for issues like holding farcical elections and taking hardline on political opponents, they added.

A meeting in October 2014, including representatives from the home ministry and Police Headquarters, decided to procure lethal firearms including 7.62mm rifles.

The decision to acquire the weapons was influenced by the events surrounding a Hefajat-e-Islam rally at Shapla Chattar on May 5, 2013 and protests by Jamaat-Shibir men against the trial of war criminals, an official who was in the meeting told The Daily Star recently.

The government also considered their potential use to suppress dissent.

The first batch of weapons arrived in 2015 from Italy.

The weapons were intended for specialised units to tackle special situations but not for use against unarmed people, said a retired additional inspector general of police who attended the home ministry meeting.

"Such actions are unacceptable and the responsibility lies with those who misuse their authority," he added.

The issue of using lethal weapons indiscriminately came to the fore after the fall of the AL government on August 5 when former Home Affairs Adviser M Sakhawat Hossain on several occasions questioned how such "military grade" weapons were given to police.

Ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina's son Sajeeb Wazed Joy made several Facebook posts claiming that Bangladesh police did not use 7.62mm rifles and claimed outsiders opened fire with 7.62 firearms on the students.

But, purchase documents on the Bangladesh Police's website show police have long been using 7.62 sniper rifles and 7.62mm bullets.

The latest such move was made in March when the Police Headquarters floated a tender inviting bids for buying 50 7.62mm sniper rifles.

Earlier in March 2023, the Police Headquarters purchased 30 7.62 sniper rifles. Officials said the weapons were purchased keeping the January 2024 general elections in mind.

Besides, police authorities procured a large consignment of 15,000 pieces of 7.62mm semi-automatic rifles in September 2019 and August 2018, according to the website of Bangladesh Public Procurement Authority.​
 

Now is the time for police force to prove themselves, says, Adviser Jahangir
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Nov 14, 2024 22:25
Updated :
Nov 14, 2024 22:25

View attachment 10605

Home Affairs Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury has said that now is the time for the police force to prove themselves by providing service.

“The interim government is a non-political one. With the absence of political influence, there is opportunity to work with honesty, efficiency, and impartiality. The police force should utilise this opportunity to dedicate themselves to the service of the nation,” he said.

The adviser made these remarks on Thursday while delivering the keynote address at a views exchange meeting with members of the Armed Forces Division, various police units, Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), Coast Guard, Ansar and VDP, Prisons Department, Fire Service and Civil Defense Department, and Narcotics Control Department at the Barishal Police Lines.

The adviser also emphasised the crucial role of law enforcement in controlling prices. He said, “The law enforcers play an important role in controlling the prices of goods. The members of the forces have to stop extortion and stay away from it.”

Failure to do so would tarnish the force's reputation, he said. The adviser said, “No one can be arrested in civil clothes. No one can be brought under the law without identity.”

The adviser also mentioned that the condition of police stations, including food and sanitation facilities, was not satisfactory. He directed senior officials to focus on resolving these issues for police personnel.

He said the armed forces had been granted magisterial power to assist in maintaining law and order, adding, “The term would be extended further and the BGB and Coast Guard would be included.”

While briefing reporters after the meeting, the adviser said, “The current government is trying to transform the police into a people-friendly force. To this end, efforts such as the formation of a police reform commission are ongoing.”

He remarked that the law and order situation in Barishal is relatively better compared to other areas. He further instructed the police to be more vigilant in preventing various public disturbances, including road blockades due to various demands.

Inspector General of Police Md Moinul Islam, Director General of RAB A.K.M. Shahidur Rahman, Divisional Commissioner of Barishal Md Raihan Kawser, were present at the time, among others.​

Forehead grapes have started appearing on our eastern flank.

@Krishna with Flute @Guru Dutt
 
Police has lost confidence of the people and they have lost confidence in themselves.

It is easy to say start again but that is simply not possible and army can not and should not undertake the job of the police.

Only real option is to rehabilitate the current force and start building up a new competent force slowly. During this transition we need to manage with certain level of disfunction.

Thanks for your opinion MB444 bhai and welcome as a regular poster to our new forum.

The ranks of the police are filled with rogue Chhatra League members, and as if this was not enough, many of them have gotten used to corruption/bribery and irregular use of govt. resources. To clean house and pick out the rogue Chhatra League elements will require a long time, but we have no alternative I guess.
 

The police legacy of using lethal weapons has to change
Militarisation of police force cannot be accepted under any pretext

1732493552193.png

VISUAL: STAR

It is encouraging to learn that the police may cease using lethal weapons and lead pellets for crowd control. We fully support this drive as there is no justification for the police to use lethal force against ordinary citizens. Such actions, however, were rampant during the tenure of the ousted Awami League regime. During the July uprising, excessive use of lethal weapons by police and other security agencies resulted in approximately 1,500 deaths while leaving nearly 20,000 injured. It is incomprehensible that those entrusted with the duty to protect the public could commit such violence against them.

In light of these events, it is imperative that our security agencies, including police, undergo reforms to prevent such atrocities from ever occurring again. Reportedly, the Police Headquarters has already formed a committee to recommend non-lethal methods for controlling crowds and unlawful assemblies. Discussions are also underway about banning the use of long-barrel firearms. In extreme cases of necessity, it is expected that police will rely on small arms, in accordance with practices in developed countries and aligned with UN guidelines, to which Bangladesh is a signatory.

Following the successful July uprising, The Daily Star analysed the injury patterns of 204 individuals who had died as of August 1. Nearly 95 percent of these victims were killed by bullets, including live rounds and shotgun pellets. Of these, 113 were shot in the head, chest, stomach, or abdomen—clearly indicating an intent to kill. Additionally, an analysis by the Lawyers for Energy, Environment and Development (LEED) revealed that lethal weapons such as 7.62mm semi-automatic rifles, submachine guns, BD08 assault rifles, Taurus 9mm revolvers, and Type 54 pistols were used during attacks on protesters.

As highlighted in a report by this daily, the militarisation of the police under the previous regime began in 2012-2013. In an October 2014 meeting, a decision was made to procure lethal firearms, including 7.62mm rifles. From that point onward, the regime increasingly pressured the police to use such deadly weapons to suppress dissent. Procurement records available on the Bangladesh Police website show that 7.62 sniper rifles and 7.62mm bullets have been in use for years, with their acquisition often coinciding with the farcical elections held under the regime, the latest being the January 2024 general elections.

Former Home Affairs Adviser M Sakhawat Hossain has rightly questioned the rationale for giving such "military-grade" weapons to the police. The answer is clear—they were introduced to enable the fascist regime to maintain power by silencing dissent and oppressing citizens. Therefore, comprehensive reforms in our security agencies, particularly the police, are critical. These reforms must also include establishing thorough, independent mechanisms to investigate errant police officers and hold them accountable.​
 

A police system for people
Muhammad Tanbirul Islam 26 November, 2024, 00:00

1732580822237.png

New Age

THE July uprising marked a significant turning point in Bangladesh’s history. It was driven primarily by the youth, especially students, who demanded a systemic change. This uprising was not merely a protest. It represented a collective yearning for a reformed governance structure that would prioritise democracy and the protection of rights. Central to this movement is the urgent call for police reforms as the police have for long been marred by corruption, inefficiency and political manipulation. The challenge lies in redefining what policing should look like and determining how to build a law enforcement system that serves the public.

Memories of police brutality are deeply embedded in the national consciousness with numerous instances of violence and injustice perpetrated by law enforcers. The acts are symptomatic of a larger systemic failure rather than the result of individual malice. It is essential to recognise that while accountability for wrongdoing is necessary, a wholesale condemnation of the police force is neither fair nor constructive. Such an approach risks undermining law and order further and emboldening criminal elements. Instead, we must understand how the police became what they are today, acknowledging that they have often been used as instruments of political power rather than as protectors of people.

The roots of the current state of policing can be traced back to the colonial past, when the police were established to serve the interests of the British rulers rather than those of the people. This legacy has persisted through successive governments that have exploited law enforcement to their own gains, leading to an erosion of public trust and increasing instances of corruption and excessive force. The outdated training systems and inadequate resources have left the police ill equipped to tackle modern challenges such as cybercrime and terrorism. Consequently, reforming the institution is not just an ethical obligation but an urgent necessity for sustainable governance.

Looking beyond Bangladesh, there are valuable lessons to be learnt from international policing models that prioritise community engagement and trust-building. Countries such as Japan have successfully implemented community-based policing systems that embed officers within neighbourhoods, fostering collaboration between law enforcement and citizens. Similarly, initiatives in the United Kingdom and the United States emphasise proactive crime prevention through strong relationships with local communities. Adopting such models could enable Bangladesh to envision a future where police officers are seen not as enforcers of fear but as partners in creating safer environments.

To achieve meaningful reform, several key measures must be prioritised. Establishing an independent oversight commission to monitor police conduct is crucial for ensuring accountability and transparency. This body would allow citizens to report misconduct without fear and ensure that investigation of abuses is conducted impartially. Additionally, implementing merit-based recruitment and promotion practices will help to restore public confidence in law enforcement by ensuring that officers are selected based on their skills rather than political connections. Comprehensive training programmes focused on rights and ethical policing must also become mandatory.

Community policing should be at the forefront of this transformation, encouraging partnerships between law enforcement and local organisations to address issues such as drug abuse and domestic violence at grass roots. Regular community engagement initiatives can help to rebuild mutual trust between citizens and police officers, reinforcing their role as allies in fostering safe neighbourhoods.​
 

Why would those we shot days ago trust us now, asks IGP Baharul
bdnews24.com
Published :
Dec 05, 2024 21:29
Updated :
Dec 05, 2024 22:51

1733449246623.png


Inspector General of Police Baharul Alam believes it will be a “very difficult task” to mobilise his force on the ground after firing on and killing people in July-August uprising.

He said, “We opened fire and killed people just a few days back. Now it is a Herculean task to make a 360-degree turnover from that place and become people-friendly.”

The IGP said many police officers cannot avoid responsibility and some officers have been charged in cases for various reasons.

No action is being taken against the police officers only if they are accused in the complaint like others, he said.

While speaking at a media briefing at Police Headquarters on Thursday, Baharul said: “Police no longer want to be used politically. This is my number one demand like all others.”

Referring to his recent visit to the National Institute of Traumatology and Orthopaedic Rehabilitation, popularly known as Pongu Hospital, he said: “I went to NITOR that day. One of the injured asked me ‘why did you shoot me? I am a poor driver.’ I didn’t have an answer. I said I have no answer, I came here just to apologise.”

Many police officers have been accused of using excessive force during the Anti-discrimination Student Movement.

Among them, the names of half a dozen police officers, including former SB head Monirul Islam, DMP commissioners Habibur Rahman, Biplob Kumar Sarkar, Proloy Kumar Joarder, and Harunor Rashid are being frequently heard.

Several cases have been initiated against them. Where are they located now?

Asked whether they would be declared missing by the authorities, the IGP said: “We have received information from the media about the names that were mentioned. An investigation is under way at our end.”

“They will be arrested if they are in the country and if we can identify their location. And if they are outside the country, there is also a legal process for that.”​
 

Police should put in more efforts to arrest jailbreakers
06 December, 2024, 00:00

ABOUT 700 prisoners who escaped jails during the time of turmoil around the fall of the Awami League government, toppled on August 5 in a mass uprising that resulted from student protests spanning July, still being at large is worrying. The prisons directorate at a press conference in Dhaka on December 4, highlighting the directorate’s activities of the past three months, said that more than 2,200 people escaped from five jails; and 1,500 of them have so far either surrendered or have been arrested by the law enforcement agencies. In the Narsingdi jailbreak that took place on July 19, 826 prisoners and others detained escaped; 596 prisoners escaped the Satkhira jail and 518 prisoners escaped the Sherpur jail on August 5; 201 prisoners escaped the Kashimpur jail on August 6 and close to a hundred prisoners escaped the Kushita jail on August 7. What is further worrying, as the inspector general of prisons has said, is that some of the people who escaped are death-row convicts and many, especially in the Narsingdi jailbreak, have escaped with looted firearms. This makes the situation alarming. The inspector general seeks to say the jailer concerned has been suspended after the incident and necessary action has been taken against all others responsible. But this does not lessen the gravity of the situation at all.

The jailbreaks appear to have happened at a time when law and order was not in shape amidst the political turmoil and mostly after August 5, when law enforcement was very weak. The army, which promised to attend to issues of law and order and security, appears to have left the prisons inadequately attended. The prisons authorities also appear to have taken no proper precautions to protect the prisons, especially at a time when law enforcement was clearly declining or declined. The jailbreaks in Kashimpur, Satkhira, Kushtia and Sherpur are reported to have happened after demonstrations by some prisoners and in some cases attacks by the cohorts and relatives of the prisoners from outside the jails. In the Kashimpur jailbreak that happened on August 7, at least six prisoners are reported to have been killed when prison guards shot at them. A similar incident also happened in the Sirajganj jail on August 7, but the prison guards, aided by the army, could foil the jailbreak attempt. All this having happened, the inspector general of prisons at the press conference at hand has said that 17 out of the 69 jails were in a rickety condition. A situation like this warrants that the authorities should immediately attend to the physical condition of the prisons so that such jailbreaks do not recur. There should be no lapses in the security of prisons to stop such events from recurring.

Whilst the authorities should take early steps to prevent the recurrence of any jailbreak, they should also put in more efforts to find out and arrest the people who broke the prions and are still at large because they continue to pose security risks.​
 

BNP for RAB’s abolition
Staff Correspondent 11 December, 2024, 00:21

1733878918982.png

New Age photo

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party recommended the abolition of the Rapid Action Battalion, citing allegations of human rights violations and extrajudicial killings.

It made the recommendation to the Police Reform Committee the interim government has recently formed.

BNP standing committee member retired major Hafizuddin Ahmed came up with the recommendation at a press conference on Tuesday at the party chairperson’s office at Gulshan in the capital.

Mentioning that the force already faced harsh criticism at home and abroad, he said that the RAB became a ‘monster’ in the eyes of the country’s people.

‘We recommend the RAB’s abolition for their involvement in extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances and we believe that its abolition would send a positive message to people,’ he added.

Hafiz also said that necessary measures could be taken to enable the police force along with its specialised forces, including the Armed Police Battalion, to carry out the responsibilities of the Rapid Action Battalion.

He further said that both local and international human rights organisations, the United Nations, most political parties, and the public blamed the RAB for most of the incidents of enforced disappearances, killings, torture and repression.

Hafiz at the briefing also referred to the United States’ sanctioning of the force over allegations of human rights violation.

The Rapid Action Battalion was founded on March 26, 2004 during the BNP-led four-party alliance government to curb organised crimes and terrorism.

Since its very establishment the force had remained under intense scrutiny, facing serious allegations of human rights violations.

The party also gave other reform recommendations, including forming a police commission, to the Police Reform Commission.

It has suggested formation of an eight-member Police Commission headed by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs chairman to properly guide, advise and support the police force.

One of its recommendations is to form a citizen committee in every upazila or police station jurisdiction to support the police in combating crimes at the local level, improving public-police relations, and giving advice on maintaining law and order.

The chair of the committee would be an eminent person of the respective area and the officer-in-charge of the police station concerned would be its member secretary, the BNP suggested as the possible structure of its proposed citizen committees.

They also recommended strengthening of community policing, saying that community policing would reduce various crimes and social unrest, help bridge the gap between the police and the public, and increase public awareness.

Hafiz further said that after the fall of the Awami League regime on August 5, a total of 488 police officers took shelter at the cantonment who he said were involved with enforced disappearances, killings and corruption.

The army did not do the right thing by giving them shelter as they were offenders, the retired serviceman said.

Enforced disappearances, killings and repression of the opposition people perpetrated by the Awami regime turned the country into a ‘police state’, he added.​
 

Bangladesh's elite force RAB, sanctioned by US, seeks public apology for misdeeds
Tanzil Rahaman and Prattayee Chakma 12 December, 2024, 16:28

1734053513260.png


The Rapid Action Battalion on Thursday sought public apology for the extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and all other misdeeds it had perpetrated since its establishment till date.

Its director general AKM Shahidur Rahman sought the apology on behalf of the force while responding to questions at a press conference held at its Media Centre in the capital’s Karwan Bazar.

‘I apologise to the victims and their families who were tortured and harmed by RAB members since its establishment. I also apologise to people and the families of those, including the seven men murdered in Narayanganj, who were killed by the RAB,’ said Shahidur, also an additional inspector general of police.

He said that only bringing the perpetrators of these crimes to justice through fair investigations could redeem the RAB as an institution from such allegations.

He also assured that the force would not involve in such acts on anyone’s order in the future.

1734053553725.png


Total 3,973 people were killed in reported crossfire allegedly during encounters with members of law enforcement and security agencies and also died in their custody between January 2004 and June 2024, according to rights organisation Ain O Salish Kendra.

Of them, 1,286 people were killed during the gunfights with the RAB and while held in their custody, as reported by the elite force, the ASK data shows. It also shows that the RAB and police are jointly accused of 94 killings in the timeframe.

The Rapid Action Battalion was founded in 2004 as an elite force with members from the police, army, navy, air force and Border Guard Bangladesh aimed at improving the volatile law and order situation.

On December 10, 2021, the United States Treasury Department imposed sanctions on the RAB for human rights abuse.

RAB chief Shahidur at the press conference said that the Commission for Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances was investigating into the all allegations of the enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings and secret detention centre, popularly known as Aynaghar.

Acknowledging the existence of the force’s secret detention centres, Shahidur said that they had kept their detention centres, popularly known as Aynaghar, as they were in the past following the directives of the inquiry commission for the enforced disappearances not to make any changes to their structures.

On November 5, the Commission for Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances said that it had received complaints of enforced disappearance of over 1,600 victims, the incidents of which occurred during the immediate past 15-year rule of the now ousted Awami League.

About 200 victims of enforced disappearances remain still traceless.

BRAC University teacher Nabila Idris, also the commission’s member, told New Age that they had found many secret detention centres of the RAB.

‘The RAB DG also admitted the matter about the secret detention centres. We are not doing investigation into extrajudicial killings, but many incidents of enforced disappearance have ended in perpetration of extrajudicial killings,’ said Nabila.

The families of seven people, who were abducted on April 27, 2014 and killed by some RAB members in Narayanganj, are still waiting for justice to be finally delivered.

Three days later, on April 30, 2014, the bodies of local Awami League leader and Narayanganj City Corporation councillor Nazrul Islam, his associates Tazul Islam Rassel, Liton, and Swapan and his driver Jahangir, and Narayanganj court lawyer Chandan Sarker and his driver Ibrahim were found afloat in the Sitalakhya River. The discovery of the bodies led to a lengthy battle for justice that has yet to end.

The long wait for justice has left the victims’ families deeply frustrated as appeals filed by death-row convicts, including then Awami League leader Noor Hossain and then RAB commanding officer Lieutenant Colonel Tarek Sayeed Mohammad, has remained pending with the Appellate Division for more than five years now.

According to court officials, the appeals of 20 out of the total 35 convicts have remained pending with the Appellate Division.

Teknaf municipal councillor Ekramul Haque, who was a member of the then ruling Awami League, was killed in a reported gunfight with the RAB at Noakhalipara on Teknaf Marine Drive Road in Cox’s Bazar on the night of May 26, 2018.

The killing sparked an outcry after a mobile phone conversation between Ekramul and his daughter went viral on social media.

At the Thursday’s press conference, when asked about the calls for abolishing the RAB, force chief Shahidur said that the decision would depend on the government.

‘If the government abolishes the organisation, we will accept it,’ he said.

Shahidur gave the commitment that the force would operate with transparency and integrity to restore public trust in the organisation under him.

Replying to a query, he said that 16 RAB members were arrested for crimes, including extortions, drug-related offences and robberies, after the regime change on August 5.

‘Criminal cases were also filed against them. If anyone gets involved in such activities in the future, criminal and departmental actions will be taken against them,’ he added.

The chief of the Rapid Action Battalion revealed that since the force’s inception, 58 officers and 4,235 members had faced disciplinary actions for various offences.

The force has also failed to submit the charge-sheet of much-talked about journalist couple Sagar Sarowar and Meherun Runi to the court for 114th times till October 15 this year.

On September 30, the High Court ordered the formation of a task force to probe the case that remained unsolved for 12 years.

Admitting his force’s failure to give any expected results over the investigation, the RAB director general said that the force’s inability in this regard led to the High Court directive to form a high level probe committee.

Responding to another question over the failure of submitting the charge sheet of Taqi murder case in Narayanganj, the RAB chief said, six arrests were made before August 5. Two of them gave confessional statements under Section 164.

The body of Tanwir Muhammad Taqi, an A-Level student, who went missing on March 6, 2013, was recovered some days later from River Sitalakhya.

‘We have also arrested another six people after August 5. One of them gave confessional statement,’ Shahidur Rahman added.​
 

A welcome admission from Rab DG
Reform of the force must accompany his apology

1734134075674.png

VISUAL: STAR

The Rapid Action Battalion (Rab), a specialised unit of Bangladesh Police, has finally admitted that much of the allegations against it—of enforced disappearances and murders in the guise of crossfires—are true. Historically, the force has constantly denied that it is involved in such activities. We welcome this rather surprising announcement, but acknowledgement is only the first step towards justice.

At a views exchange meeting on Thursday, the Rab director-general apologised to families who lost their loved ones to enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, acknowledging the existence of secret prisons. This comes 20 years after the formation of Rab, which was aimed at curbing organised crime and terrorism, but turned into a "government death squad," as per statements of many activists and critics. Over the period, the unit garnered a reputation associated with extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and torture of opposition political figures and critics of the government. As per data compiled by Ain O Salish Kendra (ASK), at least 1,200 people were killed in the so-called crossfires involving Rab from the force's inception in April 2004 till June this year.

But now, the opportunity for redress has arisen. The inquiry commission on enforced disappearances, formed on August 27 this year, is investigating around 1,600 complaints, 172 linked to Rab, and the International Crimes Tribunal has initiated relevant proceedings. The US sanction of Rab drastically brought down extrajudicial killings. Therefore, what transformed the force into a weapon of suppression, as the data implies, is the complete lack of accountability. Fortunately, Rab itself is aware of this fact, and is accordingly drafting a new law to regulate its operations, while mulling to introduce a new name, logo and uniform. We hope such actions will bear fruit and not just be for optics.

The apology should be followed by genuine attempts at reform, and the DG's pledge to never partake in such crimes is hopeful. But much remains to be done. As Mayer Daak, a platform of the families of enforced disappearance victims, has made it clear, every person forcibly disappeared must be returned to their loved ones, and families have to be informed about incidents of disappearances and deaths. While many are advocating for the disbandment of this force, if it does remain, we demand a proper legal framework for Rab to operate, one that would take the rights of citizens, including freedom of expression, into consideration. Additionally, there has to be consequences for the unit's past crimes, for which an independent body to investigate the cases is paramount. And based on the findings of the investigations, those who have been involved in these crimes must be brought to justice. If genuine changes are achieved, we are optimistic that Rab will emerge as a pro-people force.​
 

Reform imperatives of our police

1734652874329.png

Bangladesh police try to disperse protesters in Dhaka during the quota reform movement. FILE PHOTO: AFP

The police reform of Bangladesh requires an in-depth examination of the police organisation, its mandate, its functional dynamics. It also highlights the need to establish effective structures to oversee police performance and ensure the realisation of the organisational mission. The reform process has to touch all ranks and be all inclusive, calling for a commitment and sense of purpose from the political executive since what is involved is basically a redetermination of the whole governance paradigm.

Every organisation, whether public or private, can perform well only if it is founded on valid organisational principles. In the case of Bangladesh police, these principles were not followed over the years, resulting in a corrupt, inefficient, and highly politicised force. Increasingly, the police were rendered agents of the political executive rather than instruments of a democratic state. The selective application of law against opponents, whether political or personal, at the behest of influential individuals, became the norm rather than the exception. People perceived the police as agents of the party in power, not as members of an organisation publicly maintained to enforce the rule of law.

The key question relevant to the reform is: what kind of organisation will the police of Bangladesh need to meet the law-and-order challenges of the 21st century? As a first step, the responsibility of maintenance of law and order will need to rest unambiguously with the police. The police hierarchy must be made responsible not only for the organisation and the internal administration of the force but also exclusively for all matters connected with maintaining law and order. In short, policing operations should no longer be subjected to general control and direction from outside the police department.

Steps will be required for rendering the police professionally competent, operationally neutral, functionally cohesive, and organisationally responsible for all its actions. This, in turn, will lead to efficient police operations, better decision-making, improved discipline within the force, and revamped accountability mechanisms. The role, duties, and responsibilities of the police must be orientated to prioritise service function, ensuring that the prevention and detection of crime serve a social purpose. The reform strategy should seek to solicit voluntary support and cooperation of the people.

The sole purpose of the police is to enforce the laws of the land without fear or favour towards anyone. Therefore, it is crucial to render the police politically neutral. Such neutrality has been achieved in other countries by placing the police under apolitical control, thereby creating a buffer between political expediency and law enforcement. Without such a buffer, influential individuals will never allow the police to perform their mandated duties.

The police in Bangladesh still monitor all political activities without discrimination, excluding only the ruling party of the day. FILE PHOTO: STAR

Police accountability is a subject of great contemporary significance. The increasingly sophisticated range of coercive, scientific, and technical apparatus at the command of police requires stricter accountability controls. Bangladesh urgently needs statutory commission institutions like the Independent Police Complaints Authority in Britain or the Public Safety Commission system in Japan. The Independent Police Complaint authority in Britain consists of members of civil society and is mandated to inquire into serious complaints against police. One of the most important functions of Japan's Public Safety Commission System is to ensure that police operations remain uninfluenced by the party in power. The apolitical public safety commissions at national and regional levels are designed to insulate the police from the debilitating effects of political control.

Historically, policing in Bangladesh has largely been a one-sided affair, with communities having little to no say in local policing plans and strategies that affect them most. The idea that "police are the people, and people are the police" has not taken root in the region. Unfortunately, the Police Act of 1861 was silent on the issue of community consultation. Instead, it focused on the responsibility of communities to ensure order, with the entire community facing collective punishment if any member stepped out of line.

For quite some time, there has been reluctance among senior police officials to recognise the necessity of viewing police forces as organisations fundamentally similar to any other enterprise or business. The police organisation must, therefore, evolve a shared vision and understanding of a common mission increasingly focused on meeting community expectations.

The first order of business is to enact a new police act to replace the present archaic legislation enacted in 1861. This act is weak across almost all parameters that govern democratic police legislation. It has made it easier for others to abuse and misuse the police organisation. People in positions of power have been able to do so because the act grants the government authority to exercise superintendence over the police without defining the term "superintendence" or prescribing guidelines to ensure legitimate use of power. The act does not establish institutional arrangements to insulate the police from undesirable external control, pressures, and influences. It also fails to recognise the government's responsibility to establish an efficient and effective police force. Furthermore, it does not require the setting of objectives or performance standards, nor does it establish independent mechanisms to monitor and inspect police performance.

The goal should be to establish a police force subject to the rule of law rather than the whims of the party in power. The police should intervene in the lives of citizens only under limited and controlled circumstances and must be held publicly accountable.

Historically, policing in Bangladesh has largely been a one-sided affair, with communities having little to no say in local policing plans and strategies that affect them most. The idea that "police are the people, and people are the police" has not taken root in the region. Unfortunately, the Police Act of 1861 was silent on the issue of community consultation. Instead, it focused on the responsibility of communities to ensure order, with the entire community facing collective punishment if any member stepped out of line.

An inefficient and outdated administrative legacy is undermining reforms supported by numerous national and international expert missions. For too long, the basic functioning of the police has remained unchanged. What is needed is to make improving the quality of law enforcement a permanent and integral part of the national agenda.

An enlightened and determined political leadership, high levels of public support, and a motivated and well-led public sector are critical for change. Equally, if not more importantly, a civil society that demands and supports higher standards of police performance is essential for reform.

The core issue today is not what the police does, but why it does what it does. It is time to make the police work for the people.

Over the last few decades, public opinion leaders have responded to the growing policing crisis with traditional approaches. They have blamed the police officers, protested against abuses of authority and corruption, and levelled criticism at the police without showing the necessary will or support to change its design.

The police reform debate seems to be attracting a wider and more serious audience. These issues are receiving focused and sustained attention in the media. If the goal is to make quality policing a way of life, then we need to begin by restructuring the existing police framework. The police constable must be transformed into a responsible official providing essential services to the community. The existing police setup must be replaced with a system that strives to be customer-friendly. There must be a shared sense of mission and clearly understood organisational goals, as well as citizens' inclusion in police decision-making processes.

Muhammad Nurul Huda is former IGP of Bangladesh Police.​
 

IGP apologises for police acts in party interest
Zaman Monir . Sylhet 22 December, 2024, 00:41

1734827849669.png


Inspector General of Police Baharul Alam on Saturday apologised for the police activities for protecting political party interest in the past.

Stating that the police were currently in a state of disarray due to fear and panic, he said that senior police officers fled after giving orders to their juniors and leaving them unsecured during the student-led mass uprising in July-August.

‘The biggest challenge now is to revitalise the police force,’ he said, adding that they were ashamed that the police committed major crimes in the past by working to protect the interest of political party.

The IGP made the comments while responding to reporters’ queries after a views-exchange meeting held on Saturday afternoon with the officers working in all units of Sylhet division at the conference room of Sylhet Metropolitan Police headquarters.

He also said that the Police Reform Commission had already been formed to restore people’s trust in the police.

‘We have recommended some specific issues to the commission. Especially, most of the police members have to work overtime. But they do not get any allowance for this. We are working on this issue,’ he said.

‘Apart from this, we are trying to solve their problems to bring back their enthusiasm for work,’ he added.

Regretting the death of ATM Turab, a photo-journalist of a regional daily newspaper, in police firing during the anti-discrimination student movement, he said that the Sylhet Metropolitan Police commissioner would work seriously in the Turab murder case.

‘Journalist Turab died in our firing while he was performing professional duties. He cannot be brought back. We have no other option but to apologise,’ the IGP said.

Responding to another query, he said that taking advantage of the changed environment after the July uprising, unscrupulous people filed cases against some innocent people.

‘Innocent people who have been accused in the cases will not be arrested. The police will investigate and assure them of facing no harassment,’ he said.

Among others, Rapid Action Battalion director general (additional IGP) AKM Shahidur Rahman, Sylhet Range of Police deputy inspector general Md Mushfequr Rahman and Sylhet Metropolitan Police commissioner Md Rezaul Karim, among others, attended the views-exchange programme.​
 

Police apology for activities in partisan interests not enough
23 December, 2024, 00:00

THE apology that the inspector general of police has made for the activities that the police have done to protect the partisan interests of the ruling party in the past is welcome. But the apology at the same time constitutes an admission of the misdeeds that the police have done in partisan interests not only during the July-August uprising but also in the 15 years of the authoritarian regime of the Awami League government, which the uprising toppled on August 5. This warrants that the police as a force and the force’s top brass that has lowered the dignity of the force as a state agency should be held to account. The police chief has also noted that senior police officers have fled after giving orders to their juniors to take action in partisan interests, especially during the uprising, leaving the juniors insecure. Such a standing of the police has left the force in a state of disarray, as the police chief notes, because of fear and panic that have gripped the police units after the political changeover, making it difficult for the government to adequately attend to law and order. And, in the event of such activities done in partisan interests, the biggest challenge that remains is to revitalise the police force.

Whilst the police as a force and the people at the helm of the force who had made the police, despite being a state agency, work in partisan interests of the ruling party should be held to account, there should be reforms in the police and the regulations that govern the force to stop the government from using it in partisan interests and to stop the police from being used as a weapon of the government to go heavy-handed against the opposition or any individuals or entities that are critical of the government or the ruling party. Whilst the accountability of the police and their managers in connection with their past partisan action is important for reparation and the restoration of people’s trust in the force, the reforms are equally important to stop any recurrence of such police practice that has lowered the dignity of the force. The interim government, installed on August 8, instituted a commission for police administrative reforms. The commission is expected to make recommendations to improve the police administration and behaviour. It should recommend ways to tie loose ends in the police administration to keep the force off any partisan pressure. The police say that they have also put forth some issues for the commission, which should examine the issues and try to attend to them for an effective functioning of the force.

The government should, therefore, hold to account the police force and its managers having worked in partisan interests of the ruling party. This is important for the accountability, justice and reparations, especially in restoring people’s trust in the force. And, the government should reform the police administration to keep the force above partisan interests.​
 

Latest Posts

Latest Posts

Back
PKDefense - Recommended Toggle