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Date of Event:
Aug 18, 2025
Prime Minister’s absolute power to see some curbs
Riadul Karim Dhaka
Published: 18 Aug 2025, 11: 00
National Consensus Commission's meeting with political parties Prothom Alo file photo
How much the Prime Minister’s absolute power will actually be reduced and how successful the reforms will be has become a matter of discussion, given the consensus and dissent recorded in the basic reform proposals during National Consensus Commission’s discussions with political party.
It is still unclear whether the BNP, which holds dissenting opinions on some major proposals, will be bound to implement them if they come to power. However, based on the extent of consensus reached, the Prime Minister’s power will only be slightly curtailed in the future.
The proposals to bring balance to state power mainly came from the Constitution Reform Commission. After reviewing the existing constitution, the commission stated in its report that the absence of an effective balance of power posed a serious threat to Bangladesh’s democratic system of governance.
The excessive concentration of power had turned the Prime Minister into an autocrat. One of the key purposes of constitutional reform was to prevent the rise of any form of fascist regime in the future and to ensure decentralisation and empowerment of state power and institutions.
To achieve these goals, the commission suggested reducing the Prime Minister’s absolute power and bringing a balance of power among various institutions. For this, it proposed changes in the system of appointments to constitutional institutions, giving the President independent authority in certain appointments, introducing a bicameral legislature, and barring the same individual from holding the office of Prime Minister for too long or simultaneously holding multiple posts.
However, on several such proposals, including the commission’s final decisions, the BNP and some other parties gave notes of dissent. Their dissent is also mentioned in the draft of the July National Charter. Sources indicate that a clear strategy has yet to be devised on how to implement decisions that include dissent.
Decisions on appointments to constitutional institutions
According to the existing constitution, all executive authority is vested in the Prime Minister. Except for appointing the Prime Minister and Chief Justice, the President must act on the Prime Minister’s advice.
To change this, one of the key proposals of the Constitution Reform Commission was to form a National Constitutional Council (NCC), consisting of representatives from the executive, legislature, and judiciary.
The NCC was proposed to make appointments to constitutional positions such as the Election Commission (EC), Public Service Commission (PSC), Attorney General, and chiefs of the three armed forces.
If implemented, the Prime Minister’s power over key constitutional appointments would have been greatly reduced. But since the BNP and some other parties opposed this proposal, the Consensus Commission ultimately dropped the idea of NCC and instead proposed the formation of appointment committees for constitutional and statutory institutions.
The BNP and some other parties strongly objected to this as well. The BNP argued that such committees would weaken the executive branch and undermine government’s authority. They preferred appointments made through legally defined procedures.
Later, the Consensus Commission proposed separate constitutional provisions for the formation of the EC, PSC, Ombudsman, Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG), and Anti-Corruption Commission. The proposal was that these institutions would be formed through selection committees composed of government, opposition, and, in some cases, judiciary representatives.
Consensus was reached regarding the EC, but the BNP, NDM, the 12-party alliance, and the Nationalist Like-minded Alliance dissented on adding provisions for the four institutions. This means there is no guarantee that the commission’s decisions on appointments to these bodies will be implemented if the BNP comes to power.
Prime Minister holding multiple positions
In Bangladesh’s parliamentary system, the same individual has so far simultaneously served as Prime Minister, Leader of the House, and head of the ruling party.
In other words, one person had absolute control over government, parliament, and party. The Reform Commission proposed that no person serving as Prime Minister could also be the head of a political party or Leader of the House.
In discussions with political parties, the Consensus Commission decided that one person could not simultaneously hold the positions of Prime Minister and party chief. However, the BNP and some other parties expressed dissent on this decision as well.
Some curbs on the Prime Minister’s power
Observers say the consensus-based reform proposals will reduce the Prime Minister’s power to some extent. For instance, in the case of forming the EC, a selection committee composed of government, opposition, and judiciary representatives will choose the Chief Election Commissioner and other commissioners, with the President formally appointing them.
In addition, the President will have the power to make direct appointments to the Human Rights Commission, Information Commission, Press Council, and Law Commission, reducing the Prime Minister’s authority in these cases. There was also consensus that no individual could serve as Prime Minister for more than 10 years in their lifetime.
Power of declaring state of emergency will also see some changes. Instead of requiring the Prime Minister’s countersignature, the declaration of a state of emergency will require cabinet approval. The Leader of the Opposition, or in their absence the Deputy Leader, must be present in the cabinet meeting related to declaring an emergency.
How much power is the President gaining?
The Constitution Reform Commission stated in its report that, to consolidate democracy, every institution of the executive branch must function effectively and complement each other. For this, a balanced relationship and functional empowerment between the Prime Minister and the President was essential.
During the dialogue with the political parties, the National Consensus Commission proposed giving the President more authority in various appointments. Specifically, it proposed giving the President direct authority over appointments in 12 institutions, including Chiefs of the Army, Navy, and Air Force; the heads of DGFI and NSI; the Attorney General; the Chairpersons and Members of the National Human Rights Commission, Information Commission, Press Council, and Law Commission; the Governor of Bangladesh Bank; the Chairperson and Members of the University Grants Commission (UGC); the Energy Regulatory Commission; and the Bangladesh Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (BTRC).
In the end, it was decided that the President could make direct appointments, without advice or recommendation, to the Human Rights Commission, Information Commission, Press Council, Law Commission, Bangladesh Bank Governor, and Energy Regulatory Commission. However, six parties and alliances, including the BNP, objected to giving the President direct authority over appointments to the Bangladesh Bank Governor and Energy Regulatory Commission.
Mahmudur Rahman Manna, President of Nagorik Oikya, told Prothom Alo that with the consensus reached, the Prime Minister’s powers will indeed be reduced somewhat. Perhaps there should have been consensus on a few more issues.
He said it remains to be seen what happens in coming days as more discussions are ahead. But the consensus on a 10-year term limit for the Prime Minister, amending Article 70, and having opposition MPs Chair some important parliamentary committees are significant.
Accountability in parliament
To balance power, a bicameral parliament and elections to the upper house based on proportional representation (PR) were proposed. The BNP, however, dissented. According to the commission’s decision, a party’s share of seats in the upper house would be based on its nationwide vote share, ensuring no single-party majority and creating balance. The BNP, however, argued for seat distribution in the upper house based on the number of seats won in the lower house, not vote share.
Beyond this, there was consensus on amending Article 70 and allowing opposition MPs to chair some key committees, including four important parliamentary committees. Under the agreed reforms, MPs will be able to vote freely in parliament on all issues except money bills and confidence votes.
Additionally, the chairs of the Public Accounts Committee, Estimates Committee, Privileges Committee, and Public Undertakings Committee, as well as standing committees related to ministries of public importance, will be chosen from the opposition proportionally to their representation in parliament. The Consensus Commission hopes these committees will help ensure the Prime Minister’s accountability.
Professor Ali Riaz, Vice Chairman of the National Consensus Commission, told Prothom Alo that the Prime Minister’s powers have been somewhat curtailed within the constitution. A term limit has been set. Some important parliamentary committees, including four special ones, will be chaired by the opposition. Also, the Prime Minister will no longer have unchecked power in forming the EC.
A lot of progress has been made, he said.
Riadul Karim Dhaka
Published: 18 Aug 2025, 11: 00
National Consensus Commission's meeting with political parties Prothom Alo file photo
How much the Prime Minister’s absolute power will actually be reduced and how successful the reforms will be has become a matter of discussion, given the consensus and dissent recorded in the basic reform proposals during National Consensus Commission’s discussions with political party.
It is still unclear whether the BNP, which holds dissenting opinions on some major proposals, will be bound to implement them if they come to power. However, based on the extent of consensus reached, the Prime Minister’s power will only be slightly curtailed in the future.
The proposals to bring balance to state power mainly came from the Constitution Reform Commission. After reviewing the existing constitution, the commission stated in its report that the absence of an effective balance of power posed a serious threat to Bangladesh’s democratic system of governance.
The excessive concentration of power had turned the Prime Minister into an autocrat. One of the key purposes of constitutional reform was to prevent the rise of any form of fascist regime in the future and to ensure decentralisation and empowerment of state power and institutions.
To achieve these goals, the commission suggested reducing the Prime Minister’s absolute power and bringing a balance of power among various institutions. For this, it proposed changes in the system of appointments to constitutional institutions, giving the President independent authority in certain appointments, introducing a bicameral legislature, and barring the same individual from holding the office of Prime Minister for too long or simultaneously holding multiple posts.
However, on several such proposals, including the commission’s final decisions, the BNP and some other parties gave notes of dissent. Their dissent is also mentioned in the draft of the July National Charter. Sources indicate that a clear strategy has yet to be devised on how to implement decisions that include dissent.
Decisions on appointments to constitutional institutions
According to the existing constitution, all executive authority is vested in the Prime Minister. Except for appointing the Prime Minister and Chief Justice, the President must act on the Prime Minister’s advice.
To change this, one of the key proposals of the Constitution Reform Commission was to form a National Constitutional Council (NCC), consisting of representatives from the executive, legislature, and judiciary.
The NCC was proposed to make appointments to constitutional positions such as the Election Commission (EC), Public Service Commission (PSC), Attorney General, and chiefs of the three armed forces.
If implemented, the Prime Minister’s power over key constitutional appointments would have been greatly reduced. But since the BNP and some other parties opposed this proposal, the Consensus Commission ultimately dropped the idea of NCC and instead proposed the formation of appointment committees for constitutional and statutory institutions.
The BNP and some other parties strongly objected to this as well. The BNP argued that such committees would weaken the executive branch and undermine government’s authority. They preferred appointments made through legally defined procedures.
Later, the Consensus Commission proposed separate constitutional provisions for the formation of the EC, PSC, Ombudsman, Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG), and Anti-Corruption Commission. The proposal was that these institutions would be formed through selection committees composed of government, opposition, and, in some cases, judiciary representatives.
Consensus was reached regarding the EC, but the BNP, NDM, the 12-party alliance, and the Nationalist Like-minded Alliance dissented on adding provisions for the four institutions. This means there is no guarantee that the commission’s decisions on appointments to these bodies will be implemented if the BNP comes to power.
Prime Minister holding multiple positions
In Bangladesh’s parliamentary system, the same individual has so far simultaneously served as Prime Minister, Leader of the House, and head of the ruling party.
In other words, one person had absolute control over government, parliament, and party. The Reform Commission proposed that no person serving as Prime Minister could also be the head of a political party or Leader of the House.
In discussions with political parties, the Consensus Commission decided that one person could not simultaneously hold the positions of Prime Minister and party chief. However, the BNP and some other parties expressed dissent on this decision as well.
Some curbs on the Prime Minister’s power
Observers say the consensus-based reform proposals will reduce the Prime Minister’s power to some extent. For instance, in the case of forming the EC, a selection committee composed of government, opposition, and judiciary representatives will choose the Chief Election Commissioner and other commissioners, with the President formally appointing them.
In addition, the President will have the power to make direct appointments to the Human Rights Commission, Information Commission, Press Council, and Law Commission, reducing the Prime Minister’s authority in these cases. There was also consensus that no individual could serve as Prime Minister for more than 10 years in their lifetime.
Power of declaring state of emergency will also see some changes. Instead of requiring the Prime Minister’s countersignature, the declaration of a state of emergency will require cabinet approval. The Leader of the Opposition, or in their absence the Deputy Leader, must be present in the cabinet meeting related to declaring an emergency.
How much power is the President gaining?
The Constitution Reform Commission stated in its report that, to consolidate democracy, every institution of the executive branch must function effectively and complement each other. For this, a balanced relationship and functional empowerment between the Prime Minister and the President was essential.
During the dialogue with the political parties, the National Consensus Commission proposed giving the President more authority in various appointments. Specifically, it proposed giving the President direct authority over appointments in 12 institutions, including Chiefs of the Army, Navy, and Air Force; the heads of DGFI and NSI; the Attorney General; the Chairpersons and Members of the National Human Rights Commission, Information Commission, Press Council, and Law Commission; the Governor of Bangladesh Bank; the Chairperson and Members of the University Grants Commission (UGC); the Energy Regulatory Commission; and the Bangladesh Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (BTRC).
In the end, it was decided that the President could make direct appointments, without advice or recommendation, to the Human Rights Commission, Information Commission, Press Council, Law Commission, Bangladesh Bank Governor, and Energy Regulatory Commission. However, six parties and alliances, including the BNP, objected to giving the President direct authority over appointments to the Bangladesh Bank Governor and Energy Regulatory Commission.
Mahmudur Rahman Manna, President of Nagorik Oikya, told Prothom Alo that with the consensus reached, the Prime Minister’s powers will indeed be reduced somewhat. Perhaps there should have been consensus on a few more issues.
He said it remains to be seen what happens in coming days as more discussions are ahead. But the consensus on a 10-year term limit for the Prime Minister, amending Article 70, and having opposition MPs Chair some important parliamentary committees are significant.
Accountability in parliament
To balance power, a bicameral parliament and elections to the upper house based on proportional representation (PR) were proposed. The BNP, however, dissented. According to the commission’s decision, a party’s share of seats in the upper house would be based on its nationwide vote share, ensuring no single-party majority and creating balance. The BNP, however, argued for seat distribution in the upper house based on the number of seats won in the lower house, not vote share.
Beyond this, there was consensus on amending Article 70 and allowing opposition MPs to chair some key committees, including four important parliamentary committees. Under the agreed reforms, MPs will be able to vote freely in parliament on all issues except money bills and confidence votes.
Additionally, the chairs of the Public Accounts Committee, Estimates Committee, Privileges Committee, and Public Undertakings Committee, as well as standing committees related to ministries of public importance, will be chosen from the opposition proportionally to their representation in parliament. The Consensus Commission hopes these committees will help ensure the Prime Minister’s accountability.
Professor Ali Riaz, Vice Chairman of the National Consensus Commission, told Prothom Alo that the Prime Minister’s powers have been somewhat curtailed within the constitution. A term limit has been set. Some important parliamentary committees, including four special ones, will be chaired by the opposition. Also, the Prime Minister will no longer have unchecked power in forming the EC.
A lot of progress has been made, he said.
