[🇧🇩] Corruption Watch

[Saif]

Chattogram Wasa must reduce its system loss

It must increase efficiency and stop overcharging consumers

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Chattogram Wasa must reduce its system loss
It must increase efficiency and stop overcharging consumers

We are deeply disappointed with the overall inefficiency of Chattogram Wasa, which has spent thousands of crores of taka over the past decade to improve its services, but with little success. Reports indicate that over the past decade, its system loss has doubled—from 15.24 percent in the 2013-14 fiscal year to 30 percent in the last fiscal year—resulting in substantial revenue losses. Currently, the agency is losing over Tk 100 crore annually due to systemic inefficiencies. This has directly impacted a large number of consumers, who, despite not receiving adequate water, are being billed for more than they actually use. This situation is completely unacceptable.

System loss, or Non-Revenue Water (NRW), refers to water that is either lost or unaccounted for after production. According to Chattogram Wasa's annual report, it produced 176,511 million litres of water in 2023-24, of which 52,962 million litres were lost due to system loss. With an average tariff of Tk 19.37 per 1,000 litres, the agency lost over Tk 100 crore in potential revenue last year. This raises an important question: why is Chattogram Wasa's system loss so high compared to the much lower rates in the other three state-run water supply agencies? Reportedly, pipeline leaks, illegal connections, and metering errors are the primary causes of this inefficiency, with the manipulation of metering systems by unscrupulous Wasa staff further exacerbating the problem, according to experts and consumers.

Despite undertaking several major projects between 2011 and 2023—spending around Tk 6,336 crore on network expansion and pipeline replacement—Chattogram Wasa failed to take action against staff responsible for stealing water. As a result, Chattogram Wasa's water wastage has continued to rise, affecting nearly 90,000 consumers. Moreover, the minimum billing system has worsened the situation for consumers. For example, even if a household receives water only once a week, they are still required to pay around Tk 600 per month under this system. But why should consumers bear the burden of Wasa's inefficiencies?

We urge Chattogram Wasa to address these pressing issues immediately. The agency must make genuine efforts to reduce system loss to an internationally accepted level of 15 percent. This requires decisive action against officials involved in water theft and metering manipulations. By reducing these losses, Wasa could significantly boost its revenue, ensuring that the people of Chattogram no longer endure such severe water shortages.​

 

[Saif]

Matarbari project director sold numerous project supplies

Planning Adviser Prof Wahiduddin Mahmud today said the Matarbari project director had sold numerous project supplies before fleeing following the ouster of the Awami League government on August 5.

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Matarbari project director sold numerous project supplies
Planning Adviser Prof Wahiduddin Mahmud tells after Ecnec meeting

Planning Adviser Prof Wahiduddin Mahmud today said the Matarbari project director had sold numerous project supplies before fleeing following the ouster of the Awami League government on August 5.

"I can say with certainty that the project director was involved in corruption," he said while speaking at a press briefing in Agargaon after a meeting of the Executive Committee of the National Economic Council (Ecnec).

"Like many university vice-chancellors, many project directors have resigned or fled after the change in government. Undoubtedly, they were involved in major corruption," he said.

Prof Mahmud linked the sudden departures as one of the reasons for the slow implementation of the annual development programme (ADP).

The ADP implementation rate in the July-October period fell by 31 percent year-on-year, according to data of the Implementation Monitoring and Evaluation Division.

The Ecnec meeting was chaired by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.

Prof Mahmud explained that the interim government was now appointing new project directors, which takes time and for which there were delays in the overall progress.

The planning adviser emphasised that many of these resignations were rooted in personal corruption.

"We are trying to scrutinise new appointments to prevent a recurrence of such issues. I believe our appointees will not flee in the next elected government's term," he said.​

 

[Saif]

ACC not yet free from influences

Experts and stakeholders have underscored reforms in the Anti-Corruption Commission that would empower it to act with effective independence in its fight against corruption, freeing it from both political and bureaucratic influences...

www.newagebd.net

ACC not yet free from influences
Solamain Salman 28 November, 2024, 00:28

Experts and stakeholders have underscored reforms in the Anti-Corruption Commission that would empower it to act with effective independence in its fight against corruption, freeing it from both political and bureaucratic influences.

Their opinion has come as one in a set of recommendations which also include giving more power to the anti-graft body.

Most of the times since its establishment, the top three officials—chairman and two commissioners—have been appointed from among retired bureaucrats, while serving bureaucrats have been appointed to other key posts, including the secretary and directors general.

Although a search committee is there whose task is to recommend six potential names for the president to pick three officials from, in reality retired civil servants were awarded the positions in most cases.

The government, by dint of its authority for appointing the top brass of the organisation, placed its favoured officers in the commission and maintained comfortable control over it. As a result, the agency’s ability to act with independence in fighting corruption had remained severely tied down right from its establishment in 2004, experts told New Age.

Despite officially being an independent agency, the anti-corruption commission has rather been used as a weapon by the political governments against their opponents, they observe.

For the same reason, the agency could rarely take into account the corruption allegations brought against the powerful ones, particularly the politicians, bureaucrats and businesspeople belonging to or associated with the ruling parties, experts have said.

Even the commission, in most cases, had failed to initiate an inquiry or file any cases against powerful quarters without a go-ahead from the government.

Transparency International Bangladesh executive director Iftekharuzzaman observes, ‘The ACC never had played a role as an independent body as the partisan governments held the agency hostage, while it was all through controlled by the bureaucrats.’

‘All the political governments used the ACC as a weapon for harassing opposition people in the past, but the trend should change to fight corruption,’ he adds.

The Anti-Corruption Commission must be freed from political and bureaucratic influences with some of its rules requiring amendment to enable it to work independently, according to Iftekharuzzaman, also head of the ACC Reform Commission, one of the reform commissions recently formed by the incumbent interim government.

‘Reform is needed to free the ACC from the influence of bureaucrats and government, while there is also a need for political and administrative reforms,’ he added.

‘There is a search committee to appoint the chairman and commissioners [of the ACC], but there is no policy regarding the selection of the chair and commissioners, and none but those close to the government get appointed to these posts,’ said former anti-corruption commission director general Moyeedul Islam.

‘The government appointed people close to it. Being appointed, they worked according to the will and interest of the political governments instead of exercising its role as an independent body,’ he said.

‘The independence is only on paper. The ACC never showed its independence despite having strong laws,’ Moyeedul said.

Another former commission director general, Sayed Iqbal Hossain, underscores empowering the selection committee to work independently, saying, ‘The selection committee should be given the opportunity to work impartially, free from the influence of the government or any other groups, to recommend names of commissioners for appointment.’

The appointment in deputation at the anti-corruption commission should also be limited, he further suggests.

Iqbal also suggested bringing transparency to the selection of graft complaints, ensuring proof of receipt of each complaint, and ensuring immediate entry in the Investigation and Prosecution Management System.

He also suggested that skilled human resources should be developed for conducting investigation of money laundering complaints competently.

He also observes that the special judges’ courts which are tasked with dealing with the graft cases should not deal with other cases for quick completion of the cases, reducing the backlog.

‘Above all, the ACC should be granted the status of a constitutional and legal institution to make it a truly powerful institution like India’s Central Bureau of Investigation, and the United States’ Federal Bureau of Investigation,’ Iqbal added.

Former commission director general Moyeedul Islam is also for a powerful permanent prosecution unit at the agency, saying, ‘It is essential to establish an efficient and strong permanent prosecution unit at the ACC by formulating necessary rules as per section 32(2) of the ACC Act.’

He also suggests establishing a new court or tribunal to try only the corruption cases to reduce the backlog through expedited trial proceedings.

‘A provision should also be made to prohibit appeal revision in the High Court during the interim period before the case is settled,’ he said.

‘To expedite the final disposition of all corruption cases, it is necessary to form two or three completely separate anti-corruption appellate courts or tribunals, comprising of qualified judges from the High Court.’ Moyeedul added.

Stakeholders have also referred to the ACC Act, 2004 they says that the commission shall be an independent and impartial agency and so its officers must also have the freedom to work making it an independent body.

Section 54(2) of the ACC (Employees) Service Rules, 2008 states, however, says, ‘Notwithstanding anything to the contrary in these rules, the competent authority may, without mentioning any reason, remove any employee from service by giving him 90 days’ notice or by paying him 90 days’ salary in cash.’

‘It is never possible for the officers to work independently and impartially if this sword (section 54) is hanging over their heads,’ said a current director general of the ACC.

But the commission has no power to take any legal actions against any of the officials posted there in deputation from other government offices for any wrongdoing.

The commission’s reputation is compromised as many of its officers do not have adequate experience, understanding and skills regarding conducting inquiries and investigations into graft charges.

Also the commission’s Money Laundering Unit must be strengthened to bring back assets laundered abroad, according to experts.

Seven state agencies, including the ACC, are working to prevent money laundering, but all their efforts are fraught with a severe lack of coordination.

To bring back laundered money abroad, apart from vesting adequate power in the anti-corruption commission, the commission and Bangladesh Bank must sign agreements with the anti-corruption agencies of various countries.

The commission also needs to be fully digitalised and stop working manually, while a separate intelligence cell should be established within it to strictly monitor its officers and employees, experts suggest.

Apart from rewarding its officials for outstanding performance, they should also be provided with risk allowances.

Amid demands for reforms in the anti-corruption commission following the fall of the Awami League regime amid a student-led mass uprising on August 5, the Transparency International Bangladesh also presented a number of recommendations to the interim government.

It suggested the removal of the administrative and financial powers from the commission secretary that were given to the post through an order in 2023.

The TIB also said that a permanent task force should be formed, involving the Anti-Corruption Commission, Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit, National Board of Revenue, Criminal Investigation Department, and the Attorney General’s Office, for effectively fighting corruption and money laundering.

It also said that the provision of obtaining government permission to arrest government employees in criminal cases (Section 41, 1) in the ‘Government Services Act, 2018’ should be revoked.​

 

[Saif]

Politicians, businessmen from Bangladesh own £400m UK property: report

Prominent Bangladeshi figures, including politicians and business leaders accused of corruption, own UK properties worth approximately £400 million.

www.newagebd.net

Politicians, businessmen from Bangladesh own £400m UK property: report
Staff Correspondent 01 December, 2024, 00:13

Representational image. | AFP photo

Prominent Bangladeshi figures, including politicians and business leaders accused of corruption, own UK properties worth approximately £400 million.

An investigation, conducted by The Observer in collaboration with Transparency International, has revealed the information in a report published in the British daily Guardian.

The properties were acquired through offshore companies and family members, with ownership concealed using complex corporate structures, according to the report.

One of the figures is Salman F Rahman, former prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s private industry and investment adviser, who now faces allegations of money laundering.

Members of the Rahman family own – or hold stakes in – seven luxury apartments there, mostly through companies based in offshore jurisdictions, the report said.

One, bought for £26.75m in March 2022, is owned – via a British Virgin Islands company – by Ahmed Shayan Rahman. He also owns another flat in the square that cost £35.5m, according to the findings.

Offshore companies controlled by his cousin, Ahmed Sharyar, own a further four properties worth a combined £23m, in the same square and nearby.

Former Land Minister Saifuzzaman Chowdhury and his family have been linked to over 300 UK properties worth at least £160 million.

Family members of Ahmed Akber Sobhan, linked to the Bashundhara Group, own two vast properties here, acquired for a combined £13m and owned via companies registered in the British Virgin Islands, Golden Oak Venture Limited and Kaliakra Holdings Limited.

A third, a French-style mansion, owned by one of Sobhan’s sons, appeared to be under construction, the Observer investigation found.

One £10m mansion, on a gated estate in London’s Kensington, is owned by Shah Alam’s son and the vice chairman of Bashundhara Group, Safwan Sobhan, through a company called Austino Limited.

A similar arrangement relates to a £5.6m Chelsea waterfront property owned by Safwan’s brother, at a cost of £28m. The apartment was purchased by Red Pine Trading, which is based in the British Virgin Islands but gives its address as a tower in Singapore.

Nazrul Mazumder, the founder and chairman of another Bangladeshi conglomerate, Nassa Group, has also come under scrutiny.

His family owns Kensington properties worth £38 million, while he faces money laundering charges in Bangladesh.

Many of these properties are rented out, providing a steady income stream.

As of 2023, the UK publishes data on overseas entities that hold land titles. But ownership can be easily hidden by simply wrapping the property-owning company inside another offshore vehicle, like an anonymous trust.

This loophole is just one concern shared by those who question the adequacy of the UK’s transparency regime.​

 

[Saif]

Power and energy: A system designed for corruption

No less than $3 billion changed hands as kickbacks in awarding power plant projects during Sheikh Hasina’s autocratic rule, according to a white paper on the state of the economy.

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Power and energy: A system designed for corruption

No less than $3 billion changed hands as kickbacks in awarding power plant projects during Sheikh Hasina's autocratic rule, according to a white paper on the state of the economy.

The white paper, submitted to Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus at his Tejgaon office yesterday, also highlighted irregularities in other areas of the power and energy sector with the tagline "A System Designed for Corruption".

The corruption and nepotism practiced at the top level trickled down to every project, the report said, adding that the paramount allegation of corruption was in awarding power plant projects in the form of commission.

"With an investment of $30 billion in power generation since 2010, at least $3 billion changed hands as kickbacks," the white paper said.

The report estimated that 10 percent of the project cost was spent as commission.

The report also termed the 2,400-megawatt (MW) Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant as a "misadventure" and overpriced.

Bangladesh is constructing its first-ever nuclear power plant in Pabna's Rooppur at a cost of $12.65 billion, with Russia providing $11.385 billion as credit.

With an initial expense of $550 million, the total cost amounts to $13.2 billion, the report said.

The unit cost of Rooppur stands at stands at $5,500/kWe, which much higher than a similar power plant in India's Kudankulam, the unit cost of which is $3,350/kWe, the report said.

"In the name of fuel diversification, the choice of nuclear was a misadventure. With the same kind of investment, 6,000 to 8,000 MW of renewable, gas or coal power plants could be installed," the report observed.

The power and energy sector in Bangladesh has become a hub for corruption, largely due to a lack of accountability stemming from the Special Provision Act of 2010, which allowed immunity to both government officials and political leaders, the report said.

The Prime Minister's Office (PMO) is the most powerful political institution in the country.

Throughout the period of the past government, the Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources (MPEMR) had no full-time minister.

Instead, the Prime Minister held additional responsibility as the Minister for MPEMR since 2009.

Under her leadership, ruling political party members, lobbyists, private business, and independent power producers became major stakeholders in this sector, bypassing due processes.

The report said the previous government portrayed a rosy economic future with hyped up growth figures promising energy security based on imported fuel.

Now, 65 percent of the country's primary energy needs to be imported at an annual cost of $10 billion and by 2030 this will rise to $20 billion. This will put pressure on the foreign exchange reserves.

Terming Bangladesh as a Low-Emitting Energy Poor (LEEP) country, with a per capita energy consumption of just 465 kWh (kilowatt hour) per year compared to the global average of 3,000 kWh, the report said that the deposed Awami League government has disproportionately increased the generation capacity without considering demand.

"Despite the forecasts in the 2010 and 2016 Power System Master Plans (PSMP), which projected peak power demand to be 33,700 MW and 27,100 MW respectively, the government inflated the targets for 2030 and 2040 to 40,000 MW and 79,000 MW (later revised to 60,000 MW) under the "Revisiting PSMP 2016" plan.

The government justified this revision by citing ambitious economic growth and lofty expectations for the future.

This approach resulted in a tailored plan by the Power Division that permitted uncontrolled expansion of generation units, facilitating corruption and improper allocation processes through the Quick Enhancement of Electricity and Energy Supply (Special Provisions) Act 2010.

Citing the peak summer demand of 17,000 MW in 2024, the report said that if 10 percent of the capacity is reserved for standby power and another 10 percent allocated for maintenance, the total required generation capacity for supplying the remaining 80 percent is 25,500 MW.

Consequently, the country has maintained nearly 5,000 MW of excess capacity, which is 20 percent more than necessary, leading to significant capacity charges that burden consumers.

With installed capacity far exceeding actual needs and the sector's heavy reliance on imported primary fuels, the entire economy is at risk, particularly as Bangladesh struggles with foreign exchange shortages necessary to finance essential imports, the report said.​

 

[Saif]

Real default loan may exceed 30pc, CA’s press secretary says, citing BB governor

Quoting Bangladesh Bank Governor, the Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam said the real default loan in the banking sector may reach over 30 per cent. Responding to a question at a press briefing on the White Paper on the finance sector, he said the committee had to work based on o

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Real default loan may exceed 30pc, CA’s press secretary says, citing BB governor
FE Online Report
Published :
Dec 01, 2024 19:44
Updated :
Dec 01, 2024 19:44

Quoting Bangladesh Bank Governor, the Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam said the real default loan in the banking sector may reach over 30 per cent.

Responding to a question at a press briefing on the White Paper on the finance sector, he said the committee had to work based on official data and they were given only three months.

“The white paper report will be revised through incorporating the real data,” he stated when asked why the white paper said that the default loan is 10.2 per cent if the actual figure is over 30 per cent.

Mr Shafiq said the government is committed to bringing back the siphoned money and from December 10, a series of meetings will be held with the FBI and some other international organisations that specialise in recovering stolen money.

Replying to a question, he said that the persons who laundered the money will be brought to justice.

Responding to another question, he said that the recent move to provide Tk 225 billion to the banking sector will not at all impact the inflation situation.

Before the fall, the ousted government printed Tk 600 billion in a bid to help S Alam Group launder money, but the Tk 225 billion provided to the banking sector last week aimed at helping weak banks, he said.​

 

[Saif]

Wealth inequality way worse than income disparity

Bangladesh ranks among the countries with the highest income disparities globally, but there is another problem way worse than that: wealth inequality, which means a minuscule portion of the population owns a disproportionate amount of wealth compared to the majority.

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Wealth inequality way worse than income disparity

Bangladesh ranks among the countries with the highest income disparities globally, but there is another problem way worse than that: wealth inequality, which means a minuscule portion of the population owns a disproportionate amount of wealth compared to the majority.

The Gini coefficient, a way of measuring inequality in a population, increased from 0.48 in 2016 to 0.50 in 2022 for income inequality, according to the white paper.

Meanwhile, wealth inequality rose from 0.82 to 0.84 over the same period, said the "White Paper on the State of the Bangladesh Economy".

These figures were calculated using data from the Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES).

A Gini index ranges from 0 to 1, with 0 representing perfect equality and 1 representing perfect inequality. This provides a numerical representation of inequality. A score approaching 0.50, as in Bangladesh's case, indicates a severe level of inequality.

Citing World Bank data, the white paper said among the 72 countries with Gini coefficient data, only Colombia, Brazil and Panama reported values over 0.50 in 2021.

Prepared by a panel of economists and submitted to Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus on Sunday, the report said, "Although there are issues with the comparability of the estimates across countries, Bangladesh's current income inequality is worryingly high."

The paper mentioned that even the high Gini figures likely underestimate the true extent of wealth inequality due to incomplete data, especially for wealthy households.

For example, the wealthiest 10 percent of income earners, according to the HIES 2022 data, reported owning assets worth only Tk 7.36 lakh.

But Wealth-X, a global financial intelligence and data company, reported in 2018 that Bangladesh has had the highest rise in ultra-wealthy population, surpassing any other country in the world.

The growth rate calculated by Wealth-X stood at a solid 17.3 percent that year.

However, the company didn't reveal how many ultra-rich — those who own at least $30 million or Tk 25 billion — the country had.

Referring to the HIES wealth data, the white paper said, "These figures may seem implausible when compared to casual observations of wealth ownership."

Zahid Hussain, a former lead economist of the World Bank's Dhaka office and also a member of the white paper panel, said the asset Gini coefficient reveals a highly unequal distribution of assets in the country.

"This inequality is perpetuated by intergenerational inheritance, where wealth accumulates among the upper-income class and is subsequently passed down to their children."

This pattern, according to Hussain, also extends to education and human capital, as these advantages are often concentrated within families.

Persistent income inequality is also a cause of asset inequality. This, in turn, reinforces income inequality. "As a result, social mobility is limited and poorer individuals struggle to accumulate assets," Hussain added.

He pointed to the absence of inheritance tax in Bangladesh. This is unlike those in Scandinavian countries and the US, where such taxes play a key role in mitigating asset inequality.

While Bangladesh imposes a surcharge on wealth, its effectiveness is limited. The surcharge ranges from 0 percent for assets up to Tk 4 crore to 10-35 percent for higher asset brackets.

Mohammad Abdur Razzaque, chairman of Research and Policy Integration for Development (RAPID), criticised the current surcharge on wealth.

"What kind of system is it?"

He said the absence of effective policies, rampant tax evasion and corruption contribute to the concentration of wealth among the affluent.

For instance, the real price of land or flats and their registered values often differ significantly. Moreover, tax policies inadvertently encourage wealth accumulation among the affluent, Razzaque said.

Meanwhile, Hussain said massive corruption is another factor contributing to high wealth inequality.

To minimise this disparity, Hussain recommended defining income tax more precisely and enforcing tax compliance. Besides, he called for curbing illegal money generation.

According to the World Inequality Database, the bottom 50 percent of the Bangladeshi population owns only 5 percent of the country's assets.

The white paper said, "Despite underreporting, land accounts for half of the reported wealth and is heavily concentrated among the rich."

A breakdown of asset distribution by consumption decile reveals that land and real estate constitute over half of the total wealth accumulated across consumption deciles.

Real estate wealth inequality can stem from concentrated land ownership or appreciation of land and property values. Households in the highest income decile own the most significant portion of real estate.

They also show a higher propensity to invest in return-generating assets like stocks, bonds, and jewelry in both 2016 and 2022.

While the differences in the average land ownership among rich and poor households are relatively small, with the richest quintile owning only 0.03 acres more on average, the real disparity lies in land value.

Land values for the upper quintile were significantly higher in 2016 and increased dramatically by 2022, unlike those for lower quintiles.

The primary factors driving this stark inequality in land value are location, access to infrastructure, and utilities.

The disparity in land value appreciation across quintiles suggests that government infrastructure investments have disproportionately benefited the wealthy while neglecting the poor.​

 

[Saif]

Tk 1.46t bribes paid in service sectors in 15 years: TIB

Service-seekers in Bangladesh paid an estimated Tk 1.46 trillion in bribes between 2009 and April 2024 to access essential services, according to a new survey by the Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB). This period corresponds to the tenure of the previous Awami League government. Some 70

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Tk 1.46t bribes paid in service sectors in 15 years: TIB
FE REPORT
Published :
Dec 04, 2024 09:35
Updated :
Dec 04, 2024 09:35

Service-seekers in Bangladesh paid an estimated Tk 1.46 trillion in bribes between 2009 and April 2024 to access essential services, according to a new survey by the Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB).

This period corresponds to the tenure of the previous Awami League government.

Some 70.9 per cent of households experienced corruption while accessing services from various public and private sectors or institutions in 2023, the survey titled "Corruption in Service Sectors: National Household Survey 2023" revealed.

The findings were unveiled at a press conference held at the TIB headquarters in the capital on Tuesday. The survey revealed passport is the most corruption-prone service sector, with 86 per cent of households reporting irregularities.

According to the TIB, the estimated Tk 1.46 trillion in bribes or unauthorised payments was calculated based on findings from six national household surveys conducted in 2010, 2012, 2015, 2017, 2021, and 2023. Since 1997, the TIB has conducted 10 national household surveys, with the latest one in 2023.

The 2023 survey identified passport (86 per cent) as the most corrupt sector, followed by Bangladesh Road Transport Authority (BRTA) (85.2 per cent), law enforcement agencies (74.5 per cent), judicial services (62.3 per cent), land services (51 per cent), public healthcare (49.1 per cent), and local government institutions (44.2 per cent).

It showed that overall, 50.8 per cent of households reported paying bribes or being forced to pay unauthorised money to access services.

The highest incidence of bribery was reported in passport services (74.8 per cent), followed by BRTA (71.9 per cent), law enforcement agencies (58.3 per cent), judicial services (34.1 per cent), land services (32.3 per cent), and local government institutions (29.7 per cent).

Among the households that paid bribes, 77.2 per cent cited the reason as "services cannot be obtained without paying a bribe", highlighting a concerning institutionalisation of bribery practices.

In this survey, households that had to pay bribes or unauthorised money while availing services from the included sectors/institutions during the period from May 2023 to April 2024 paid an average of Tk 5,680 per household.

Among the sectors/institutions receiving the highest bribe or unauthorised payment, judicial services (Tk 30,972 on average per household), land services (Tk 11,776 on average per household), banking services (Tk 6,681 on average per household), and BRTA services (Tk 6,654 on average per household) were prominent.

During the reference period of the survey, the estimated total amount of bribes or unauthorised money transacted across all included sectors/institutions was approximately Tk 109.02 billion, which is 1.4 per cent of the national budget (revised) for the 2023-24 fiscal year and 0.2 per cent of the gross domestic product (GDP).

The survey said the impact of bribes and unauthorised payments is comparatively high on low-income households.

Households with a monthly income below Tk 24,000 spend 0.93 per cent of their annual income on bribes, whereas for households with a monthly income exceeding Tk 85,000, the amount drops to 0.21 per cent.

The survey also revealed that corruption and bribery experienced by women, religious minorities, indigenous peoples, and individuals with disabilities create an additional burden on their limited socioeconomic capabilities, exacerbating their marginalisation.

Most respondents identified impunity, lack of social awareness, and rewarding corrupt individuals as the main reasons for corruption.

Meanwhile, 77.2 per cent of households who were victims of bribery stated that they had to pay bribes because "services cannot be obtained without paying bribes".

The fear of procedural complexities and harassment leads to a noticeable reluctance among households to file complaints despite being victims of corruption.

Regarding the process/mechanism for lodging complaints, the majority (59.6 per cent) of households have no idea about it, while those who do (40.4 per cent) know have very limited knowledge, particularly about the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) and the Grievance Redress System (GRS).

Speaking at the event, TIB Executive Director Dr Iftekharuzzaman said the survey highlighted the pervasive nature of corruption in both government and certain private service sectors.

He called for systemic reforms to address the structural issues enabling bribery and irregularities, emphasising the need for greater accountability and transparency in service delivery.

The survey was conducted among 15,515 households, representing a diverse cross-section of the population.

The TIB said legal actions must be taken against individuals involved in corruption within service sectors. In this regard, the ACC, as well as the relevant departments and institutions, should play an active role where applicable, it added.​