[🇧🇩] Corruption Watch

[Saif]

Mega corruption in megaprojects

The system that allowed this must be fixed

www.thedailystar.net

Mega corruption in megaprojects
The system that allowed this must be fixed

Despite corruption being prevalent under the previous regime, the extent of it in regards to eight mega projects is shocking. According to a report by a government-formed task force, the costs of these projects—Padma Bridge, Padma Bridge Rail Link, Jamuna Railway Bridge, Dhaka-Mawa Expressway, Bangabandhu Tunnel, Dhaka Metro Rail Line-6, Terminal 3 of Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport, and BRT Line-3—rose by a staggering 68 percent, or $7.52 billion, from the initial estimates. Initially, the total estimated cost of these projects was $11.2 billion, but it eventually surged to $18.64 billion, primarily due to poor and faulty feasibility studies, corruption, and delays in project initiation.

The task force has also identified several other factors contributing to cost overruns, including delays in land acquisition, a prolonged and corrupt land valuation process, misuse of acquired land, and conflicts with other projects. Consequently, while these mega projects have been completed, their success has come at a hefty price—both in terms of time and resources—leading to substantial resource wastage. The report found that such megaprojects are often formulated through a top-down approach, heavily influenced by political and external factors. Project ideas are typically conceived by ministers, influential politicians, ministries, secretaries, and donors before being presented to the prime minister for approval. Once approved, the project is handed over to the relevant ministry for feasibility studies and proposal preparation, with instructions for swift implementation. However, these projects often do not align with the relevant department's master plan or priorities. Moreover, feasibility studies are frequently treated as a mere formality, with a tendency to exaggerate project benefits and underestimate costs. Land acquisition, which typically begins during the project implementation phase, is also plagued by corruption, inefficiencies, and delays in valuation and compensation assessment.

It has been found that foreign government-funded projects often incur high construction costs due to direct procurement methods and non-competitive bidding practices. For instance, India's lines of credit, intended to support Bangladesh's development, come with stringent conditions—one being that 75 percent of project content must be sourced from India. This restriction limits Bangladesh's procurement flexibility, often resulting in inflated costs and compromised quality.

In addition to these megaprojects, the Awami League government undertook numerous other projects during its tenure, many of which underwent frequent revisions, leading to delays and cost escalations. Ultimately, it is the people of Bangladesh who bear the burden of such massive corruption and inefficiency.

Moving forward, ensuring transparency and accountability in all development projects is crucial. The task force committee has made two key recommendations. First, the Planning Commission should have the authority to appraise, approve, coordinate, and oversee all public projects. Second, all four modes of transport should be brought under a single ministry, potentially the transport ministry. The government should seriously consider these proposals and implement systemic reforms to ensure that public projects genuinely serve the public interest.​

 

[Saif]

300 lockers of BB officials to be opened

A Dhaka court yesterday granted permission to the Anti-Corruption Commission to open lockers of over 300 incumbent and former officials of Bangladesh Bank.

www.thedailystar.net

300 lockers of BB officials to be opened
ACC gets court approval

Illustration: Freepik

A Dhaka court yesterday granted permission to the Anti-Corruption Commission to open lockers of over 300 incumbent and former officials of Bangladesh Bank.

"The lockers will be opened in the presence of a judicial magistrate. If there are undisclosed assets in those lockers, legal action will be taken against them," ACC Public Prosecutor Mahmud Hossain Jahangir told The Daily Star.

Judge Md Zakir Hossain of Dhaka Metropolitan Senior Special Judge's Court passed the order after ACC Director Kazi Saemuzzaman, who is leading the inquiry team, submitted an application in this regard.

Jahangir moved the application on behalf of the anti-graft body.

In the application, the ACC official said on January 26 they opened a locker of former deputy governor SK Sur Chowdhury kept at the central bank and found €55,000, $169,300, 1 kg of gold, and Tk 70 lakh in Fixed Deposit Receipt (FDR) in the sealed box.

It was also discovered that other Bangladesh Bank officials have sealed safe deposit boxes in the vault, raising suspicions that these may contain undisclosed assets as well.

The ACC is currently investigating multiple allegations, including money laundering, against various central bank officials.

Earlier in the day, the ACC requested BB Governor Ahsan H Mansur to temporarily freeze all the lockers inside the security vaults belonging to the central bank officials, Saemuzzaman said.

He said BB officials are permitted to maintain personal lockers at the central bank for keeping their valuables.​

 

[Saif]

Former BSEC chairman Shibli Rubayat arrested

Police yesterday arrested Prof Shibli Rubayat-Ul Islam, the former chairman of the Bangladesh Securities and Exchange Commission (BSEC).

www.thedailystar.net

Former BSEC chairman Shibli Rubayat arrested
Police arrested him from Dhanmondi in connection with a case filed by the ACC

Police yesterday arrested Prof Shibli Rubayat-Ul Islam, the former chairman of the Bangladesh Securities and Exchange Commission (BSEC).

He was arrested around 10:30 from Dhanmondi in connection with a case filed by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), said Rezaul Karim Mallick, additional commissioner of the Detective Branch of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police, while speaking to The Daily Star.

Shibli, a faculty member of Dhaka University, resigned from his position on August 10 last year, just five days after the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government in a mass uprising.

He was initially appointed as the chairman of the BSEC in 2020 and was reappointed for a four-year term in May last year.

This latest development follows the government's decision last week to cancel the passports of nine individuals, including Shibli Rubayat-Ul Islam.

In early September last year, the ACC launched a formal inquiry into allegations of corruption against Shibli, accusing Shibli and eight former and present BSEC officials of amassing approximately Tk 1,000 crore worth of wealth through the abuse of power.​

 

[Saif]

ACC reform report: Questions and commendations

Among the many initiatives undertaken by the interim government, the Anti-Corruption Commission report was one of the most anticipated and awaited. Given the extent of corruption during the rule of the past government and the abject failure of the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), this had...

en.prothomalo.com

ACC reform report: Questions and commendations
Nurul Huda Sakib
Published: 06 Feb 2025, 16: 46

Among the many initiatives undertaken by the interim government, the Anti-Corruption Commission report was one of the most anticipated and awaited. Given the extent of corruption during the rule of the past government and the abject failure of the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), this had become an essential matter. There are allegations that the government had even taken it upon itself to protect the corruption persons. Accordingly, a reform commission was formed with Dr Iftekharuzzaman as the head and the commission had come up with around 47 reform proposals.

Some of the proposals focussed on preventing corruption within the state and some on corruption within ACC itself. Short-term, mid-term and long term plans were put forward for the implementation of the proposals. The reform report held many important implementable proposals, though a few proposals may not seem that easy to implement in the Bangladesh context.

Another area of concern in ACC is the propensity to hamper initiatives to address the risks of corruption and inefficiencies within ACC itself. The beneficiaries of the old system will invariably resist the new changes

Commendable proposals

The issue given most importance in this reform report was strengthening institutional independence. For example, the plans for the proposed reforms included a significant proposal to keep ACC free of political and administrative influence. It was recommended that appropriate policies be made and implemented to ensure that ACC can conduct its investigation and judicial procedures independently. It planned on enacting strong laws to ensure transparency by means of that a synthesis between the court and philosophical institutions. It laid stress of openly submitting regular reports and increasing public participation in government programmes in order to ensure transparency and accountability. It also recommended sharing of information in order to increase coordination between the National Board of Revenue (NBR) and other agencies. The proposals to set up district level offices, taskforces and high-powered inquiry teams to increase coordination, were truly commendable.

It also spoke of increasing institutional capacity by means of recruiting skilled workforce. The initiative to establish a training academy to increase efficiency of the workforce will certainly be a timely intervention. There was call for special training to use advanced technology to conduct investigations and cases. It is also significant that these proposals are congruent with the UN Convention against Corruption which will help Bangladesh in the future to work with Open Government Partnership (OGP). It will be a hugely significant step if Bangladesh can sign the Open Government Partnership, (the multilateral initiative aimed at securing commitments from national and sub-national governments to promote open government, combat corruption, and improve governance). When OGP is signed, the signatory countries are obliged to ensure full transparency in their various activities and this leads to structural changes in institutions, which held in the prevention of corruption. I feel that if the short and long term plans in the commission's recommendations can be implemented, this will usher in a new chapter of preventing corruption in Bangladesh.

Weaknesses in the report, complexities in implementation

When it comes to complexities, changes in the law may prove complicated. Sweeping changes in the law will be required to implement many of the proposed reforms. For example, amendment of Article 32 (A) of the constitution will certainly be met with opposition from the political and administrative front. Also, it takes a long time to create laws pertaining to establishing a new court, plea bargaining and such. It may not be possible to prepare and implement this out in just a five-year term. The plea bargaining and establishment of special court are likely to be met with resistance from the judiciary. The case jams and slow pace of trial processes may delay the reforms. The second problem is finance. A considerable budget will be required to establish a district-level office, create communication and use new technology.

It will also be difficult for the government or ACC to arrange the funds for performance bonus of the employees and other financial facilities. And coordination with NBR or CID will require extensive reforms of the relevant institutions. After all, it has been seen in certain instances that when corruption allegations are brought about against officials of these institution, the lack of coordination leads to complex tangles. In the past too it has been seen that these institutions are reluctant to share information with each other.

Another area of concern in ACC is the propensity to hamper initiatives to address the risks of corruption and inefficiencies within ACC itself. The beneficiaries of the old system will invariably resist the new changes. The ACC employees may development an anti-reform mindset. At the same time, the bureaucracy and political circles may also create resistance. After all, the large instances of corruption in Bangladesh are controlled mostly by the nexus of bureaucrats, businessmen and politicians. So it is a matter of consideration as to how far such radical changes will be possible in face of such powerful quarters.

What is the way out?

Bangladesh requires a specific roadmap to prevent corruption, just like the Jakarta Declaration or Jakarta Plan of Action which was adopted in 1998 at Asian Development Bank's anti-corruption forum in Jakarta, Indonesia. This declaration presented a roadmap to prevent corruption by means of 16 detailed steps. Several of these issues have been mentioned by the reform committee. But continuity is key for these measures.​

So, political consensus is essential for the reform of ACC and all anti-corruption reforms. No proposals can be implemented without political will. There the first task will be to make appointments on the basis of recommendations from qualified persons who are acceptable to all and then to speedily settle certain important cases. This may restore people's faith in ACC. After all, people's trust in ACC had plummeted and reached the nadir.

Also needed is a transparent recruitment process as well training of a certain smart officials who will speedily settle the important cases. Whenever ACC takes any visible action, social pressure is created on the people and that will serve to accelerate the process of implementing those measures. As a result, it will be possible to implement the issues mentioned in the report, one after the other. It will be possible in this manner to prevent corruption and reform the government system by means of political consensus and effective measures.

*Nurul Huda Sakib is a professor of the Department of Government and Politics at Jahangirnagar University.

*This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir

 

[Saif]

NCTB’s work orders to Indian company priced at a premium: ACC

The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) on Sunday carried out an operation at the National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) after receiving complaints of corruption and wrongdoing in giving out textbook printing work orders. During the operation, the ACC team found that in 2017, the lowest bid fr

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

NCTB’s work orders to Indian company priced at a premium: ACC
UNB
Published :
Feb 09, 2025 21:35
Updated :
Feb 09, 2025 21:36

The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) on Sunday carried out an operation at the National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) after receiving complaints of corruption and wrongdoing in giving out textbook printing work orders.

During the operation, the ACC team found that in 2017, the lowest bid from a South Korean company was unfairly rejected, and the contract was given to the second-lowest bidder, an Indian publishing company, at a higher price.

Aktarul Islam, the spokesperson of the anti-corruption watchdog organization, shared the information on Sunday.

The team took statements from the NCTB Chairman and Secretary about the allegations.

They also asked for all information about the tenders for printing books from 2011 to 2024, including the publishers that took part, how the tenders were evaluated, the work orders, and details about the consultants, paper purchases, and printing supervision for each year.

After reviewing the documents, the team will submit a full report to the commission, he added.​

 

[Saif]

ACC finds no locker of BB ex-governor Rouf Talukder, 24 others

Officials of the central bank of Bangladesh filed the complaints against the 25 former and current officials of the bank

en.prothomalo.com

ACC finds no locker of BB ex-governor Rouf Talukder, 24 others
Staff Correspondent
Dhaka
Published: 09 Feb 2025, 18: 27

Bangladesh Bank emblem Collected

The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) did not find any safe deposit lockers in the names of 25 officials including the former governor of Bangladesh Bank, Abdur Rouf Talukder, during a search operation on Sunday.

ACC director Kazi Sayemuzzaman informed this to the media after the raid.

He said, “There are no lockers in the names of 25 people at the Bangladesh Bank against whom we received complaints. Allegations are there against some more people. Later, the ACC will conduct raids based on orders from the court.”

Officials of the central bank of Bangladesh filed the complaints against the 25 former and current officials of the bank.

Kazi Sayemuzzaman said they could find 272 lockers as of now.

Earlier in the day, an eight-member team of the anti-graft watchdog started the raid at the Bangladesh Bank around 12:30 pm today, as the court granted an appeal in this regard.

Earlier on 26 January, ACC searched the locker of former deputy governor SK Sur and recovered assets worth about Tk 50 million from there.

Currently, those have been kept under the custody of the central bank.

The ACC officials found several more lockers in the names of the central bank officials during the raid.

The ACC conducted the raid suspecting that there could be lockers in the names of the people who are under the scanner of corruption investigation.

The ACC issued a letter to the central bank governor on 2 February requesting the authority so that none could open those lockers at the central bank’s Motijheel branch.

Since then, no one is being allowed to open the lockers.

Bangladesh Bank spokesperson Arif Hossain Khan told the media that the ACC went there with a list of names and searched the list of lockers under their name.

But no locker was found, he added.​

 

[Saif]

Can we rise back up from the abyss of corruption?

The recommendations of the Anti-Corruption Reform Commission must be implemented with a specific focus on the ACC’s true independence and accountability.

www.thedailystar.net

Can we rise back up from the abyss of corruption?

VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

The Transparency International released the annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2024 on February 11, 2025. Bangladesh has scored 23 out of 100, one point less than 2023, and has been ranked 151st, two steps lower than its rank in 2023. The 2024 score is Bangladesh's worst since 2012, which has given us three disappointing designations. We are placed among countries that are "losing control of corruption"; we are also among countries that having scored below 50 are considered to have a "serious corruption problem"; and scoring 20 points lower than the global average of 43 qualifies us as having a "very serious corruption problem." Bangladesh's score is 14th lowest among 180 countries or territories included in the index. It remains the second lowest in South Asia, after only Afghanistan, and fifth lowest in the Asia-Pacific region.

More specifically, our 2024 score is three points lower than 2012, 2021, 2020, 2019 and 2018, and five points lower than the highest score of 28 achieved in 2017. Bangladesh is the only South Asian country other than Sri Lanka that has lost points. Notably, both were under the worst form of authoritarianism ousted by people's power. Furthermore, Bangladesh's performance is nine points worse than the average for the 59 authoritarian regimes in the world. It is also six points lower than the average for the 33 countries with the lowest HDI, and six points lower than the 27 countries that were categorised in 2023 as having closed civil society space. Equally embarrassingly, our score is 10 points lower than the average for Sub-Saharan Africa that performs worst as per the regional comparative analysis of the index.

As on previous occasions, no country has scored 100 percent, and hence corruption remains a global problem. The CPI 2024 also reveals that most countries have made little or no progress in tackling public sector corruption since 2012. Compared to 2023, overall global scores have worsened. For 93 countries, the score has declined, compared to 63 in 2023. As many as 122 countries (67.77 percent) have scored below 50, and 101 countries (56.11 percent) below the global average of 43. This means that over 80 percent of the world's population live with a "very serious corruption problem."

Over a quarter of the countries or territories (47) got their lowest scores yet since 2012. Low-scoring countries like Bangladesh, Brazil, Cuba, Russia and Sri Lanka are joined in this club by high scorers like France, Germany, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Switzerland, and the United States. The rot at the top suggests a global trend of discrimination. However, 25 countries, including Bhutan, South Korea, Laos and Saudi Arabia, have scored their highest since 2012. For the seventh year in a row, Denmark has topped the list, having scored 90, followed by Finland (88) and Singapore (84).

Among Bangladesh's South Asian neighbours, Bhutan continues to be the best performer, having scored 72, which is four points higher than that in 2023, and nine points higher than that in 2012. In the rest of the region, scores remained well below the global average: India and Maldives (38), Nepal (34), Sri Lanka (32), Pakistan (27) and Afghanistan (17). All South Asian countries except Bhutan have scored less compared to 2023. However, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, formerly the two most authoritarian states in the region, have scored their lowest in 12 years since 2012, whereas all other South Asian countries have gained compared to 2012, except Pakistan, which remains unchanged. Among Bangladesh's non-South Asian neighbours, South Korea scored 64, Vietnam 40, Indonesia 37, Thailand 34, and Laos and Philippines 33.

This year's worst performers are South Sudan, at the bottom with a score of 8, followed by Somalia (9), Venezuela (10), Syria (12), Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya and Yemen (13), Nicaragua (14), North Korea and Sudan (15), Myanmar and Haiti (16), Afghanistan, Burundi and Turkmenistan (17), and Tajikistan (19).

The key message of CPI 2024 is that corruption is more than a developmental challenge. An outcome of unaccountable abuse of power, deepening corruption is a threat to democracy, stability, human rights, and justice. Though high-scoring countries appear to have lower levels of corruption, financial hubs in many of these countries operate as demand-side facilitators of money laundering that benefits such countries at the expense of lower scorers. The highest beneficiaries of Bangladesh's corruption in terms of money laundering are ironically among the top performers, like the third-ranked Singapore (84), fifth-ranked Switzerland (80), Australia 10th (77), Canada 15th (75), Hong Kong 17th (74), United Kingdom 20th (71), UAE 23rd (68), United States 28th (65), and Malaysia 57th (50).

Leading rich countries of North America and Europe are also seeing a decline in scores indicating a failure to implement anti-corruption commitments. This is particularly reflected in terms of delivering their global funding commitments to address climate change for the worst-affected countries. For the same reason, many of them are also facing domestic challenges at multiple levels, including climate crisis and erosion of rule of law and public services.

It is important that the anti-corruption drive is mainstreamed in national and international development policies across the world in order to control and prevent its devastating effects on development, democracy, human rights, and justice. The impacts of the failure to do so were experienced by Bangladesh over the 15 and a half years of authoritarian rule.

The data period for CPI 2024 witnessed the peak of kleptocracy-driven authoritarianism in the country. Instead of any meaningful action against corruption, political and governance systems were used to promote and protect corruption. Widespread public sector corruption further intensified particularly in public contracting and project implementation. No effective action was taken despite concrete, evidence-based exposures of high-level corruption and money laundering. State institutions mandated to control corruption, including the ACC, public administration, law enforcement and judicial institutions, continued to operate under partisan political influence, which was a key factor behind the poor performance.

Even after the fall of the authoritarian regime, evidence of the continued abuse of power and corrupt practices, including extortion and turf war for capture of corruption hotspots, persisted through the data period in both political and governance spaces. Risks also persisted in terms of freedom of dissent, free media and civic space, which may have been reflected in the CPI performance of Bangladesh.

The way out is no rocket science. The recommendations of the Anti-Corruption Reform Commission must be implemented with a specific focus on the ACC's true independence and accountability. Examples must be set of concrete success in holding to account high-level corrupt individuals and entities on a priority basis. State institutions must be depoliticised to ensure professional integrity and excellence, especially at the ACC, bureaucracy, law enforcement and judicial services.

Effective measures must be in place to salvage the crucial sectors of public interest from the clutches of policy capture, conflict of interest and partisan political and other influences. These areas include public procurement, banking, trade, power and energy, health, education, land, and infrastructure. The freedom of media, civil society, and people at large must be ensured for the unrestricted disclosure and criticism of corruption and those involved. Above all, our political and bureaucratic culture and practices must be transformed to be free from treating political and public positions as a licence to private gains.

Dr Iftekharuzzaman is executive director at Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB).​

 

[Saif]

Time-bound strategy needed to fight corruption

BANGLADESH has ranked the 151st, two steps lower than the 2023 rank, in the Corruption Perceptions Index 2024 that Transparency International released on February 11. The 2024 score is Bangladesh’s worst since 2012, which has identified the country with a ‘serious corruption problem’ where the...

www.newagebd.net

Time-bound strategy needed to fight corruption
12 February, 2025, 21:29

BANGLADESH has ranked the 151st, two steps lower than the 2023 rank, in the Corruption Perceptions Index 2024 that Transparency International released on February 11. The 2024 score is Bangladesh’s worst since 2012, which has identified the country with a ‘serious corruption problem’ where the government loses the ‘control of corruption’. It remains the second lowest in South Asia, after only Afghanistan, and the fifth lowest in the Asia-Pacific region. The findings do not come as a surprise, as the anti-corruption reforms commission and the white paper on the state of the Bangladesh economy have documented a similar corruption trend. In 2009–2023, illicit financial flows averaged $16 billion annually, more than double the combined value of net foreign aid and FDI inflows, while politically influenced lending practices have left the banking sector with Tk 675,030 distressed asset as of June 2024. The interim government should, therefore, immediately act on the recommendation of reforms commissions to arrest corruption trend.

The Transparency International Bangladesh executive director expresses concern about the continued abuse of power and corrupt practices in public sector governance in the changed political context. The concerns are not misplaced because a lot has been said about combatting corruption, but the interim government appears slow in taking decisive action. The finance adviser has talked about identifying wilful defaulters and bringing them to justice. The chief adviser has talked about effective steps to recover the money laundered, but the effort has so far been limited to seeking support from international bodies working against cross-border financial crimes. A number of organisation, including the Centre for Policy Dialogue and CFA Society, have urged the government to make the loan defaulters’ list public to enhance transparency and limit their access to state services. The central bank is, however, still shielding wilful loan defaulters and continues to conceal the names of habitual loan defaulters, citing legal barriers. In public agencies, bribery and other corruption practices remain persistent. Contrary to expectations, the performance of the Anti-Corruption Commission remains more or less the same after the fall of the Awami League regime.

Drawing from the findings and recommendations of a number of reforms commissions, the government should consider developing a time-bound national anti-corruption strategy, a road map for the depoliticisation of state institutions such as the Anti-Corruption Commission and bureaucracy, law enforcement agencies and the judiciary. It is high time that the government reviewed the laws and regulations that hinder the process of taking action against all involved in major financial crimes during the Awami League regime. The Anti-Corruption Commission should also be given the statutory power so that it can act more independently in the future.​

 

[Saif]

Bangladesh's corruption rank is unsurprising

The common people in Bangladesh cannot help feeling unease at the yearly 'sobriquet' of one of the top corrupt countries in the world that hangs around its neck like the Ancient Mariner's dead albatross, courtesy of the Berlin-based Transparent International (TI). Its Bangladesh chapter releases th

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Bangladesh's corruption rank is unsurprising
Nilratan Halder

Published :
Feb 13, 2025 23:44
Updated :
Feb 13, 2025 23:44

The common people in Bangladesh cannot help feeling unease at the yearly 'sobriquet' of one of the top corrupt countries in the world that hangs around its neck like the Ancient Mariner's dead albatross, courtesy of the Berlin-based Transparent International (TI). Its Bangladesh chapter releases the perceived extent of corruption in the public sector around this time each year. Lest there may be complaint of biasness against the country, data from eight international surveys, not from any national research organisations including the TIB, were taken into reckoning for preparation of the Bangladesh's corruption ranking.

Then, why should the majority of ordinary people feel slighted by the TI-generated Corruption Perception Index (CPI)? It is because they are not involved in corruption. Well, a vey minuscule portion of them may have to part with some speed money because of their unfamiliarity with the due procedures and the middlemen or agents or the clerks or petty officers in public offices, who do the job in their favour or serve them, compel them to pay the bribe money. They are almost taken a hostage and made to cough up the speed money for services to be rendered free of cost. From the legal point view, they may be a party to the crime but they are made malleable only under duress.

This is evidence enough that the majority of the people here are not corrupt and yet they have to put up with this demeaning branding of a nation as a whole. It is the so-called educated, the privileged, the influential and the powerful who turn the administrative system into a breeding ground of corruption. If the top political leadership and the bureaucracy could stay clean and set an example of integrity and professionalism and strictly enforce a regime of honesty and zero tolerance to irregularities and corruption in functioning of public services, this would have been the order of the day down the rank. A fish rots from the head.

There is nothing to be surprised at the score of 23 on a 0-100 scale with lowest score denoting the most corrupt and the highest score the least corrupt among the 188 countries put under the TI scanner. Even its lowest score of 23, one point lower than that of 2023 is hardly shocking because the level of corruption never registered a significant decrease since the country came under the TI coverage in 2001. It held the lowest position from the inaugural year until 2005. Over the past decade, its corruption ranking did not show any significant improvement with its scores hovering in between 24-26. Only in 2013 and 2017, did the score rise to 27 and 28 respectively. But this has ever remained much lower than the global average. For example, this year the country's score is far lower than the global average of 43. Although 122 countries have this dubious distinction, it is small consolation for Bangladesh. More so, because in the post-uprising six months, there seems to be no positive reflection of the interim government's rule.

What is particularly disgraceful is that the country has its corruption ranking just a notch above that of Afghanistan in the South Asian region. It is even mortifying that Bangladesh fares much worse in the prevalence of corruption compared to the average of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa. In all, 47 countries including Bangladesh registered their lowest scores in the past 13 years. But neighbouring Bhutan, a landlocked and resource-poor country, has improved its ranking by four points while its big neighbours including India have recorded a drop of their points with Sri Lanka dropping six.

However, Sri Lanka has demonstrated enough resilience to overcome its economic malaise and may be set on course of improving its corruption track records this year. Can Bangladesh do so? The reform commissions formed earlier have recommended ways out but without implementation some of the vital reforms, the country hardly stands any chance of reducing corruption and doing justice to the discrimination-free society envisaged by the architects of the July-August uprising.

The problem is with consumerism, an offshoot of free market economy, that stokes human avarice to limitless level. A Benazir, the ex-IGP and a Motiur, an official of the Anti-corruption Commission (ACC), are the examples of how people in responsible places stooped very low to accumulate wealth beyond one's means and outside of one's legitimate income. When a regime of exploiting the public money of this order is created under the patronage of the people in power, the entire system rots like the proverbial fish.

Such a development has its more pronounced adverse impacts on the lower strata of society. Wealth getting concentrated to a few hands because of the oligarchic and kleptocratic indulgence, the majority are deprived of their minimum requirements for living a decent human life. When social and economic orders are thus artificially controlled and distorted, a nation experiences its malgrowth.

In this connection, the TIB chief's observation that the countries ranked at the top echelon also encourages corruption in countries like Bangladesh by welcoming unclean funds laundered from those is to the point. True, the source country is mainly responsible but the clean ones become a party to the corruption not by default but by turning a blind eye to the crime. Shouldn't this international double standard also change? Vulnerable and resource-constraint countries have numerous problems and the countries with enviable home records on corruption tend to drain out money in a more subtle way than the colonial masters once employed. An international discourse on the issue is overdue.​

 

[Saif]

Bangladesh is still stuck in the vicious cycle of corruption

The latest global corruption index again paints a troubling picture

www.thedailystar.net

Bangladesh is still stuck in the vicious cycle of corruption
The latest global corruption index again paints a troubling picture

VISUAL: STAR

It comes as no surprise that Bangladesh has once again performed dismally in Transparency International's (TI) latest ranking. But that doesn't make it any less painful, or alarming, for the global anti-graft body's corruption index—based on perceptions though it may be—paints a real picture of governance failures with deleterious effects for citizens. According to the 2024 index released on Tuesday, Bangladesh ranks 151st among 180 countries or territories, scoring just 23 out of 100—its lowest in 13 years. Seen from the bottom, it ranks 14th, making it the second lowest in South Asia and the fifth lowest in the Asia-Pacific region. This confirms that corruption remains as pervasive as ever, underscoring both the failure of the ousted Awami League regime and the inability of the interim government to break the cycle.

As the executive director of TI Bangladesh has noted, the data period for CPI 2024 coincided with the peak of kleptocratic authoritarianism in Bangladesh, during which corruption was not just tolerated but actively promoted and protected through political and governance mechanisms. Public sector corruption, particularly in public contracting and project implementation, worsened as state institutions responsible for tackling graft—such as the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), law enforcement, and the judiciary—were politicised and rendered ineffective. Restrictions on free media, civic space, and dissent may have further contributed to Bangladesh's poor ranking.

Unfortunately, corruption has persisted even after the fall of the Awami League government midway through the CPI data period, with reports of continued extortion, abuse of power, and turf wars over lucrative corruption networks. Despite initial promises, the interim government has failed to take decisive action to dismantle these networks or reform the entrenched culture of corruption and mismanagement within the civil service. This is further underscored by a recent survey by the Public Administration Reform Commission that reveals widespread public dissatisfaction: 80 percent of respondents, for example, believe the administration is not public-friendly, 66 percent say civil servants behave like "rulers," 42 percent think obtaining services is impossible without paying bribes, and 46 percent report facing harassment when seeking services.

The question is, why is a non-political government born out of a popular uprising failing to turn this situation around? While crucial reform measures currently remain under discussion, one persistent obstacle to better performance has been the turmoil and non-cooperation within the bureaucracy, with reports of officials resisting reform efforts. This must be addressed with an iron hand. The recommendations from TIB also warrant serious consideration, particularly making the ACC truly independent and empowered to hold high-level individuals accountable and depoliticising state institutions to ensure professional integrity. Without such reforms, Bangladesh will remain trapped in the same vicious cycle of corruption and misgovernance.​