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[🇧🇩] Banning Awami League, Chhatra League and Jubo League

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[🇧🇩] Banning Awami League, Chhatra League and Jubo League
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Chhatra League was the main foot soldier of fascism: CA’s press secretary
bdnews24.com
Published :
Nov 09, 2024 15:59
Updated :
Nov 09, 2024 16:15

1731201498085.webp


The chief advisor's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam has described Bangladesh Chhatra League, the banned student wing of Awami League, as the ‘main foot soldier’ of fascism.

“Many people ask why the Chhatra League was banned. Look at the noble movement these campus students initiated. How many such great movements have taken place in Bangladesh? If you look back, the movement of 1990 was also noble,” he said during a seminar titled "We Want a Safe Bangladesh," held at the National Press Club on Saturday.

He said, "But this movement, with its reach, impact, and the way it resonated with people, showed Bangladesh’s place in the world. Chhatra League opposed this movement and was the ‘main foot soldier of fascism’."

Criticising the Chhatra League's actions over the past 15 years, he continued: “What they did was create a narrative of fascism. Many joined the Chhatra League because they thought it would guarantee a job. You created discrimination in the entire employment system. The boy from my village who joined the Chhatra League got a job, but the other student, who is more educated, didn’t get any job.

"They (Chhatra League) got jobs in the police and intelligence agencies. They held the entire nation hostage. Joining Chhatra League was your ticket to heaven, while everyone else had a miserable life. When police came for verification, the sons of the Awami League and Chhatra League said, ‘this boy is a BNP supporter, don’t give him a job.’"

He also pointed out the role Chhatra League played in the police's aggressive actions against student movements, saying: “When the police acted so ruthlessly, firing indiscriminately at our young brothers, you can trace the background of these people to Chhatra League.

"A brutal police system was formed, and its main component was the Chhatra League. To ensure that this never happens again, we need to make our educational institutions safe.”

Referring to the interim government’s efforts to prevent campuses from becoming strongholds for criminals, he added: “We are trying to ensure that campuses do not become havens for terrorists. The government that follows will also need to take this up, and we all need to commit to this.”

He stressed the need for safe campuses for global competition, saying: “Our government, or we, want Bangladesh’s educational institutions to be safe. We need to make our campuses safe for global competition so our children can focus more on their academic studies.”

Shafiqul said, "We want our children to be able to compete with students from any part of the world. They should proudly take Bangladesh forward. To achieve this, we must create an ideal, peaceful campus environment."

“We want our children to draw inspiration for building Bangladesh from their campuses. Campuses should be places for ideal debates," he added.​
 
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Asif warns against any AL rally
BSS
Published: 09 Nov 2024, 19: 49


1731203682967.webp

Asif MahmudCaptured from television

Adviser to the interim government Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain today said the law enforcers would take stern action if any organisation linked to mass-killing tries to hold any political programme.

He gave this warning in a post from his verified Facebook account today in the backdrop of calling first ever demonstration of Awami League (AL) in the city tomorrow after ouster of AL government on 5 August last following a massive mass upsurge.

The Awami League has called the demonstration at Shaheed Nur Hossain Square in the capital’s Zero Point at 3:00pm tomorrow in memory of Shaheed Nur Hossain Day and demanding democratic rights.​
 
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Awami League and resolving the question of its ban
Saimum Parvez
Published: 26 Nov 2024, 14: 07

1732668887499.webp


Leaders and activists of Awami League and its affiliated bodies attack the student-people’s movement. Murtafa Bin Omar, vice president of Turag thana Chhatra League, brandishes a firearm. At Azampur in Uttara of the capital city Dhaka. 4 August Prothom Alo

In July and the first half of August this year, Bangladesh saw the most brutal killings, political violence, terror attacks and riots since the independence of the country. It was like a gory video game where people’s lives held no value. The body of a young man was hurled off an armed car, a youth lay inert in the floor of a rickshaw in a vain struggle against death, a child was killed from bullets raining down from a helicopter…

Here is little likelihood that this killing and wounding of thousands could have taken place without strong and direct orders from the head of the ruling party at the time, Sheikh Hasina, and other top persons of the government. That is why it is imperative that Sheikh Hasina, her government and the political party Awami League, be placed on trial. Any discrepancies in this process or indiscriminate filing of cases would simply serve to trivialise the matter.

There prevails a debate on the future of post-Hasina Bangladesh. It was on 23 June 1949 that East Pakistan Awami Muslim League was born. At the behest of Maulana Bhashani, in 1955 the word ‘Muslim’ was dropped in the interests of a non-communal political ideology. After playing a vital role in struggle for independence, the manner in which Awami League has stood against the aspirations and the interests of the people over the past one and a half decades is not just unfortunate but calls for justice.

However, the question is, how to deal with a party as large as Awami League, which has a large support base too? How to bring about their reforms, how to effectively place them on trial and ensure justice is carried out?

If we leave out the controversial elections from 2014 to 2024 and analyse the fair and credible elections, we will see that in 1991 Awami League secured 30.8 per cent of the votes. In 1996 (June) it secured 37.44 per cent of the votes and in 2001 it won 40.13 per cent. In 2008, if we analyse the party’s votes, not as an alliance, it clinched 48.4 per cent.

It is difficult to discern how far Awami League’s public support has waned due to the fact that fair elections haven’t been held over the past 15 years, the July killings and Sheikh Hasina fleeing in the face of the mass uprising. But the behaviour and words of Awami League’s leaders and activists indicate no sign of remorse. So the predicament of millions is involved in the event that Awami League is banned. So any decision in this regard must not be taken with rashness, but with much discussion and deliberation.

In the prevailing circumstances we can think of a number of possible alternative scenarios. The first scenario would be about banning Awami League. This decision can be implemented in a short time. This can be brought about in one of any three processes – a court order, a referendum or an executive order. If an appeal is placed in court for this ban, then it must be proven whether Awami League was involved in the massacre or not, whether there was any decision at a party meeting in this regard and whether the party chief was involved. The line between the government and the party must also been taken into account.

The third scenario would be just to leave things as they are, with no banning of Awami League and with no effective trial or reforms. That is an unacceptable proposal. If Awami League returns, there will be an increase of revengeful violence in the country
If a referendum is held, the people’s decision will be known. However, it must be kept in mind that there is a big difference between an election and a referendum. If the mandate goes against banning Awami League, not only must this been accepted, but this may have a negative impact on the trial for the July killings.

If the people give their verdict in favour of banning Awami League and even if 20/30 per cent of the votes go against this motion, that too is a considerable chunk of the population. That would constitute a few million supports, 90 per cent of whom presumably were not directly involved in the crimes against humanity. This banning may criminalise them, but that may backfire.

The second scenario would be to ensure the trial of those involved in the indiscriminate killings of July and August as well as those involved in crimes against humanity over the past 15 years, but to give Awami League a chance to reform as a party. In that case, a high-powered, professional and international standard truth investigation committee can be formed and a draft list be prepared of Awami League leaders and activists, including Hasina, who were involved in crimes against humanity.

If there is justified basis to the allegations of the accused persons’ involvement in crimes against humanity, through the trial process they can be banned from taking part in politics and the election. But a legal process must be ensured so that this is not on conflict with the principle of justice – ‘innocent until proven guilty’.

Awami League can be given the chance to become active in politics again if they expel the involved persons from the party and if the party’s constitution takes a firm stand against these killings and the killers. The party can place Sheikh Hasina and her close collaborators on trial and ban them from politics and the party. The leaders and activists with comparatively less criminal involvement can seek pardon and resume party activities after going through a compulsory correctional process.

The third scenario would be just to leave things as they are, with no banning of Awami League and with no effective trial or reforms. That is an unacceptable proposal. If Awami League returns, there will be an increase of revengeful violence in the country. Also, banning the party as in the first scenario, with no long-term process, there is little likelihood of this being effective, as seen in past history.

In December 1971, five parties including Jamaat-e-Islami were banned. Later, in accordance to the constitution of 1972, all religion-based parties were banned. But Jamiyate Ulema-e-Islam was allowed to resume its programmes. After this ban, no long-term measures, no cultural-social-political initiative was taken. The leaders and the activists of the banned parties joined JSD, NAP and even Awami League. In recent times, on 31 July this year, Awami League cancelled Jamaat-e-Islami's registration. But the party has now clearly returned in an even bigger form.

The process of banning of political parties does not involve just crimes, but it involves political, social and cultural matters too. Awami League's biggest strength lies in its cultural capital. Many big names and influencers in the country's literary and cultural field are Awami League's strength. So there is very little possibility of an effective ban of the party unless there is a long-term cultural and political drive. It will be difficult to reach the aspired goal with a short-term bank on Awami League.

  • Dr Saimum Parvez is a teacher of political communications at Germany's DW Academy and Bonn Rhein-Sieg University
  • This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir
 
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Govt will move soon to ban Awami League
Says Asif Mahmud

1738971426485.webp

Photo: BSS

The interim government will soon take steps to ban the Awami League as a political party, Local Government, Rural Development, and Cooperatives Adviser Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain said yesterday.

"First of all, it is very positive that political parties have reached a 'consensus' on banning the Awami League," he stated in an interview with BSS, marking six months of the interim government.

Asif Mahmud, who also serves as the adviser to the Ministry of Youth and Sports, said the people of the country rejected the undemocratic and monopolistic rule of the Awami League. "This is why political parties are now reaching a consensus on banning the party," he added.

He emphasised that the consensus among political parties would make it easier for the government to implement such a decision.

When asked whether the government was taking immediate steps to ban the Awami League, Asif Mahmud responded, "We -- the common people and political parties -- represent the people of this country. Prioritising their aspirations and demands should be our main goal."

"From that perspective, I would like to applaud the BNP for raising the demand to ban the Awami League," he added.

Apart from the judicial process, he noted that the government has four laws under which it can take action against any party through an executive order. However, he clarified that the government had yet to decide on the specific legal framework it would follow in this matter.

The adviser said the Awami League's involvement in the July-August massacre must be proven through the judicial process. Once established, this would allow the government to take necessary actions, including banning the party as a political entity and revoking its registration.

However, he reaffirmed that the government would follow due legal procedures in any move to ban the party.

"I want to assure everyone that the government will take immediate steps in this regard to reflect the aspirations of the people," he said, without specifying a timeframe.

Regarding the formation of a new political party by students who led the July mass uprising, Asif Mahmud said the idea arose out of necessity.

"We have seen in the past that the gains of mass movements were often lost because their organisers could not play a role in subsequent state affairs," he said, referring to the movement against the autocratic regime of General Hussain Muhammad Ershad in 1990.

Considering these factors, he explained, the idea of forming a new political party led by the leaders of the July uprising had gained traction.​
 
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Protesters demand ban on AL in Narayanganj

1739055559244.webp

Photo: Collected

Leaders of the Students Against Discrimination and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee demonstrated in Narayanganj city today, demanding a ban on the Awami League.

They also accused the party of committing mass killings during the July uprising and demanded justice.

They also said the party is behind the attack on students in Gazipur last night.

The protest rally was held at the Narayanganj Central Shaheed Minar, followed by a procession through the city.

Jatiya Nagorik Committee's joint member secretary Abdullah Al Amin expressed solidarity with the protest organised by the students' Narayanganj district committee. The event was presided over by Nirab Raihan, convener of the district committee of Students Against Discrimination.

Addressing the rally, the speakers said, "We have been witnessing the provocative activities of ousted Sheikh Hasina and her allies. This will not end well. We have not taken any organisational steps yet. The general public is expressing their anger. We have urged everyone to remain calm. But if we are provoked, attempts are made to put us in danger, if our brothers and sisters are attacked, the students and the public will not remain silent."

They warned the administration, saying, "Fascist brokerage will no longer be tolerated. If necessary, the students and people will resist you as well. We do not want instability, but if the authorities put students and citizens at risk and remain indifferent, the students will not sit idle."

Demanding a ban on the Awami League, student and citizen leaders said, "The attacks on general students and people are continuing. And we can't take any legal steps as AL isn't banned yet. This is leading to a deterioration in law and order. Awami League must be brought to justice."​
 
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‘Coffin procession’ demands ban on AL

1739407636235.webp

Photo: Star

The leaders of Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and Jatiya Nagorik Committee last night demanded that the interim government impose a ban on Awami League.

They made the call while attending the namaz-e-janaza of Abul Kashem at Central Shaheed Minar.

Kashem died at Dhaka Medical College Hospital around 3:00pm yesterday, following an attack on students and protesters in Gazipur on February 7.

"Even six months after the July uprising, revolutionaries of the movement are being killed at the hands of Awami League. It's a collective failure of anti-fascist political parties and forces," said Hasnat Abdullah, convener of the movement.

"With Kashem's body before us, we take an oath to ban Awami League," he added.

Addressing the interim government, he said, "How much more time will you take to ban Awami League? Ban Awami League through legal procedures within the shortest possible time."

Akhter Hossain, member secretary of Jatiya Nagorik Committee, said a UN report explicitly states crimes against humanity were committed on the streets in July under the orders of "killer Hasina".

"Awami League, which committed a genocide, has no right to do politics in Bangladesh," said Akhter.

Following the namaz-e-janaza, a coffin procession with the demand to ban AL was brought out from Shaheed Minar that ended near Shahbagh intersection.​
 
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Chhatra League banned
Citing section of anti-terror act, govt issues gazette that takes effect immediately

View attachment 9987

The interim government last night banned Bangladesh Chhatra League amid demands from the student movement against discrimination.

The home ministry issued a gazette notification with immediate effect, stating that the government invoked the Anti-Terrorism Act-2009 to ban BCL, a 76-year-old pro-Awami League student organisation.

The move comes a day after the students issued an ultimatum to the government, saying that they will take to the streets unless the BCL was banned within this week.

Several hundred students demonstrating in front of the Dhaka University vice chancellor's office cheered as the news of the ban came.

The AL, BCL and a leftist party leader condemned the move.

Abdul Kader, a coordinator of the student movement, announced near the TSC that students would march and distribute sweetmeat on university campuses across the country in celebration at 3:00pm today.

According to the gazette, the government made the decision as per section 18 (1) of the Anti-Terrorism Act-2009 and listed the BCL as a banned entity.

The section reads: "For the purposes of this act, the government, on reasonable grounds that a person or an entity is involved in terrorist activities, may, by order, enlist the person in the schedule or proscribe the entity and enlist it in the schedule."

There is evidence that the BCL has been involved in different conspiratorial, subversive and terrorist activities against the state since the fall of the AL government on August 5, reads the notification.

It adds that the BCL, a "brotherly" organisation of AL, was involved in activities that go against public security; the crimes include murder, torture, and oppression of students at dorm rooms informally known as "gono rooms". A large number of students stay in cramped conditions in such rooms.

The BCL took money for dormitory rooms, manipulated tender, raped and sexually harassed women, and committed other crimes after the country's independence, particularly in the last 15 years of the AL's autocratic regime, it adds.

Information and evidence of these crimes were widely covered by the media. Involvement of some BCL leaders and activists in criminal activities were proved at courts too, it says.

During the student movement in July this year, BCL leaders indiscriminately attacked protesting students and the general public, killing hundreds and endangering the lives of many others, the notification adds.

"Bangladesh and Dhaka University are now free from stigma. We would like to thank the interim government," said Nusrat Tabassum, a coordinator of the student movement, at Raju Sculpture of the university.

Last night, Mujahidul Islam Selim, former president of Communist Party of Bangladesh, said the BCL men who committed crimes should have been identified and brought to justice instead of the ban on the organisation.

"Will banning Chhatra League bring any good? No. These people will start getting public sympathy even though they were hated by people for their terrorist activities," he told The Daily Star.

Ensuring the rights of all the students would have been more effective, he said.

History says an organisation cannot be abolished in this way because a legal ban is an expression of weakness, he said.

Founded in January 1948, Chhatra League played significant roles in the country's Liberation War, the Language Movement in 1952, Six-Point Movement in 1966, mass uprising in 1969, the AL's election victory in 1970, and the ouster of HM Ershad in 1990.

Bahauddin Nasim, joint general secretary of the AL, condemned the interim government, saying that the ban on BCL is an attack on the spirit of Liberation war and the constitution.

"This government is illegal. It has no constitutional foundation. How can it ban an organisation like Chhatra League that played a vital role in the Liberation War and all other democratic movements before and after the country's independence? Chhatra League is an organisation of this land and will continue to be so in the days to come," he said.

Notwithstanding its glorious past, the BCL started to draw widespread condemnation for its activists and leaders' activities after the AL came to power in January 2009.

In April that year, Sheikh Hasina, who was the organisational leader of the BCL, resigned from the post, expressing disappointment about BCL's unruly activities.

BCL leaders engaged in violence, mostly to make money through tender manipulation, extortion, and dominance over university campuses.

In 2012, BCL activists hacked a 24-year-old tailor named Biswajit Das to death. Other chilling crimes include the murders of Buet student Abrar Fahad in 2019, Jahangirnagar University student Zubair Ahmed in 2012, and Dhaka University student Abu Bakar Siddique in 2010.

BCL wrongdoings drew so much criticism that Sheikh Hasina removed its president and general secretary -- Rezwanul Haque Chowdhury Shovon and Golam Rabbani -- from their posts in 2019.

The organisation played repressive roles during the widespread protests for safer roads and reforms to quotas in government jobs in 2018.

Late last night, BCL President Saddam Hussain, and General Secretary Sheikh Wali Asif Enan issued a statement via WhatsApp, rejecting the ban and terming it illegal and unconstitutional.

The blood of BCL leaders and activists is in every inch of this country, it said, adding that the government should immediately step down.​

RIP AL. End of an era. Just like Mussolini's National Fascist Party or like Hitler's Nazi Party.

Good Bye and Good riddance.

Being a banned outfit, anytime an AL activist is caught or 'outed', they must be jailed (for participating in banned activities).
 
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Awami League and resolving the question of its ban
Saimum Parvez
Published: 26 Nov 2024, 14: 07

View attachment 11003

Leaders and activists of Awami League and its affiliated bodies attack the student-people’s movement. Murtafa Bin Omar, vice president of Turag thana Chhatra League, brandishes a firearm. At Azampur in Uttara of the capital city Dhaka. 4 August Prothom Alo

In July and the first half of August this year, Bangladesh saw the most brutal killings, political violence, terror attacks and riots since the independence of the country. It was like a gory video game where people’s lives held no value. The body of a young man was hurled off an armed car, a youth lay inert in the floor of a rickshaw in a vain struggle against death, a child was killed from bullets raining down from a helicopter…

Here is little likelihood that this killing and wounding of thousands could have taken place without strong and direct orders from the head of the ruling party at the time, Sheikh Hasina, and other top persons of the government. That is why it is imperative that Sheikh Hasina, her government and the political party Awami League, be placed on trial. Any discrepancies in this process or indiscriminate filing of cases would simply serve to trivialise the matter.

There prevails a debate on the future of post-Hasina Bangladesh. It was on 23 June 1949 that East Pakistan Awami Muslim League was born. At the behest of Maulana Bhashani, in 1955 the word ‘Muslim’ was dropped in the interests of a non-communal political ideology. After playing a vital role in struggle for independence, the manner in which Awami League has stood against the aspirations and the interests of the people over the past one and a half decades is not just unfortunate but calls for justice.

However, the question is, how to deal with a party as large as Awami League, which has a large support base too? How to bring about their reforms, how to effectively place them on trial and ensure justice is carried out?

If we leave out the controversial elections from 2014 to 2024 and analyse the fair and credible elections, we will see that in 1991 Awami League secured 30.8 per cent of the votes. In 1996 (June) it secured 37.44 per cent of the votes and in 2001 it won 40.13 per cent. In 2008, if we analyse the party’s votes, not as an alliance, it clinched 48.4 per cent.

It is difficult to discern how far Awami League’s public support has waned due to the fact that fair elections haven’t been held over the past 15 years, the July killings and Sheikh Hasina fleeing in the face of the mass uprising. But the behaviour and words of Awami League’s leaders and activists indicate no sign of remorse. So the predicament of millions is involved in the event that Awami League is banned. So any decision in this regard must not be taken with rashness, but with much discussion and deliberation.

In the prevailing circumstances we can think of a number of possible alternative scenarios. The first scenario would be about banning Awami League. This decision can be implemented in a short time. This can be brought about in one of any three processes – a court order, a referendum or an executive order. If an appeal is placed in court for this ban, then it must be proven whether Awami League was involved in the massacre or not, whether there was any decision at a party meeting in this regard and whether the party chief was involved. The line between the government and the party must also been taken into account.

The third scenario would be just to leave things as they are, with no banning of Awami League and with no effective trial or reforms. That is an unacceptable proposal. If Awami League returns, there will be an increase of revengeful violence in the country
If a referendum is held, the people’s decision will be known. However, it must be kept in mind that there is a big difference between an election and a referendum. If the mandate goes against banning Awami League, not only must this been accepted, but this may have a negative impact on the trial for the July killings.

If the people give their verdict in favour of banning Awami League and even if 20/30 per cent of the votes go against this motion, that too is a considerable chunk of the population. That would constitute a few million supports, 90 per cent of whom presumably were not directly involved in the crimes against humanity. This banning may criminalise them, but that may backfire.

The second scenario would be to ensure the trial of those involved in the indiscriminate killings of July and August as well as those involved in crimes against humanity over the past 15 years, but to give Awami League a chance to reform as a party. In that case, a high-powered, professional and international standard truth investigation committee can be formed and a draft list be prepared of Awami League leaders and activists, including Hasina, who were involved in crimes against humanity.

If there is justified basis to the allegations of the accused persons’ involvement in crimes against humanity, through the trial process they can be banned from taking part in politics and the election. But a legal process must be ensured so that this is not on conflict with the principle of justice – ‘innocent until proven guilty’.

Awami League can be given the chance to become active in politics again if they expel the involved persons from the party and if the party’s constitution takes a firm stand against these killings and the killers. The party can place Sheikh Hasina and her close collaborators on trial and ban them from politics and the party. The leaders and activists with comparatively less criminal involvement can seek pardon and resume party activities after going through a compulsory correctional process.

The third scenario would be just to leave things as they are, with no banning of Awami League and with no effective trial or reforms. That is an unacceptable proposal. If Awami League returns, there will be an increase of revengeful violence in the country. Also, banning the party as in the first scenario, with no long-term process, there is little likelihood of this being effective, as seen in past history.

In December 1971, five parties including Jamaat-e-Islami were banned. Later, in accordance to the constitution of 1972, all religion-based parties were banned. But Jamiyate Ulema-e-Islam was allowed to resume its programmes. After this ban, no long-term measures, no cultural-social-political initiative was taken. The leaders and the activists of the banned parties joined JSD, NAP and even Awami League. In recent times, on 31 July this year, Awami League cancelled Jamaat-e-Islami's registration. But the party has now clearly returned in an even bigger form.

The process of banning of political parties does not involve just crimes, but it involves political, social and cultural matters too. Awami League's biggest strength lies in its cultural capital. Many big names and influencers in the country's literary and cultural field are Awami League's strength. So there is very little possibility of an effective ban of the party unless there is a long-term cultural and political drive. It will be difficult to reach the aspired goal with a short-term bank on Awami League.

  • Dr Saimum Parvez is a teacher of political communications at Germany's DW Academy and Bonn Rhein-Sieg University
  • This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir

Well the news outlet Prothom Alo is always a diehard Awami League supporter - and continues to be so. Being that there is no Media ban nowadays and dissent is allowed, they can keep harping on and whitewashing AL crimes (like here, with all the hand-wringing and whining, casting doubts on the legality of banning AL), but people will keep rejecting dailies like Prothom Alo and Daily Star, letting them die a natural death.
 
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