[🇧🇩] Energy Security of Bangladesh

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[🇧🇩] Energy Security of Bangladesh
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Reform power sector to reduce subsidy
Govt must prioritise increasing efficiency, cutting costs

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VISUAL: STAR

The interim government's move to increase power and fertiliser subsidies in the revised FY25 budget by 57.9 percent highlights, once again, the prevailing mess in the power sector. There had been increases in subsidies during Awami League's tenure too, most of which ended up lining the pockets of vested interest groups and eventually increasing the debt burden of the nation. The interim government seems to be following the same prescription, albeit for different reasons. Reportedly, it is looking to increase the power subsidy to Tk 62,000 crore (a 55 percent rise) and the fertiliser subsidy to Tk 28,000 crore (a 64.7 percent rise).

A report by this daily quoted a finance ministry official who explained that the power subsidy increase is being considered so as not to raise power prices during this time of high inflation and to pay off the huge arrears carried over from the previous regime. While we appreciate that the authorities took into account consumers' interests and refrained from increasing prices, they could have, for our long-term benefits, taken measures to address the institutional inefficiency of the sector that are draining resources. It is estimated that as much as Tk 11,444 crore could have been saved by reducing power production costs by 10 percent, which in turn could have kept the subsidy in control.

In fact, a recent study by the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA) found that the Bangladesh Power Development Board (BPDB) can save Tk 13,800 crore annually—a loss currently covered by government subsidy—just by fixing some core problems. Its recommendations included shifting half of the existing industrial demand to the grid, which is currently met by captive generators, and adding 3,000 megawatts (MW) of renewables, reducing load-shedding, as well as limiting transmission and distribution losses.

During Hasina's tenure, 81 percent of the power subsidy—Tk 39, 406 crore in the revised budget for FY2023-24—was spent on the rented power plants to pay for capacity charges, even when those plants were sitting idle. It is time to critically revisit the collusive deals of the last regime and reduce reliance on rental power plants. According to IEEFA, transitioning to electric systems from gas-driven appliances, like boilers, will help increase BPDB's revenue from selling additional energy while reducing capacity payments to idle plants.

The arrears left by the previous regime may take time to repay, but the interim government should take prudent measures to rectify the situation. Every effort must be made to ensure that the nation is not burdened with additional debt. We can no longer afford inefficiency in the power sector or allow it to run without accountability.​
 

Onshore hydrocarbon exploration
Govt prepares model PSC for a fresh bidding round

M Azizur Rahman
Published :
Mar 17, 2025 00:06
Updated :
Mar 17, 2025 00:06

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The government has moved to launch an onshore bidding round, 28 years after the previous one, to expedite hydrocarbon exploration in onshore areas with a view to meeting the country's mounting natural gas demand in industries, power plants and other establishments.

State-run Petrobangla has already prepared a draft of the Model Production Sharing Contract (MPSC) making the terms attractive to potential international oil companies (IOCs), a senior Petrobangla official told The Financial Express Sunday.

The gas purchase price is linked with the dated Brent on a three-month rolling average basis.

The MPSC terms of the previous 1997 onshore bidding round were linked to high sulfur fuel oil (HSFO) with a price floor and a ceiling.

Like the MPSC for offshore blocks, the interim government has taken the initiative to sweeten the model PSC for onshore blocks in line with the recommendations from Scotland's Wood Mackenzie.

"We are working to fix the new formula so that the price could be linked to around 8.0 per cent of the dated Brent crude with a capping in the Brent crude price," said the senior Petrobangla official.

Based on the current Brent price assumption, gas price is anticipated to be in the range of around US$5.50 per million British Thermal unit (MMBtu).

This would bring gas prices more in line with the costs of supplying gas from liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports which Bangladesh is projected to increasingly rely on, should the country fail to make a turnaround in its domestic gas production.

If fixed under this market-based pricing formula, the new gas price for onshore blocks will be around double the highest current price offered under the existing model PSCs for onshore gas blocks.

US's Chevron is getting around US$2.76 per MMBTu against its gas sales to state-run Petrobangla, while Singapore's KrisEnergy gets around US$2.31 per MMBTu under the current gas pricing formula linked to HSFO.

Petrobangla also purchases natural gas from three of its subsidiary state-owned companies.

It purchases gas from state-run Sylhet Gas Fields Ltd (SGFL) and Bangladesh Gas Fields Ltd (BGFCL) at Tk 28 per Mcf (1 thousand cubic feet) and from state-run Bangladesh Petroleum Exploration and Production Company Ltd (BAPEX) at Tk 112 per Mcf.

The price of LNG imported from long-term contract suppliers -- Qatar Energy and OQ Trading International -- was US$10.66 per MMBTu and US$ 10.09 per MMBTu respectively during the first seven months of the current fiscal year (FY) 2024-25 until January 2025.

Petrobangla is also working on narrowing down differences of exploration benefits to attract the IOCs to take part in the next onshore bidding round.

Petrobangla had floated the last bidding round for 24 offshore blocks last year under the Model PSC 2023 with no response from the IOCs.

Under the Model PSC 2023, gas was priced at 10 per cent to dated Brent on a three-month rolling average basis. Based on the current Brent price assumption, the gas price would be in the range of around US$7.08 per MMBtu.

During Bangladesh's latest onshore bidding round in 1997, four onshore blocks - Block-5, Block-7, Block-9 and Block-10 - were awarded.

Currently, four IOCs have active PSCs, either individually or under joint venture, to explore three shallow-water blocks for offshore exploration.

US oil-major Chevron is active in exploring and producing natural gas in three onshore gas-fields under blocks 12, 13 and 14.

Singapore's KrisEnergy is producing natural gas from Bangora field under block 9.

ONGC Videsh Ltd (OVL) and Oil India Ltd (OIL) are jointly exploring shallow-water blocks SS-04 and SS-09.

Currently, Bangladesh imports lean LNG from RasGas of Qatar and Oman Trading International (OTI) of Oman under long-term contracts and from different suppliers under spot market terms to meet mounting natural-gas requirements.

The country's overall gas output is around 2,883 mmcfd, including the re-gasified LNG against the demand for over 4,000 mmcfd.​
 

RAMPAL POWER PLANT: Indian nationals draw hefty salaries, eye-watering bonuses
Emran Hossain 17 March, 2025, 00:08

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Average monthly salary exceeds Tk 10 lakh, with bonuses it can soar past Tk 47 lakh

Indian nationals working at the Bangladesh India Friendship Power Company are drawing an average monthly salary of more than Tk 10 lakh, revealed a financial review by the Bangladesh Power Development Board.

An equally owned joint venture of the governments of India and Bangladesh, the company, among its staff, has 51 Indian nationals to run a 1,320MW coal-based power plant situated in Rampal of Bagerhat.

The Indian nationals working at the power plant came on deputation from their original employer NTPC Limited, which is an Indian public sector entity, said the BPDB officials.

A comparison with another power generation joint venture revealed that the Indian nationals employed at Rampal earn three times more than their peers with some Indian nationals’ monthly salary being close to Tk 20 lakh.

On one occasion, the BPDB assessment showed that an Indian employee of the power plant drew Tk 47 lakh in one month, thanks to a bonus and other benefits, which also earned most of his fellow nationals between Tk 20 lakh and Tk 30 lakh in the same month.

ANM Obaidullah, member, company affairs, BPDB, who has been a new appointee to the position, cited a lack of in-depth knowledge on the matter before turning down a request for commenting on it.

Anwarul Azim, deputy general manager at the Bangladesh India Friendship Power Co, who usually speaks to the media, did not answer phone calls made to him over the last three days.

The BPDB’s finance wing reviewed the Indian nationals’ payments in October last year, three months after a student-led uprising toppled the past Awami League regime.

Discontent was widespread against the past AL government for allowing India to exploit Bangladesh in different aspects of trade and bilateral relations.

A review of the list of 306 people working at the BIFPC revealed that 32 of the top 40 positions were occupied by Indians.

Starting with the position of managing director, the position of project director, all nine positions of general manager, all 18 positions of assistant general manager, and 20 out of 34 deputy general manager’s positions are held by Indian nationals.

‘Rampal does not need so many high officials. This is completely unnecessary,’ said a BPDB finance officer, who was involved in the assessment, requesting anonymity.

‘India shows no interest in having its nationals employed in the lower ranks,’ he said.

The Indian nationals are being paid in accordance with their national pay scale, as the joint venture project does not have a separate pay scale, the BPDB said.

Employed under four grades, the Indian nationals’ master basic salary ranged between Tk 3,42,121 and Tk 1,44,778, the BPDB assessment revealed.

Besides, the Indian nationals take a foreign dearness allowance, meant for Indian nationals employed outside the country, ranging from $4,333 to $4,670 every month.

Despite Rampal being a losing concern due to frequent closures for technical glitches and other reasons, the Indian nationals were also given preposterous amounts in performance bonuses, the BPDB assessment also revealed.

The details of the paychecks for October 2024 showed that the 51 Indian nationals were paid Tk 13.76 crore. The average monthly salary taken by them in the month was Tk 26.98 lakh. The highest salary paid in the month to an individual Indian national was Tk 47.76 lakh. The lowest salary paid in the month was Tk 13.12 lakh.

The same month, Tk 5 crore was paid in performance-related pay, accounting for 36 per cent of the month’s overall payment.

In foreign dearness allowance, the Indian nationals took more than Tk 2.7 crore, which accounted for nearly 20 per cent of the overall payment that month.

The encashment of earned leaves also contributed to substantially increasing the October payment of the Indian nationals.

For instance, an analysis of the highest payment of Tk 47.76 lakh revealed that it included Tk 16.92 lakh in performance bonus, Tk 6.36 lakh in leave encashment, and Tk 5.47 lakh in dearness allowance.

The BPDB officials in their analysis questioned Indian officials taking the performance bonus given that the Rampal power plant operated at way lower capacity than expected and financially was a losing concern.

They also raised questions about the encashment of earned leaves, seeking answers to whether the leaves were earned during the official’s career at the NTPC or during their deputation at the BIFPC, which started commercial operation in December, 2022.

The Rampal power plant, besides importing coal, requires spending dollar to pay the Indian nationals amidst a serious dollar crisis. Bangladesh is taking $4.7 billion from the International Monetary Fund in the wake of the dollar crisis.

India and Bangladesh equally represent the eight-member BIFPC board of directors.

In stark contrast, the Bangladesh China Power Company Limited, a joint venture between Bangladesh and China that runs the 1,320MW coal-fired Payra power plant, has hardly any Chinese staff in its vital positions except for the board of directors equally shared between the countries.

The executive director at the Payra power plant draws about Tk 7 lakh monthly salary. The other international positions next to the ED at the power plant, such as, the chief procurement officer and chief human resources officer, draw a monthly salary of about Tk 4.5 lakh.

The Rampal power plant was built by an Indian company—Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited—after it won the engineering, procurement and construction contract at $1.49 billion.

Built on over 915 acres, the power project was widely considered environmentally harmful as it was built only 14km away from the Sundarbans, the world’s largest remaining mangrove forest that crucially shields Bangladesh from deadly cyclones and tidal surges.

Another government report has recently revealed that the Rampal power plant did not even use the effluent treatment plant for three years after it began commercial operation in December 2022.

Considering the power plant’s potential to cause environmental, social and economic damage, green activists and energy experts have long demanded scrapping of Rampal power plant.​
 
We in Bangladesh should not have gone into the building and commissioning of this Indian Power Station in Rampal which (while being an environmental disaster) happened only with the arm-twisting of Indian authorities to accept their loan and utilize their Indian "experts" who couldn't get jobs in India. It is the Indian govt. who became the gainer in the deal, who cannot get business deals made like this elsewhere. Lakh lanaats on the Indian boot-lickers in the AL administration and Hasina herself who could not stand up against Indian pressure because of seeking Indian help.

This type of looting is still going on in Bangladesh by Indians, both in private and public sectors, while Bangladeshi half-educated public servants and business leaders let it happen.

It may be mentioned here where this looting all started at the get-go after the 1971 debacle. The history is a sordid proof of how Indian administrations have denuded and looted Bangladesh down to skin and bones. Nanga kar dia. In any case - I have to forego some choice words I have for these looters, as it is Ramadan.
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Indian Military’s Massive Looting Campaign after Bangladesh’s 1971 Liberation War : An Untold Dark Reality​

Bangladesh, previously East Pakistan, was under the administration of a military regime based in West Pakistan (now Pakistan) from 1947–1971. Despite both lands situated far away from each other by a distance of 2,204 km (1369.502 miles), they were one country. One can say, it was the South Asian version of United States — Alaska.…

After the upheaval in 1971 and declaration of independence by Sheikh Mujib, Indian government led by Indira Gandhi started helping the provisional Mujibnagar Government & Mukti Bahini. As soon as the war began, India had a geopolitical motive behind their support. It was to weaken Pakistan.

India and Pakistan had been in conflict since 1947, and two Pakistan wings on both sides of India posed a significant threat to India. Thus, breaking down Pakistan was more of a plausible solution to their “pakistan problem”.

Indian Armed Forces entered the Liberation War of Bangladesh on December 3, 1971 , fighting Pakistani forces alongside Mukti Bahini forces.

Right after Bangladesh was liberated, Indian forces started their looting of arms and equipment of the Pakistani army which was surrendered on December 16, 1971.

Indian soldiers looted not only the weapons left by the Pakistanis, but also the goods of the common people. The Indian Military Forces controlled newly-liberated Bangladesh militarily until March 12, 1972, as per a “secret controversial treaty” between Indian Government & Mujibnagar Government , much to the dismay and disapproval of many Mukti Bahini (aka Bangladesh Military) officers and commanders.

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Indian forces looting the weapons from Bangladeshi cantonments and camps, December 1971

Immediately after the independence of Bangladesh, while the Civil Affairs Organization of India was out to take control of the civil administration of the newly independent Bangladesh as per the same secret controversial treaty with Mujibnagar Government, its army got busy taking away the weapons and various types of goods, legitimately belonging to Bangladesh.

Indian forces raided several cantonments (in Jessore, Cumilla, Dhaka, and Chittagong, as well as in the industrial areas of Khulna), army barracks and military camps all around Bangladesh and looted weaponry and armouries located in those areas. At least four divisions of weapons, vast amount of light to heavy weapons, heavy artillery, ammunition, military vehicles, and other military equipment were taken to India.

While there were excuses provided that, “those belonged to Pakistanis and does deserve to be looted” — these excuses were obnoxious, since those weapons would now legitimately belong to Bangladesh due to their presence on Bangladeshi soil.

While excuses like that were given (under "war booty" ideas), Indian troops didn’t even spare military-areas that were controlled by Mukti Bahini (Bangladesh Military Forces) during the war either, from their looting spree.

Even Bangladeshi civilians weren’t spared. A blogger named Larry Chowdhury, who was a teenager during 1971, was among the many witnesses, who witnessed the Indian Armed Forces’ massive looting campaign, not even sparing small businesses. He interviewed several witnesses, some of them who were victims of the looting campaign themselves. He described in his memoirs that, “Indian forces were stealing and robbing from civilians and businessmen, holding them at gun point, in various parts of the country including upscale areas of Dhaka.

They looked for petty items like Ilish (Hilsha) fishes in the markets of Rajshahi or Rangpur town for almost no price. Everyone in Bangladesh knows that Hilsha is a rare commodity for the northern part of the country. But the stupid Indian Army personnel did not bother to know about the level of availability but argued to bring those for them. There were also Bengali-speaking Indians from West Bengal, who were a big part in all these. I saw this with my own eyes on December 23–31, 1971 and January 1–9, 1972 at various parts of the country. Also I saw Indian forces looting fruits, vegetables, poultry and many other products from Aricha Ghat (river port), Manikganj. However some Indian military personnel also exploited fruit sellers and forced them to sell fruits at subsidized or low prices. A fruit seller told me, ‘
It’s better that some of them at least paid me something. Many of our boats were absolutely robbed, leaving many of my fellow fruit sellers destitute’.

These looters robbed Dhaka’s New Market, Stadium Market, and Baitul Mukarram Market areas, while pointing guns at businessmen and civilians. Within a week or two, they robbed and stored Chinese single/double barrel flasks, Canadian Winchester torches (flashlights), Chinese and European suitcases/brief-cases, Chinese nail cutters, Chinese and Korean ready-made clothes (shirts, pants, etc.), foreign leather belts, radios/transistors, regular torch or transistor batteries, and numerous consumable items. The Indian looters were carrying these looted items through their Atal Jeeps and Shaktiman Trucks.


This is the nature of the professionalism, discipline and mentality of India's mighty armed forces.

At that time, this ubiquitous and unprecedented looting carried out by the Indian forces in the newly independent country stunned even the foreigners.

The Guardian reported that the Indian troops looted heavy machinery and technical parts of the mills. In addition to the weapons of the defeated Pakistani forces and victorious Mukti Bahini forces, they looted food items(rice, vegetables, fruits, eggs, chicken, packaged food products etc.), farm/poultry animals (hens, cows, ducks), grains, jute, yarn, rubber, cotton, medicines, medical items, electronics, house materials (like bathroom fittings, television sets, radios, mirrors, refrigerators, carpets, mugs, kitchen appliances etc.), vehicles, factory machinery & mechanical parts, construction materials, private cars, boats, buses, trucks & even literal ships.

They ravaged and robbed government-owned & private mills, factories, workshops, depots, warehouses and civilian areas. The total value of the loot by Indian forces was estimated to be more than 2.2 billion USD at the time (1971–72), which in today's money is around more than 17 billion USD (around 2 trillion BDT; in Bangladeshi taka).

Martin Woollacott of the Guardian newspaper at that time reported that Systematic Indian army looting of mills, factories and offices in Khulna area has angered and enraged Bangladesh civil officials here. The looting took place in the first few days after the Indian troops arrived in the city on December 17”. [Martin Woollacott, Indians ‘loot whole factory, The Guardian, Jan 22, 1972].

Renowned novelist from West Bengal, India, Sunil Gangopadhyay wrote in his “পূর্ব-পশ্চিম” / Purbo-Poshchim(East-West) novel,
“There are so many imported items available in Dhaka that many Indians have never seen before. Refrigerators, TVs, two-in-one, carpets, canned foods all of these began to be loaded into Indian soldiers’ trucks.”


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Sector-9 Commander Major Jalil

Major Mohammad Abdul Jalil, Mukti Bahini Commander (Sector-9) wrote in his book Orokkhito Shadhinotai Poradhinota, “Trucks laden with arms, ammunition and many other valuable goods and thousands of military and civilian cars abandoned by the Pakistani forces, were taken [by the Indian army]. Even private cars [belonging to Bangladeshi civilians] were not left. I just tried to save the private cars in the [southwestern] city of Khulna after keeping those at the city’s circuit house ground [ in the care of some freedom fighters ] after requisition. Before that all cars from everywhere were passed through the border[India]. The office and quarter of the army cantonment in [southwestern district of] Jessore were totally looted. Even, the mirrors in the bathrooms and other fittings were not untouched from the drastic lootings. Peaceful pedestrians were also victimized. Such behavior of the "so-called ally" spread panic among the people. If the attitude of them turned so violent just after entering Bangladesh, what would be the situation of the country and the countrymen if they stayed here longer? What type of independence have we gained through a blood-shedding war?”

Major Jalil, who was already fed up with their looting, decided to intercept with a squad of his army force and stopped an Indian military truck loaded with looted weapons and goods in Jessore, and was able to recover the looted items from the seized truck. In a bizarre twist of fate, he was arrested for trying to defend what rightfully belonged to Bangladesh. At 11 p.m,December 31, 1971, he was arrested by Indian forces and was kept captive in an abandoned house in Jessore Army Barracks.

The abandoned house was formerly a torture-cell of Pakistani forces. There was an attempt to court-martial him as well. He is considered the first state-captive of independent Bangladesh. After staying captive for 5 months, 6 days, he was released on July 7, 1972 and was deprived of all honorary awards granted to other fellow liberation war heroes like him. And his fault ? He resisted the looting of Bangladeshi goods by Indian forces.

Major Mir Shawkat Ali, who commanded Sector 5 of the Mukti Bahini, said, “India helped us in 1971, but the Indians had taken away most of the weapons, even the military trucks the Pakistan Army had left behind in Bangladesh”. The sector commander also says that the freedom fighters “tried their best to prevent the military equipment from being taken away” but hardly succeeded. He further said, “Bangladesh Army made a lot of efforts to get back the weapons from India. The government also made some efforts to this end. Subsequently, the Indians had returned some of the weapons, a very little amount of what they had taken away, to the Bangladesh army”.

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It was not only the Mukti Bahini (later Bangladesh Military) commanders who have accused the Indian army of looting out the weapons, but many civilians have also made the same accusations. Indian forces had also looted many civilian homes and towns that were nearby cantonments, army barracks and military-areas, and in many cases, Indian forces even robbed upscale residential areas in Dhaka, Khulna, Jessore and many other cities. Gold, jewelries, kitchen materials, furniture and many other house items were also taken away in loads by Indian forces, from civilians.


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Indian forces in Bangladesh, December 1971

Professor Muntassir Mamoon of Dhaka University records, jointly with Jayanta Kumar Ray of India, that the Indian soldiers looted truckloads of capital goods, machinery and military hardware from a bordering district of Bangladesh by using their ‘Shaktiman trucks’.

While a young Deputy Commissioner protested against the loot to the utter disliking of an ‘irritated’ Indian Brigadier General, without much success of recovery. Mamoon and Ray observe that at a time when some so calledfreedom fighters” and some Awami League members were themselves behaving like looters, it was not easy to restrain foreign soldiers. However, the looting of foreign soldiers exceeded to an unimaginable and unprecedented level, compared to the local ones.

Sekander Ali, a Bangladeshi Additional Superintendent of Police at the police headquarters at Rajarbagh in December 1971, wrote in his memoirs, “Two days after the official surrender of the Pakistan Army on December 16, I was told that I have to receive weapons and ammunition to be surrendered by the Pakistan Army, East Pakistan Rifle and Police and deposit them to the Rajarbagh armoury. An Indian major would be there with me. […] Accordingly, we received a huge amount of weapons and ammunition that included thousands of rifles, revolvers, Light Machine Guns, Sub Machine Guns, Beretta Guns and cartridges. […] It took several days to receive those weapons. […] All these arms and ammunition belong to Bangladesh. […] But, in a week or so, a few officers of the Indian Army appeared in the Rajarbagh headquarters with trucks, and asked me in an authoritative tone to open the armoury. I had no option but to comply with the order. They took away all the arms and ammunition received from the defeated Pakistani troops the other day, while I remained a helpless bystander”.

J.N Dixit, the first Deputy High Commissioner of India in Dhaka, admits that the Indian army took away the Pakistani weapons that belonged to Bangladesh and that the military advisers of the Indian government stood in the way of returning the weapons to Bangladesh. Dixit wrote, “Indian military advisers were not very enthusiastic about returning the weapons and other material captured from Pakistanis”.

In 1972, after Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned to Bangladesh, he said at a midnight meeting at his Dhanmondi residence with his left wing ‘friend’ Mohammad Toaha and their common friend M.A Mohaimen, “India did not come forward to rescue us [during the liberation war]. They have rather grabbed my country” .

But ironically, Sheikh Mujib knew very well about the massive looting campaigns by Indian forces and the illegitimate arrest of Major Jalil, yet he hardly took any action regarding these events. Even worse, when he became the Prime Minister and formed the government of the first independent Bangladesh with members from Mujibnagar Government, he turned Bangladesh into a subservient state of India. At India’s orders, his government delayed the release of Major Jalil and Major Jalil was deprived of all honorary awards.

Even tragicomic is that, Mujib gave a “heartfelt speech” on March 12, 1972, in the farewell parade which was organized for the Indian army at Dhaka Stadium. In that farewell speech, Sheikh Mujib said to them: “We will remember you in our time of great crisis. …Although the people of Bangladesh could not extend their hospitality towards you, due to the destruction caused by the Pakistani army, they have nothing left. But they hold deep love for you. I request you to carry that love with you”. When Mujib talked about hospitality, one could only wonder, “ Why are we supposed to extend our hospitality for those who compromised our liberation war and looted us massively ?”

Regardless, in November 1972, during a visit to Delhi, the Bangladeshi defense delegation raised the issue of returning the looted weapons. They received a lukewarm response in return. Later, in response to a question from an Awami League member in the National Parliament, the Minister of Information and Broadcasting (which was Sheikh Mujib himself) said, “India has already returned a significant portion of the weapons and ammunition seized from Bangladesh, and the process of return is ongoing.” However, Mujib refused to disclose the number or amount of weapons returned “in the national interest.

Freedom Fighter, Journalist & Writer Mohammad Zainal Abedin wrote in his book RAW and Bangladesh, “I saw large-scale loot and plunder by Indian army personnel. The soldiers swooped on everything they found and carried them away to India. They lifted everything from ceiling fans to military equipment, utensils and water taps. Thousands of Army vehicles were used to carry looted goods to India. Such a large scale plunder could not have been possible without connivance of higher Indian authorities”.

Bangladesh’s independence was compromised by India from the very beginning. This is no Newtonian equation, but a simple fact. The massive looting of weapons & goods of Bangladeshis, by Indian forces in an authoritarian manner, with little-to-no resistance from Bangladesh Government & Bangladesh Military, and the arrest of a Bangladeshi war hero in his own homeland was enough to prove that Indians compromised and infiltrated Bangladesh in several important sectors, rendering the newly liberated Bangladesh extremely vulnerable.

References:

The political economy of rural poverty in Bangladesh. Kamal Siddiqui (Dacca : National Institute of Local Government, 1982) (1st ed.)

Major (Retd) M.A [Mohammad Abdul] Jalil, অরক্ষিত স্বাধীনতাই পরাধীনতা (Orokkhito Shadhinotai Poradhinota) [Unprotected Independence is Subordination]

Shamshul Huda Chowdhury, একাত্তরের রণাঙ্গন (Eakottorer Ronangon)[Battlefield of 1971], 2nd edition

Moydul Hasan, মূলধারা’ ৭১ [Mainstream ‘71], Page: 199

Major General (Retd.) Moinul Hossain Chowdhury Bir Bikram, Silent Witness of a General: The First Decade of Independence, Page: 19–20

Weekly হক কথা (Haqq Kotha) [Voice of Truth] by Maulana Bhashani, Page: 139–140

Larry Chowdhury, “What India did to the nascent Bangladesh immediately after December 16, 1971?” , September 1, 2004.

Mohiuddin Ahmed, জাসদের উত্থান পতন: অস্থির সময়ের রাজনীতি (Jashoder Utthan Poton: Osthir Shomoyer Rajneeti) [Rise and Fall of JASAD: Politics of an Unstable Time], Page: 82–83

Pinaki Bhattacharya, স্বাধীনতা-উত্তর বাংলাদেশ প্রথম খণ্ড (Shadhinotar-uttor Bangladesh Prothom Khondo)[ Post-Independence Bangladesh (Volume 1) ]; Fourth Edition, August 2021, Chapter 3, Page 44

Muntassir Mamoon and Jayanta Kumar Ray, Inside Bureaucracy: Bangladesh

Sekander Ali, আমার পুলিশ- জীবন (Amar Police Jibon) [My Police Life]

J.N Dixit, Liberation and Beyond: Indo-Bangladesh Relations

Mohammad Toaha, স্মৃতিকথা (Smritikatha) [ Memoirs ]

Bangladesh Observer*; June 18, 1974

Mohammad Zainal Abedin, RAW and Bangladesh
 
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As to the frequent excuse given by Indian govt. that they helped Bangladeshi refugees, the lion's share of the cost of housing and feeding the refugees was carried out by entities other than India, the financial and material aid coming to India directly via the UNRWA funds donated by various entities totaling about 168 Million US dollars. So - contrary to common belief, Indians are not the open-hearted donation entity (दान wallah) they claim to be.

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