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[🇧🇩] Banning Awami League, Chhatra League and Jubo League

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[🇧🇩] Banning Awami League, Chhatra League and Jubo League
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Short Summary: Monitoring the fate of Awami League, Chhatra League and Jubi League

Awami League and resolving the question of its ban
Saimum Parvez
Published: 26 Nov 2024, 14: 07

1732668887499.png


Leaders and activists of Awami League and its affiliated bodies attack the student-people’s movement. Murtafa Bin Omar, vice president of Turag thana Chhatra League, brandishes a firearm. At Azampur in Uttara of the capital city Dhaka. 4 August Prothom Alo

In July and the first half of August this year, Bangladesh saw the most brutal killings, political violence, terror attacks and riots since the independence of the country. It was like a gory video game where people’s lives held no value. The body of a young man was hurled off an armed car, a youth lay inert in the floor of a rickshaw in a vain struggle against death, a child was killed from bullets raining down from a helicopter…

Here is little likelihood that this killing and wounding of thousands could have taken place without strong and direct orders from the head of the ruling party at the time, Sheikh Hasina, and other top persons of the government. That is why it is imperative that Sheikh Hasina, her government and the political party Awami League, be placed on trial. Any discrepancies in this process or indiscriminate filing of cases would simply serve to trivialise the matter.

There prevails a debate on the future of post-Hasina Bangladesh. It was on 23 June 1949 that East Pakistan Awami Muslim League was born. At the behest of Maulana Bhashani, in 1955 the word ‘Muslim’ was dropped in the interests of a non-communal political ideology. After playing a vital role in struggle for independence, the manner in which Awami League has stood against the aspirations and the interests of the people over the past one and a half decades is not just unfortunate but calls for justice.

However, the question is, how to deal with a party as large as Awami League, which has a large support base too? How to bring about their reforms, how to effectively place them on trial and ensure justice is carried out?

If we leave out the controversial elections from 2014 to 2024 and analyse the fair and credible elections, we will see that in 1991 Awami League secured 30.8 per cent of the votes. In 1996 (June) it secured 37.44 per cent of the votes and in 2001 it won 40.13 per cent. In 2008, if we analyse the party’s votes, not as an alliance, it clinched 48.4 per cent.

It is difficult to discern how far Awami League’s public support has waned due to the fact that fair elections haven’t been held over the past 15 years, the July killings and Sheikh Hasina fleeing in the face of the mass uprising. But the behaviour and words of Awami League’s leaders and activists indicate no sign of remorse. So the predicament of millions is involved in the event that Awami League is banned. So any decision in this regard must not be taken with rashness, but with much discussion and deliberation.

In the prevailing circumstances we can think of a number of possible alternative scenarios. The first scenario would be about banning Awami League. This decision can be implemented in a short time. This can be brought about in one of any three processes – a court order, a referendum or an executive order. If an appeal is placed in court for this ban, then it must be proven whether Awami League was involved in the massacre or not, whether there was any decision at a party meeting in this regard and whether the party chief was involved. The line between the government and the party must also been taken into account.

The third scenario would be just to leave things as they are, with no banning of Awami League and with no effective trial or reforms. That is an unacceptable proposal. If Awami League returns, there will be an increase of revengeful violence in the country
If a referendum is held, the people’s decision will be known. However, it must be kept in mind that there is a big difference between an election and a referendum. If the mandate goes against banning Awami League, not only must this been accepted, but this may have a negative impact on the trial for the July killings.

If the people give their verdict in favour of banning Awami League and even if 20/30 per cent of the votes go against this motion, that too is a considerable chunk of the population. That would constitute a few million supports, 90 per cent of whom presumably were not directly involved in the crimes against humanity. This banning may criminalise them, but that may backfire.

The second scenario would be to ensure the trial of those involved in the indiscriminate killings of July and August as well as those involved in crimes against humanity over the past 15 years, but to give Awami League a chance to reform as a party. In that case, a high-powered, professional and international standard truth investigation committee can be formed and a draft list be prepared of Awami League leaders and activists, including Hasina, who were involved in crimes against humanity.

If there is justified basis to the allegations of the accused persons’ involvement in crimes against humanity, through the trial process they can be banned from taking part in politics and the election. But a legal process must be ensured so that this is not on conflict with the principle of justice – ‘innocent until proven guilty’.

Awami League can be given the chance to become active in politics again if they expel the involved persons from the party and if the party’s constitution takes a firm stand against these killings and the killers. The party can place Sheikh Hasina and her close collaborators on trial and ban them from politics and the party. The leaders and activists with comparatively less criminal involvement can seek pardon and resume party activities after going through a compulsory correctional process.

The third scenario would be just to leave things as they are, with no banning of Awami League and with no effective trial or reforms. That is an unacceptable proposal. If Awami League returns, there will be an increase of revengeful violence in the country. Also, banning the party as in the first scenario, with no long-term process, there is little likelihood of this being effective, as seen in past history.

In December 1971, five parties including Jamaat-e-Islami were banned. Later, in accordance to the constitution of 1972, all religion-based parties were banned. But Jamiyate Ulema-e-Islam was allowed to resume its programmes. After this ban, no long-term measures, no cultural-social-political initiative was taken. The leaders and the activists of the banned parties joined JSD, NAP and even Awami League. In recent times, on 31 July this year, Awami League cancelled Jamaat-e-Islami's registration. But the party has now clearly returned in an even bigger form.

The process of banning of political parties does not involve just crimes, but it involves political, social and cultural matters too. Awami League's biggest strength lies in its cultural capital. Many big names and influencers in the country's literary and cultural field are Awami League's strength. So there is very little possibility of an effective ban of the party unless there is a long-term cultural and political drive. It will be difficult to reach the aspired goal with a short-term bank on Awami League.

  • Dr Saimum Parvez is a teacher of political communications at Germany's DW Academy and Bonn Rhein-Sieg University
  • This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir
 

Govt will move soon to ban Awami League
Says Asif Mahmud

1738971426485.png

Photo: BSS

The interim government will soon take steps to ban the Awami League as a political party, Local Government, Rural Development, and Cooperatives Adviser Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain said yesterday.

"First of all, it is very positive that political parties have reached a 'consensus' on banning the Awami League," he stated in an interview with BSS, marking six months of the interim government.

Asif Mahmud, who also serves as the adviser to the Ministry of Youth and Sports, said the people of the country rejected the undemocratic and monopolistic rule of the Awami League. "This is why political parties are now reaching a consensus on banning the party," he added.

He emphasised that the consensus among political parties would make it easier for the government to implement such a decision.

When asked whether the government was taking immediate steps to ban the Awami League, Asif Mahmud responded, "We -- the common people and political parties -- represent the people of this country. Prioritising their aspirations and demands should be our main goal."

"From that perspective, I would like to applaud the BNP for raising the demand to ban the Awami League," he added.

Apart from the judicial process, he noted that the government has four laws under which it can take action against any party through an executive order. However, he clarified that the government had yet to decide on the specific legal framework it would follow in this matter.

The adviser said the Awami League's involvement in the July-August massacre must be proven through the judicial process. Once established, this would allow the government to take necessary actions, including banning the party as a political entity and revoking its registration.

However, he reaffirmed that the government would follow due legal procedures in any move to ban the party.

"I want to assure everyone that the government will take immediate steps in this regard to reflect the aspirations of the people," he said, without specifying a timeframe.

Regarding the formation of a new political party by students who led the July mass uprising, Asif Mahmud said the idea arose out of necessity.

"We have seen in the past that the gains of mass movements were often lost because their organisers could not play a role in subsequent state affairs," he said, referring to the movement against the autocratic regime of General Hussain Muhammad Ershad in 1990.

Considering these factors, he explained, the idea of forming a new political party led by the leaders of the July uprising had gained traction.​
 

Protesters demand ban on AL in Narayanganj

1739055559244.png

Photo: Collected

Leaders of the Students Against Discrimination and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee demonstrated in Narayanganj city today, demanding a ban on the Awami League.

They also accused the party of committing mass killings during the July uprising and demanded justice.

They also said the party is behind the attack on students in Gazipur last night.

The protest rally was held at the Narayanganj Central Shaheed Minar, followed by a procession through the city.

Jatiya Nagorik Committee's joint member secretary Abdullah Al Amin expressed solidarity with the protest organised by the students' Narayanganj district committee. The event was presided over by Nirab Raihan, convener of the district committee of Students Against Discrimination.

Addressing the rally, the speakers said, "We have been witnessing the provocative activities of ousted Sheikh Hasina and her allies. This will not end well. We have not taken any organisational steps yet. The general public is expressing their anger. We have urged everyone to remain calm. But if we are provoked, attempts are made to put us in danger, if our brothers and sisters are attacked, the students and the public will not remain silent."

They warned the administration, saying, "Fascist brokerage will no longer be tolerated. If necessary, the students and people will resist you as well. We do not want instability, but if the authorities put students and citizens at risk and remain indifferent, the students will not sit idle."

Demanding a ban on the Awami League, student and citizen leaders said, "The attacks on general students and people are continuing. And we can't take any legal steps as AL isn't banned yet. This is leading to a deterioration in law and order. Awami League must be brought to justice."​
 

‘Coffin procession’ demands ban on AL

1739407636235.png

Photo: Star

The leaders of Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and Jatiya Nagorik Committee last night demanded that the interim government impose a ban on Awami League.

They made the call while attending the namaz-e-janaza of Abul Kashem at Central Shaheed Minar.

Kashem died at Dhaka Medical College Hospital around 3:00pm yesterday, following an attack on students and protesters in Gazipur on February 7.

"Even six months after the July uprising, revolutionaries of the movement are being killed at the hands of Awami League. It's a collective failure of anti-fascist political parties and forces," said Hasnat Abdullah, convener of the movement.

"With Kashem's body before us, we take an oath to ban Awami League," he added.

Addressing the interim government, he said, "How much more time will you take to ban Awami League? Ban Awami League through legal procedures within the shortest possible time."

Akhter Hossain, member secretary of Jatiya Nagorik Committee, said a UN report explicitly states crimes against humanity were committed on the streets in July under the orders of "killer Hasina".

"Awami League, which committed a genocide, has no right to do politics in Bangladesh," said Akhter.

Following the namaz-e-janaza, a coffin procession with the demand to ban AL was brought out from Shaheed Minar that ended near Shahbagh intersection.​
 
Chhatra League banned
Citing section of anti-terror act, govt issues gazette that takes effect immediately

View attachment 9987

The interim government last night banned Bangladesh Chhatra League amid demands from the student movement against discrimination.

The home ministry issued a gazette notification with immediate effect, stating that the government invoked the Anti-Terrorism Act-2009 to ban BCL, a 76-year-old pro-Awami League student organisation.

The move comes a day after the students issued an ultimatum to the government, saying that they will take to the streets unless the BCL was banned within this week.

Several hundred students demonstrating in front of the Dhaka University vice chancellor's office cheered as the news of the ban came.

The AL, BCL and a leftist party leader condemned the move.

Abdul Kader, a coordinator of the student movement, announced near the TSC that students would march and distribute sweetmeat on university campuses across the country in celebration at 3:00pm today.

According to the gazette, the government made the decision as per section 18 (1) of the Anti-Terrorism Act-2009 and listed the BCL as a banned entity.

The section reads: "For the purposes of this act, the government, on reasonable grounds that a person or an entity is involved in terrorist activities, may, by order, enlist the person in the schedule or proscribe the entity and enlist it in the schedule."

There is evidence that the BCL has been involved in different conspiratorial, subversive and terrorist activities against the state since the fall of the AL government on August 5, reads the notification.

It adds that the BCL, a "brotherly" organisation of AL, was involved in activities that go against public security; the crimes include murder, torture, and oppression of students at dorm rooms informally known as "gono rooms". A large number of students stay in cramped conditions in such rooms.

The BCL took money for dormitory rooms, manipulated tender, raped and sexually harassed women, and committed other crimes after the country's independence, particularly in the last 15 years of the AL's autocratic regime, it adds.

Information and evidence of these crimes were widely covered by the media. Involvement of some BCL leaders and activists in criminal activities were proved at courts too, it says.

During the student movement in July this year, BCL leaders indiscriminately attacked protesting students and the general public, killing hundreds and endangering the lives of many others, the notification adds.

"Bangladesh and Dhaka University are now free from stigma. We would like to thank the interim government," said Nusrat Tabassum, a coordinator of the student movement, at Raju Sculpture of the university.

Last night, Mujahidul Islam Selim, former president of Communist Party of Bangladesh, said the BCL men who committed crimes should have been identified and brought to justice instead of the ban on the organisation.

"Will banning Chhatra League bring any good? No. These people will start getting public sympathy even though they were hated by people for their terrorist activities," he told The Daily Star.

Ensuring the rights of all the students would have been more effective, he said.

History says an organisation cannot be abolished in this way because a legal ban is an expression of weakness, he said.

Founded in January 1948, Chhatra League played significant roles in the country's Liberation War, the Language Movement in 1952, Six-Point Movement in 1966, mass uprising in 1969, the AL's election victory in 1970, and the ouster of HM Ershad in 1990.

Bahauddin Nasim, joint general secretary of the AL, condemned the interim government, saying that the ban on BCL is an attack on the spirit of Liberation war and the constitution.

"This government is illegal. It has no constitutional foundation. How can it ban an organisation like Chhatra League that played a vital role in the Liberation War and all other democratic movements before and after the country's independence? Chhatra League is an organisation of this land and will continue to be so in the days to come," he said.

Notwithstanding its glorious past, the BCL started to draw widespread condemnation for its activists and leaders' activities after the AL came to power in January 2009.

In April that year, Sheikh Hasina, who was the organisational leader of the BCL, resigned from the post, expressing disappointment about BCL's unruly activities.

BCL leaders engaged in violence, mostly to make money through tender manipulation, extortion, and dominance over university campuses.

In 2012, BCL activists hacked a 24-year-old tailor named Biswajit Das to death. Other chilling crimes include the murders of Buet student Abrar Fahad in 2019, Jahangirnagar University student Zubair Ahmed in 2012, and Dhaka University student Abu Bakar Siddique in 2010.

BCL wrongdoings drew so much criticism that Sheikh Hasina removed its president and general secretary -- Rezwanul Haque Chowdhury Shovon and Golam Rabbani -- from their posts in 2019.

The organisation played repressive roles during the widespread protests for safer roads and reforms to quotas in government jobs in 2018.

Late last night, BCL President Saddam Hussain, and General Secretary Sheikh Wali Asif Enan issued a statement via WhatsApp, rejecting the ban and terming it illegal and unconstitutional.

The blood of BCL leaders and activists is in every inch of this country, it said, adding that the government should immediately step down.​

RIP AL. End of an era. Just like Mussolini's National Fascist Party or like Hitler's Nazi Party.

Good Bye and Good riddance.

Being a banned outfit, anytime an AL activist is caught or 'outed', they must be jailed (for participating in banned activities).
 
Last edited:

Awami League and resolving the question of its ban
Saimum Parvez
Published: 26 Nov 2024, 14: 07

View attachment 11003

Leaders and activists of Awami League and its affiliated bodies attack the student-people’s movement. Murtafa Bin Omar, vice president of Turag thana Chhatra League, brandishes a firearm. At Azampur in Uttara of the capital city Dhaka. 4 August Prothom Alo

In July and the first half of August this year, Bangladesh saw the most brutal killings, political violence, terror attacks and riots since the independence of the country. It was like a gory video game where people’s lives held no value. The body of a young man was hurled off an armed car, a youth lay inert in the floor of a rickshaw in a vain struggle against death, a child was killed from bullets raining down from a helicopter…

Here is little likelihood that this killing and wounding of thousands could have taken place without strong and direct orders from the head of the ruling party at the time, Sheikh Hasina, and other top persons of the government. That is why it is imperative that Sheikh Hasina, her government and the political party Awami League, be placed on trial. Any discrepancies in this process or indiscriminate filing of cases would simply serve to trivialise the matter.

There prevails a debate on the future of post-Hasina Bangladesh. It was on 23 June 1949 that East Pakistan Awami Muslim League was born. At the behest of Maulana Bhashani, in 1955 the word ‘Muslim’ was dropped in the interests of a non-communal political ideology. After playing a vital role in struggle for independence, the manner in which Awami League has stood against the aspirations and the interests of the people over the past one and a half decades is not just unfortunate but calls for justice.

However, the question is, how to deal with a party as large as Awami League, which has a large support base too? How to bring about their reforms, how to effectively place them on trial and ensure justice is carried out?

If we leave out the controversial elections from 2014 to 2024 and analyse the fair and credible elections, we will see that in 1991 Awami League secured 30.8 per cent of the votes. In 1996 (June) it secured 37.44 per cent of the votes and in 2001 it won 40.13 per cent. In 2008, if we analyse the party’s votes, not as an alliance, it clinched 48.4 per cent.

It is difficult to discern how far Awami League’s public support has waned due to the fact that fair elections haven’t been held over the past 15 years, the July killings and Sheikh Hasina fleeing in the face of the mass uprising. But the behaviour and words of Awami League’s leaders and activists indicate no sign of remorse. So the predicament of millions is involved in the event that Awami League is banned. So any decision in this regard must not be taken with rashness, but with much discussion and deliberation.

In the prevailing circumstances we can think of a number of possible alternative scenarios. The first scenario would be about banning Awami League. This decision can be implemented in a short time. This can be brought about in one of any three processes – a court order, a referendum or an executive order. If an appeal is placed in court for this ban, then it must be proven whether Awami League was involved in the massacre or not, whether there was any decision at a party meeting in this regard and whether the party chief was involved. The line between the government and the party must also been taken into account.

The third scenario would be just to leave things as they are, with no banning of Awami League and with no effective trial or reforms. That is an unacceptable proposal. If Awami League returns, there will be an increase of revengeful violence in the country
If a referendum is held, the people’s decision will be known. However, it must be kept in mind that there is a big difference between an election and a referendum. If the mandate goes against banning Awami League, not only must this been accepted, but this may have a negative impact on the trial for the July killings.

If the people give their verdict in favour of banning Awami League and even if 20/30 per cent of the votes go against this motion, that too is a considerable chunk of the population. That would constitute a few million supports, 90 per cent of whom presumably were not directly involved in the crimes against humanity. This banning may criminalise them, but that may backfire.

The second scenario would be to ensure the trial of those involved in the indiscriminate killings of July and August as well as those involved in crimes against humanity over the past 15 years, but to give Awami League a chance to reform as a party. In that case, a high-powered, professional and international standard truth investigation committee can be formed and a draft list be prepared of Awami League leaders and activists, including Hasina, who were involved in crimes against humanity.

If there is justified basis to the allegations of the accused persons’ involvement in crimes against humanity, through the trial process they can be banned from taking part in politics and the election. But a legal process must be ensured so that this is not on conflict with the principle of justice – ‘innocent until proven guilty’.

Awami League can be given the chance to become active in politics again if they expel the involved persons from the party and if the party’s constitution takes a firm stand against these killings and the killers. The party can place Sheikh Hasina and her close collaborators on trial and ban them from politics and the party. The leaders and activists with comparatively less criminal involvement can seek pardon and resume party activities after going through a compulsory correctional process.

The third scenario would be just to leave things as they are, with no banning of Awami League and with no effective trial or reforms. That is an unacceptable proposal. If Awami League returns, there will be an increase of revengeful violence in the country. Also, banning the party as in the first scenario, with no long-term process, there is little likelihood of this being effective, as seen in past history.

In December 1971, five parties including Jamaat-e-Islami were banned. Later, in accordance to the constitution of 1972, all religion-based parties were banned. But Jamiyate Ulema-e-Islam was allowed to resume its programmes. After this ban, no long-term measures, no cultural-social-political initiative was taken. The leaders and the activists of the banned parties joined JSD, NAP and even Awami League. In recent times, on 31 July this year, Awami League cancelled Jamaat-e-Islami's registration. But the party has now clearly returned in an even bigger form.

The process of banning of political parties does not involve just crimes, but it involves political, social and cultural matters too. Awami League's biggest strength lies in its cultural capital. Many big names and influencers in the country's literary and cultural field are Awami League's strength. So there is very little possibility of an effective ban of the party unless there is a long-term cultural and political drive. It will be difficult to reach the aspired goal with a short-term bank on Awami League.

  • Dr Saimum Parvez is a teacher of political communications at Germany's DW Academy and Bonn Rhein-Sieg University
  • This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir

Well the news outlet Prothom Alo is always a diehard Awami League supporter - and continues to be so. Being that there is no Media ban nowadays and dissent is allowed, they can keep harping on and whitewashing AL crimes (like here, with all the hand-wringing and whining, casting doubts on the legality of banning AL), but people will keep rejecting dailies like Prothom Alo and Daily Star, letting them die a natural death.
 

‘No place’ for Hasina’s ‘fascist’ party in Bangladesh's politics, Yunus tells FT
He says will not seek exiled leader’s extradition from India before domestic tribunal’s verdict

View attachment 10174
File photo of Muhammad Yunus/Collected

Dr Muhammad Yunus, the chief adviser of Bangladesh's interim leader, has accused the political party of ousted authoritarian leader Sheikh Hasina of exhibiting "all the characteristics of fascism".

It has "no place" for now in the country's politics, Yunus said in an interview with the Financial Times published today.

"In the short run, definitely she has no place — the Awami League doesn't have a place — in Bangladesh," the newspaper quoted 84-year-old Nobel peace laureate as saying.

"They controlled the people, they controlled the [political] machinery, they controlled the institutions to enhance their interest," he said in the interview.

"No fascist party should be in existence in a democratic system," Yunus said.

Yunus told the UK-based Financial Times that the interim government would not immediately seek the extradition of Sheikh Hasina from India.

FT reported that Yunus said his government would seek Sheikh Hasina's return after a verdict had been reached by the International Crimes Tribunal, which issued an arrest warrant against her and 45 others earlier in October.

"She is charged with crimes against humanity . . . when the verdict comes out, we'll try to get her back through the extradition treaty" with India, he said. "I don't think we have a case to do that before a verdict is done."

Political rivals and human rights groups have accused the Awami League of rigging recent elections, carrying out extrajudicial killings, and capturing state institutions during Sheikh Hasina's more than 15-year rule, the report said.

Since her flight, Bangladeshis have been debating whether the party should be temporarily suspended from politics, required to reform, or banned entirely, FT report stated.

Yunus speculated during the interview that the Awami League might disintegrate, but stressed that its fate would not be decided by his interim administration as it was "not a political government".

Any decision on whether Awami League could participate in a future election would be decided by a "consensus" of political parties themselves, he said. "They have to decide their political space."​

It is clear that India will not hand over Hasina to Bangladesh, they are playing a game on this. I think ultimately - Hasina (and her party cohorts) will face an ICC verdict and will be forced to attend a trial at the ICC. If she refuses, she as well as the cohorts will remain marked criminals - forever on the run from country to country.
 
It is clear that India will not hand over Hasina to Bangladesh, they are playing a game on this. I think ultimately - Hasina (and her party cohorts) will face an ICC verdict and will be forced to attend a trial at the ICC. If she refuses, she as well as the cohorts will remain marked criminals - forever on the run from country to country.
Criminal Hasina should be hanged and Awami League should be banned for ever. No place for fascist Hasina and Awami League in new Bangladesh. Period.
 
Well the news outlet Prothom Alo is always a diehard Awami League supporter - and continues to be so. Being that there is no Media ban nowadays and dissent is allowed, they can keep harping on and whitewashing AL crimes (like here, with all the hand-wringing and whining, casting doubts on the legality of banning AL), but people will keep rejecting dailies like Prothom Alo and Daily Star, letting them die a natural death.
The interim government should boot out the current management of Prothom Alo and Daily Star and install new management for these dailies by an executive order.
 

Hefazat-e-Islam calls for ban on AL following UN report

1739575205438.png


Hefazat-e-Islam today demanded that the interim government ban the Awami League following the release of a report by the United Nations fact-finding mission.

Hefazat Ameer Muhibbullah Babunagari and Secretary General Sajedur Rahman made this demand in a joint statement.

They claimed that the detailed investigative report by the United Nations Human Rights Office on last year's mass uprising revealed horrific crimes against humanity committed by the "fascist" Hasina and her accomplices, supported by substantial evidence.

Under Hasina's planning and directives, her loyal forces have gone to extreme lengths of brutality, including enforced disappearances, killings, and torture, they said.


The Hefazat leaders further stated that the Awami League must be banned at the state level for its involvement in the Pilkhana massacre, enforced disappearances, killings, and the May 5 and 24 massacres.

"Otherwise, Awami fascism will not allow the government and people of this country to live in peace for even a moment," the statement quoted them as saying.

They also accused the Awami League of actively spreading division and discord among the parties supporting the mass uprising.


The Hefazat leaders also asserted that India continues to behave like an enemy state, unable to accept the new Bangladesh that emerged after Hasina's fall. Instead, under India's shelter, Hasina is being given the opportunity to orchestrate one conspiracy after another. Therefore, they called for the swift trial of Hasina for enforced disappearances and massacres.

"At the same time, her identified loyalists within various forces must also be brought to justice quickly," the statement concluded.​
 

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