[🇧🇩] Insurgencies in Myanmar. Implications for Bangladesh

[Saif]

Bangladesh–Myanmar border: Landmines claim lives, some left disabled

The lower part of his right leg, below the knee, was blown off in the explosion. With what remains of his severely injured leg, 45-year-old fisherman Mohammad Firoz has been writhing in pain in the hospital for nearly a month.

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Bangladesh–Myanmar border: Landmines claim lives, some left disabled
Ifthekhar Uddin Chattogram
Published: 03 May 2025, 22: 57

Mohammad Firoz, who was injured in a landmine explosion at the Teknaf border in Cox’s Bazar, is currently receiving treatment at Chittagong Medical College Hospital. The explosion occurred last Wednesday afternoon.Photo: Jewel Shill

The lower part of his right leg, below the knee, was blown off in the explosion. With what remains of his severely injured leg, 45-year-old fisherman Mohammad Firoz has been writhing in pain in the hospital for nearly a month. He was injured in a landmine blast on 6 April while returning from fishing. The explosion took place just inside Myanmar territory, near the zero line of the Hwaikyang border in Teknaf, Cox’s Bazar.

Like Firoz, many residents living near Bangladesh’s border with Myanmar are frequently killed or injured by landmine and improvised explosive device (IED) blasts. Between 24 January and 1 May of this year alone, at least 13 people have been injured in such explosions. In July 2024, a young man lost his life in a similar incident. Most of these explosions have occurred in the Naikhongchhari border area of Bandarban.

The majority of those injured in landmine explosions have been left disabled. Having lost their livelihoods, many now live in misery. Their families, too, have been pushed to the brink of destitution due to high medical costs and other expenses.

In Myanmar, the long-running conflict between the country’s military and armed groups has led to widespread use of deadly landmines and munitions. In November 2023, the Arakan Army launched attacks on military bases in Rakhine State. As a result, much of the state is now under the control of the Arakan Army.

Allegations have emerged that the Arakan Army has planted a large number of landmines near the Bangladesh border, resulting in casualties. According to government officials and local representatives, these mines were likely laid to prevent members of Rohingya armed groups, who are in conflict with the Arakan Army, from entering their territory. However, like the Myanmar military, the Arakan Army has denied planting landmines in the border areas.

The Bangladesh–Myanmar border stretches approximately 271 kilometers through the Bandarban and Cox’s Bazar regions. Allegations have emerged that the Arakan Army has planted a large number of landmines near the Bangladesh border, resulting in casualties. According to government officials and local representatives, these mines were likely laid to prevent members of Rohingya armed groups, who are in conflict with the Arakan Army, from entering their territory. However, like the Myanmar military, the Arakan Army has denied planting landmines in the border areas.

Myanmar ranks among the top countries in the world for landmine-related casualties. This information was highlighted in the report titled Landmine Monitor 2024, published in November last year by the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL). The report stated that in 2023, a total of 1,003 people were killed or injured by landmines and explosive remnants of war in Myanmar, while 933 such casualties occurred in Syria during the same period.

The United Nations introduced the Mine Ban Treaty in 1997, which prohibits the production, use, and stockpiling of landmines. However, Myanmar is one of the countries that has not signed this treaty.

Firoz explained that the Naf River is not far from his home. Across the river lies the Lalchar area, where there are several fish enclosures. Although these enclosures are inside Myanmar, people from the border areas often go there to fish. He had gone there for fishing when he was injured by a landmine explosion.

'My right leg was blown off'
Mohammad Firoz, who was injured in a landmine explosion, is from Amtali area of Ward No. 2 in Hwaikyang union, Teknaf upazila. He is currently undergoing treatment at Chittagong Medical College Hospital. When visited at the hospital last Monday, part of his right leg was found to be severed. Most of the remaining portion was wrapped in bandages. His wife, Sabekunnahar, is by his side.

Firoz explained that the Naf River is not far from his home. Across the river lies the Lalchar area, where there are several fish enclosures. Although these enclosures are inside Myanmar, people from the border areas often go there to fish. He had gone there for fishing when he was injured by a landmine explosion.

Recalling the explosion, fear flashed across his face. He said, “Many of us had gone fishing together. Usually, we would wade back through the water with the fish. But that day I was very hungry, so I decided to walk back along the ridge in the middle of the enclosure. Suddenly, there was an explosion. I lost consciousness for a moment. When I came to, I was standing like a tree, and my right leg was gone.”

Firoz continued, “I still had the fishing net over my shoulder. The fish basket was also hanging from my shoulder. There were around seven kilograms of fish in it. I dropped the net but held on to the basket. I thought, at least my children at home can eat the fish. Then I crawled some distance and shouted for help. Hearing my cries, nearby fishermen rescued me and took me to a hospital in Ukhiya. From there, I was transferred to Chittagong.”

Firoz, who has supported his family by fishing for over 20 years, said, “I’ve fished many times in that area before, where the explosion happened. I never faced anything like this before.”

I still had the fishing net over my shoulder. The fish basket was also hanging from my shoulder. There were around seven kilograms of fish in it. I dropped the net but held on to the basket. I thought, at least my children at home can eat the fish. Then I crawled some distance and shouted for help. Hearing my cries, nearby fishermen rescued me and took me to a hospital in Ukhiya. From there, I was transferred to Chittagong.

Firoz also shared that since the explosion, he has been deeply worried about providing for his family. He said he lives with his wife Sabekunnahar, their four sons, and two daughters. His income was the main source of support for the family. Recently, his eldest son, who is 18 years old, has started earning a small amount by working as a day laborer, but it’s not enough to run the household on his own.

Firoz said, “I’ve been in the hospital for a month now. My wife is covering the medical expenses by collecting money from others. I don’t know when I’ll be discharged. Even after I’m released, I’ll need long-term treatment. I have no idea how I’ll manage the cost of treatment or provide for my family. I’m completely at a loss.”

Abdus Salam, who was injured in a landmine explosion at the Naikhongchhari border in Bandarban.

The photo was taken last Wednesday afternoon at Chittagong Medical College Hospital.
Abdus Salam, who was injured in a landmine explosion at the Naikhongchhari border in Bandarban. The photo was taken last Wednesday afternoon at Chittagong Medical College Hospital.Photot: Jewel Shill

Husband is missing, and now her son is gone too
Fifteen years ago, Rabeya Khatun’s husband left home to travel to Malaysia by sea. Since then, there has been no trace of him. In the meantime, on 7 July last year, Rabeya, 45, lost her son, Md Zubair, 18, in a landmine explosion.

Rabeya lives in a small makeshift hut made of bamboo and plastic sheets by the roadside in the Damdamia area of Teknaf. Though originally from Maungdaw in Myanmar, she has lived in Bangladesh for at least 30 years. When asked about her son Zubair, she broke down in tears. Through her sobs, she said, “I was hospitalised at the time due to illness. Zubair was at home. He went crab-catching with some locals to Laldia Char on the Naf River. There, a bomb (landmine) exploded and blew off his right leg. He later died.”

Rabeya added, “The explosion happened around 2:00pm. We got the news around 3:30pm. Some local people brought him back. He was apparently still alive near the house. He saw his elder brother and asked, ‘Where’s mom?’ Then he passed away. I rushed from the hospital and saw my son’s body.”

She said she has two sons and one daughter. Her husband, Hamid Hossain, left home 15 years ago to go to Malaysia and has not been heard from since. She doesn’t know whether he is alive or dead. Her elder son, Mohammad Ayaz, is married and lives with his in-laws. Since Zubair’s death, Rabeya has lived alone in the tiny hut with her teenage daughter. The hut, built on privately owned land, costs Tk 500 per month in rent.

Describing her hardship since her son’s death, Rabeya said, “My daughter works in other people’s houses. I work too if I can find something, otherwise I survive by asking for help from others. I don’t know if it’s possible for anyone to live in more misery than this. Life is very difficult.”

I was hospitalised at the time due to illness. Zubair was at home. He went crab-catching with some locals to Laldia Char on the Naf River. There, a bomb (landmine) exploded and blew off his right leg. He later died.---Rabeya Khatun

'Who will look after my farm? I don’t know how I’ll survive'

On 29 March of this year, Abdus Salam, 37, was injured in a landmine explosion 300 meters inside Myanmar territory, near the Chakdhala border of Naikhongchhari Sadar Union. The explosion severed the lower part of his left leg below the knee. He is currently receiving treatment at Chittagong Medical College Hospital.

When asked about the incident, Salam said he was working on his farmland near the zero line of the border, where he grows betel leaf and bananas among other crops. He crossed the border while chasing a monkey away from his field. Suddenly, a landmine exploded, blowing off part of his leg, including the ankle.

Salam said, “It’s a strange feeling knowing that part of my leg below the knee is gone. I’m a farmer. I have five children at home. I support my family by working in the fields. Now, who will take care of the farm? I don’t know how I will survive. Still, I have no bitterness. The explosion could have taken my life. I’m grateful to be alive.”

Salam shared that his medical expenses have already exceeded Tk 100,000. “I had surgery on my leg a few days ago. I’m feeling a bit better now. Hopefully, I’ll be discharged from the hospital in a few days,” he said.

Salam said, “It’s a strange feeling knowing that part of my leg below the knee is gone. I’m a farmer. I have five children at home. I support my family by working in the fields. Now, who will take care of the farm? I don’t know how I will survive. Still, I have no bitterness. The explosion could have taken my life. I’m grateful to be alive.---Abdus Salam

Those injured or killed this year
Most recently, on Thursday, a Bangladeshi woodcutter was injured in a landmine explosion at the Reju Amtali border, located between Naikhongchhari in Bandarban and Ukhiya in Cox’s Bazar. The victim, Monsur Alam, 30, is the son of Siraj Mia from Tulatoli village in Rajapalong union, Ukhiya upazila of Cox’s Bazar. His left leg was severely injured in the explosion. Other injured individuals this year include: Mohammad Zubair, 30 on 26 April, Md Tayeb, 35, on 8 April, Mohammad Firoz, 45, on 6 April, Abdus Salam, 37, on 29 March, Mohammad Babu, 18, on 26 March, Mohammad Sirajul Islam, 14, on 14 February, Taqi Uddin, 20, on 3 February and Nabi Hossain, 48 on 1 February.

On 24 January, four individuals were injured in separate incidents on the same day: Md. Russel, 24, Arif Ullah, 30, Ayat Ullah, 25, and Ali Hossain, 32.
These individuals were injured 200 to 300 meters inside Myanmar territory, beyond the zero line at border areas such as Chakdhala, Phultoli, Jaruliachhari, Nikochhari, Bhalukhaiya, Jamgachhari in Naikhongchhari, Bandarban, and Teknaf in Cox’s Bazar. One person sustained injuries to the chest, while the others mostly suffered severe leg injuries.

To understand how Bangladeshis are crossing the tightly secured border and entering beyond the zero line, multiple attempts were made to contact officials of Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), but none of them responded.

Naikhongchhari Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO) Muhammad Majharul Islam Chowdhury told Prothom Alo that the Bangladesh–Myanmar border in Naikhongchhari is approximately 120 kilometers long, and not all areas are fenced with barbed wire. Many people manage to bypass BGB patrols and enter Myanmar territory, where they end up injured in mine explosions.

UNO Majharul Islam Chowdhury also said that most of the injured individuals are involved in smuggling. Awareness campaigns are being conducted regularly at the union level to prevent people from illegally crossing the border and risking their lives.

Fifteen years ago, Rabeya Khatun’s husband left home to travel to Malaysia by sea. He has been missing ever since. In the meantime, she lost her son, Md Zubair, in a landmine explosion in July last year.

Fifteen years ago, Rabeya Khatun’s husband left home to travel to Malaysia by sea. He has been missing ever since. In the meantime, she lost her son, Md Zubair, in a landmine explosion in July last year.Photo: Gias Uddin

Causes behind the casualties

Discussions with members of law enforcement agencies and local representatives reveal that many residents on both sides of the border cross it without going through legal procedures. People often cross the border for activities like logging, herding cattle, farming, or fishing. Additionally, many are involved in cross-border smuggling and regularly move between the two countries. These are the people who are primarily being injured or killed in landmine explosions along the border.

Currently, landmines are planted in most areas along the Myanmar–Bangladesh border. However, the highest concentration appears to be near the border adjacent to Naikhongchhari upazila. Even slight carelessness can result in fatal accidents due to these hidden mines.

When asked, Naikhongchhari Police Station’s Officer-in-Charge (OC) Masrurul Haque said that the explosions are occurring inside Myanmar. It is not possible to say for sure why people are going into those areas.

According to what is commonly heard, residents of border villages cross the line to herd cattle, collect firewood, or transport goods.

Faridul Alam, a member of Ward No. 6 of Naikhongchhari Sadar Union Parishad, said that most people in the border area are poor. Many cross into Myanmar for smuggling. Some people collect and sell metal posts and scrap iron from the barbed wire fences along the border. They make up a large portion of those injured or killed. In response to a question, he said, “All of the landmine explosions have occurred along the zero line of the border.”

When asked, Naikhongchhari Police Station’s Officer-in-Charge (OC) Masrurul Haque said that the explosions are occurring inside Myanmar. It is not possible to say for sure why people are going into those areas.

Who is planting the landmines

The increasing use of landmines by both the Myanmar military and armed groups has been highlighted in the Landmine Monitor 2024 report by the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL). The report also mentions that image analysis suggests mines are being manufactured within Myanmar.

Faridul Alam, a Union Parishad member from Naikhongchhari, said that the Myanmar military initially planted mines along the border. Faridul Alam believes that the Arakan Army has planted landmines primarily to deter members of armed Rohingya groups. Several statements from the police to the media have also attributed the recent explosions to mines planted by the Arakan Army.

Most of those injured by landmines along the border are ordinary civilians. That’s because smugglers usually know where the mines are and how to avoid them, so they are rarely injured. What we can do is first discourage people from going into these dangerous areas through awareness campaigns. Beyond that, it may also be possible to engage in dialogue with the Arakan Army on this issue.

Retired Major Emdadul Islam

Retired Major Emdadul Islam, who previously served as the head of the Bangladesh Mission in Sittwe, Myanmar, and is also a writer on regional security issues, spoke to Prothom Alo about the situation. He said that most of the landmine explosions are caused by mines planted by the Myanmar military. However, it is believed that the Arakan Army is also laying mines, likely out of concern over facing resistance from armed Rohingya groups. Planting landmines in this manner constitutes a violation of international law. Even if mines are placed, signboards must be posted to warn people.

Emdadul Islam further stated, “Most of those injured by landmines along the border are ordinary civilians. That’s because smugglers usually know where the mines are and how to avoid them, so they are rarely injured. What we can do is first discourage people from going into these dangerous areas through awareness campaigns. Beyond that, it may also be possible to engage in dialogue with the Arakan Army on this issue.”

*Prothom Alo’s Teknaf correspondent Gias Uddin contributed to this report by providing information.​

 

[Saif]

EU pursuing political solution to Rohingya crisis: envoy

Ambassador and head of delegation of the European Union to Bangladesh Michael Miller said the EU is working for a political solution to the Rohingya crisis in support of a safe, voluntary, and dignified return of the forcibly displaced...

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EU pursuing political solution to Rohingya crisis: envoy
Staff Correspondent 05 May, 2025, 13:46

Ambassador and head of delegation of the European Union to Bangladesh Michael Miller addresses the DCAB Talk organised by the Diplomatic Correspondents Association, Bangladesh at the National Press Club in Dhaka on Monday. | New Age photo

Ambassador and head of delegation of the European Union to Bangladesh Michael Miller said the EU is working for a political solution to the Rohingya crisis in support of a safe, voluntary, and dignified return of the forcibly displaced people to their homeland Myanmar.

‘We support a political solution — the only viable path forward. We are working hard to facilitate it,’ said the EU envoy at a ‘DCAB Talk’ organised by the Diplomatic Correspondents Association, Bangladesh at the National Press Club in the capital Dhaka.

Responding to a question about the position of the EU regarding the Rohingya crisis as Bangladesh is under fresh pressure to allow in more Rohingyas from the conflict-ridden Rakhine State and providing a humanitarian channel to the conflict zone, now being largely controlled by ethnic rebel Arakan Army, he said both Bangladesh and the EU believe that the return of Rohingyas must be safe, voluntary, and dignified.

As for allowing the humanitarian channel, he said that governments of both the countries must agree for a safe passage to provide assistances to the refugees on the other side of the border.

‘As a humanitarian partner for Bangladesh, we are quite happy to be pragmatic about how we can meet the needs of the refugees. If the refugees are here, we will meet their needs here. If they are on the other side of the border, we will also look at how we can channel assistance to them there,’ the diplomat said.

He said they have provided such cross-border assistance in other parts of the world. ‘But it can only work when individuals are safe on both sides of the border and when the governments agree,’ Miller added.

He, however, praised Bangladesh for its humanitarian efforts in hosting the displaced Rohingyas in Cox’s Bazar camps.

Asked about the United Nations’ fact-finding report on the July mass uprising, which forced the fall of the authoritarian regime of Sheikh Hasina in August, 2024, he said they supported the work of the UN fact-finding mission and underscored the need for holding accountable those behind the ‘terrible crimes’ committed during the student-led mass uprising.

DCAB president AKM Moinuddin and general secretary Md Arifuzzaman Mamun also spoke at the event.

More than 1.3 million Myanmar nationals from the Rohingya community have fled to Bangladesh amid brutal atrocities in the Rakhine State by the Myanmar military since 2017, according to Bangladesh government data.

Meanwhile, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees has pressed the Office of the Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner to ensure accommodating 1.13 lakh more Rohingyas, who entered Bangladesh between November 2023 and April 27, 2025, amid uncertainties of repatriation.

RRRC officials said that Rohingyas continued to enter Bangladesh as conflicts in Myanmar’s Rakhine state went on.​

 

[Saif]

Hundreds flee across Thai border after attack on Myanmar military

More than 300 Myanmar people fled into Thailand to seek refuge following an assault on the military by ethnic armed groups, Thailand said Thursday, days after the junta extended a post-earthquake ceasefire.

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Hundreds flee across Thai border after attack on Myanmar military
Agence France-Presse . Bangkok 09 May, 2025, 00:43

A view of Kyauk Khet in Myanmar's Kayin State is seen from Thailand's Phop Phra district in Tak province along the Thai-Myanmar border on Feb 12, 2025. | AFP file photo

More than 300 Myanmar people fled into Thailand to seek refuge following an assault on the military by ethnic armed groups, Thailand said Thursday, days after the junta extended a post-earthquake ceasefire.

Myanmar has been mired in civil conflict since a military coup in 2021, with the junta battling a coalition of ethnic armed organisations and pro-democracy resistance forces.

Wednesday’s attack by the Karen National Liberation Army and its allied Karen National Defence Organisation targeted a military base in Kayin state, about 2.5 kilometres from the Thai border, according to the Thai military.

‘The attack involved a close-range encirclement of the base and the use of armed drones to continuously drop explosives throughout the day,’ a statement said.

By Thursday, 327 Myanmar nationals had crossed into Thailand and were sheltering in two temporary sites, including a temple, with Thai military and police providing security and humanitarian aid, officials said.

Thai forces have ramped up patrols along the border in Tak province to prevent what officials described as a potential ‘breach of sovereignty by foreign armed forces’.

Myanmar’s military government and various armed groups opposed to it announced a ceasefire after the March 28 quake to help relief and recovery efforts.

The truce has been repeatedly broken by air strikes by the junta and attacks by armed groups.

The magnitude-7.7 quake near the central city of Mandalay killed nearly 3,800 and left tens of thousands homeless.​

 

[Saif]

The Rohingya crisis: Empty promises, endless sufferings

One of the most visible and immediate consequences of this increased population pressure is the growing food insecurity across the camps.

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The Rohingya crisis: Empty promises, endless sufferings

Over 118,000 refugees have fled to Bangladesh in the past year alone. Photo: REUTERS

Despite repeated international pledges and Myanmar's recent announcement to repatriate 180,000 Rohingya refugees, the reality on the ground tells a troubling and contradictory story. Over 118,000 refugees have fled to Bangladesh in the past year alone. Their perilous journeys, often undertaken by foot or sea, underscore the continued absence of safety, rights, and dignity in their homeland. These new arrivals lay bare the emptiness of Myanmar's repatriation rhetoric, exposing it as a performative gesture rather than a genuine effort towards justice or durable solutions. For Bangladesh—already hosting more than 1.3 million Rohingya since 2017—this renewed influx has reignited a humanitarian emergency, further straining infrastructure, essential services, and the already stretched resilience of host communities.

At the heart of this crisis are the refugee camps in Cox's Bazar—the world's largest refugee settlement. Initially intended for temporary protection, these camps have evolved into sprawling settlements of chronic vulnerability. The arrival of newly displaced Rohingya has pushed the system even further to its limits. With no land left for expansion, many new arrivals are forced to squeeze into already congested shelters or build makeshift homes on unstable, landslide-prone hillsides. In some shelters, 8 to 10 family members occupy a single room. This level of overcrowding is not only inhumane—it directly fuels fragmented health and protection risks. Poor ventilation and inadequate sanitation contribute to the spread of communicable diseases. Fire hazards rise with the density of makeshift structures. Hill-cutting to make space accelerates deforestation and erosion, making the entire landscape more vulnerable to climate-induced disasters. With the monsoon season approaching, the risk of floods and landslides adds another layer of danger to those already living on the edge of survival. In short, the new arrivals do not just stretch housing capacity—they elevate every associated risk and deepen existing vulnerabilities.

One of the most visible and immediate consequences of this increased population pressure is the growing food insecurity across the camps. The 2025-26 Joint Response Plan, developed by the Government of Bangladesh and humanitarian partners, was meant to address the needs of millions of people. Yet this plan is grossly underfunded, as global attention remains fixed on other crises in Gaza, Ukraine, and Sudan. In March 2025, the World Food Programme announced another drastic cut in food rations, reducing monthly support from $12.50 to just $6 per person. This amount is woefully inadequate to meet even the most basic nutritional requirements and sends a disturbing message to refugee families: that their survival is no longer a global priority. The fallout is already visible—UNICEF recently reported a 27 percent surge in cases of severe acute malnutrition among children in the camps within just one year. The newly arrived refugees, most of whom come after weeks of undernourishment and stress, now face an even bleaker situation. Without documentation, many cannot access immediate food assistance, leaving them dependent on already overstretched support systems. Moreover, this additional number creates a reality where the limited aid available must stretch even further. Current allocations, falling to roughly one-third of what was provided just a year ago, raise serious concerns about how long this fragile humanitarian response can hold.

Closely tied to food insecurity is the rapidly collapsing health system. Healthcare services in the camps were already struggling to meet the needs of the existing population due to overcrowding, dwindling supplies, and a lack of healthcare personnel. The recent influx has overwhelmed them further. Many of the newly arrived suffer from chronic conditions, injuries, untreated infections, and psychological trauma. Like previous waves of displacement, they come with extremely low health literacy, making it difficult for them to access care or follow treatment. While past years saw gradual improvements in health awareness due to continuous community engagement, such efforts are no longer feasible. Frontline health workers are now diverted to emergency services like nutrition stabilisation, outbreak prevention, and maternal care, leaving little room for outreach at the level required by the newly arrived. The camps are already reported to have a high prevalence of sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS, which is expected to be high among the new arrivals as well, given the prevalence in Myanmar. This, along with cuts to food assistance, raises the risk of a further surge in HIV/AIDS, exacerbated by reported refugee involvement in prostitution and drug use, where local Bangladeshis are reportedly the primary clients. Meanwhile, mental health services—already minimal—are unable to meet the psychological needs of both newly-arrived and long-term refugees, despite widespread exposure to violence, displacement, and family separation. The recent cuts to United States Agency for International Development (USAID) funding, which supported programmes related to HIV/AIDS treatment, immunisation, and chronic disease management, have made matters worse, increasing the risk of preventable deaths and long-term disability. As more people arrive with urgent health needs, the fragile system edges closer to collapse.

Rising insecurity in the camps has also worsened. As aid dwindles and desperation mounts, armed groups and criminal networks have gained ground. Newly arrived refugees—unfamiliar with camp dynamics—are particularly vulnerable to exploitation. The influx has further strained an already fragile education system, mostly operated by NGOs.

Tensions are rising in host communities, where poverty, deforestation, inflation, and competition for basic services have fuelled growing resentment. Though the Rohingya movement is restricted, their involvement in informal labour markets—especially in agriculture and construction—has disrupted local livelihoods. Once grounded in compassion and shared identity, host-refugee relations are now fraying. Without urgent support and sustainable solutions, these tensions risk escalating into open conflict, threatening both humanitarian efforts and regional stability.

Diplomatically, the crisis underscores a profound failure of accountability. Myanmar's repatriation promises ring hollow, as people continue fleeing instead of returning. Despite clear evidence of genocide, there have been no meaningful reforms. The international community has failed to apply sustained pressure on Myanmar or adequately support Bangladesh. Generosity alone cannot carry the burden that Bangladesh bears. Without urgent global action—including funding, resettlement, and policy reform—the crisis will deepen. What's needed now is not more promises, but real commitments to justice and shared responsibility. This is not just a logistical challenge; it is a test of global humanity.

Dr Md Nuruzzaman Khan is research fellow at the University of Melbourne, Australia.​

 

[Saif]

Myanmar junta airstrike kills 22 at school

A Myanmar junta airstrike hit a school Monday killing 22 people, including 20 children, witnesses said, despite a purported humanitarian ceasefire called to help the nation recover from a devastating earthquake...

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Myanmar junta airstrike kills 22 at school
Agence France-Presse . Depeyin, Myanmar 13 May, 2025, 00:15

A Myanmar junta airstrike hit a school Monday killing 22 people, including 20 children, witnesses said, despite a purported humanitarian ceasefire called to help the nation recover from a devastating earthquake.

The strike hit a school in the village of Oe Htein Kwin — around 100 kilometres northwest of the epicentre of the March 28 quake — at about 10:00am (0330 GMT), locals said.

The green school building was a shattered husk on Monday afternoon, its metal roof crumpled with gaping holes blasted through its brickwork walls.

Over a dozen abandoned book bags were piled before a pole flying the Myanmar flag outside, as parents chiselled small graves out of the hard earth to bury the shrouded bodies of their children.

‘For now 22 people in total — 20 children and two teachers — have been killed,’ said a 34-year-old teacher at the school, asking to remain anonymous.

‘We tried to spread out the children, but the fighter was too fast and dropped its bombs,’ she added. ‘I haven’t been able to collect all the casualty data as parents are in a rush.’

An education official from the area of the village in Sagaing region gave the same toll.

A Myanmar junta spokesperson could not be reached for comment.

Myanmar has been riven by civil war since the military deposed a civilian government in 2021, with the junta suffering stinging losses to a myriad of anti-coup guerillas and long-active ethnic armed groups.

But the military pledged a ceasefire throughout this month ‘to continue the rebuilding and rehabilitation process’ after the magnitude 7.7 quake in Myanmar’s central belt that killed nearly 3,800 people.

Tens of thousands are still living outside after the catastrophic jolt demolished or badly damaged their homes, facing the prospect of the monsoon season starting in the coming weeks.

‘The needs are immense,’ Jagan Chapagain, secretary general of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, said on Monday.

‘My worry is that time is not on our side.’

The United Nations and independent conflict monitors say the junta has continued its campaign of aerial bombardment despite the armistice meant to alleviate suffering.

Last week, the UN said that since the earthquake more than 200 civilians had been killed in at least 243 military attacks, including 171 airstrikes.

In its ceasefire declaration, the military warned it would take ‘necessary defensive measures’ if pressed by its opponents.

Numerous anti-coup and ethnic armed groups have made own pledges to pause hostilities.

However during the truce some residents in eastern Myanmar said they have been displaced as anti-coup forces besieged junta-held towns on a lucrative trade route towards Thailand.

The March earthquake saw the ground shear up to six metres in places according to NASA analysis — levelling apartments, opening yawning holes in roads and collapsing one major bridge.

The relief response is also being hobbled by funding shortfalls after US president Donald Trump slashed Washington’s international aid budget.​

 

[Saif]

Can Myanmar turn disaster into dialogue?

THE recent earthquake in Myanmar has triggered a severe humanitarian crisis in the war-torn region bordering Bangladesh. The 7.9 magnitude earthquake that struck the Sagaing region of Myanmar on March 28 has resulted in the death of more than 5,000 people and the destruction of more than 120,000...

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Can Myanmar turn disaster into dialogue?
Muhammad Asiful Basar 16 May, 2025, 00:00

Rescuers on a collapsed building in Mandalay, Myanmar, on March 30. | The New Humanitarian

THE recent earthquake in Myanmar has triggered a severe humanitarian crisis in the war-torn region bordering Bangladesh. The 7.9 magnitude earthquake that struck the Sagaing region of Myanmar on March 28 has resulted in the death of more than 5,000 people and the destruction of more than 120,000 houses as well as thousands of sites related to religion, schools and government buildings. The affected population is nearly 17 million, surpassing that of the Dhaka city. The disaster has split Myanmar socio-economically nearly in a half and caused extensive damage from the north to the south. The country, already facing a severe humanitarian crisis as a result of extended military governance and widespread civil unrest, is now confronted with a natural disaster that has intensified the existing challenges. This situation has brought Myanmar to a critical juncture, which seems to be exceedingly difficult for an undemocratic and unpopular regime to manage.

The earthquake has further exacerbated the ongoing civil conflict in Myanmar. Despite the junta’s declaration of a ceasefire, numerous attacks have been reported, indicating that hostilities persist during this humanitarian crisis. According to the Democratic Voice of Burma, between March 28 and April 5, Myanmar’s military airstrikes resulted in the death of 68 individuals across the Karen, northern Shan, Bago and Sagaing regions. The People’s Defence Force, a rebel group operating in various provinces of Myanmar, announced a partial ceasefire for two weeks, beginning on March 30.

However, on March 31, the junta conducted an airstrike in Singu Township, Mandalay, injuring several residents and destroying their houses. This violation of the international law, occurring amidst a humanitarian crisis triggered by a significant natural disaster, demands serious attention from the international community. Additionally, the Three Brotherhood Alliance, which is composed of three distinct rebel factions in Arakan and Shan states, declared a partial ceasefire on April 1. Nevertheless, that same evening, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing expressed his intention to continue military operations against the anti-junta coalition, asserting his belief that this alliance is preparing for future assaults.

The military has also been accused of obstructing and diverting foreign aid from opposition-controlled territories to more neutral zones. Recently, the Guardian has reported that a medical team led by two Australian doctors accused the junta of blocking international aid to the most affected region of Mandalay and confiscating relief items without any valid justification. Besides, much of the delivery of the aid to the affected zones is heavily dependent on military logistic supplies. The report also states that the military is using logistical challenges as an excuse for failing to deliver aid to rebel-held areas.

This situation indicates that the dynamics of the Myanmar civil war are becoming increasingly complex and precarious. It has already brought Myanmar to a critical juncture. The junta must recognise that the current crisis has created an opportunity for peace and reconciliation in Myanmar, which they should leverage in favour of the country’s sovereignty. In this reconciliation process, they must seek assistance from the international community. The Malaysian prime minister has announced plans to meet Myanmar’s junta leader to advocate for an extension to the ceasefire between the military government and rebel groups. The United Nations has also proposed a humanitarian channel through Bangladesh, which has sparked political controversy both in Bangladesh and the surrounding region.

Studies on disaster diplomacy indicate that during a critical juncture, military-controlled relief operations often serve as a tool to suppress communities that are already marginalised and disloyal to the military. The military uses relief efforts as a diplomatic and strategic weapon to undermine opposing forces. For example, the Sri Lankan government exploited the 2004 tsunami disaster by restricting the flow of aid and rehabilitation measures, which ultimately escalated tension between the government and the rebel group, the LTTE. By 2008, this strategy effectively dismantled the resistance of the rebels in Sri Lanka.

On the contrary, there are several other studies that explain how natural disasters, as external shocks, create opportune moments for conflict resolution in various countries throughout history. A notable example is the Aceh conflict in Indonesia, where, after six months of a devastating earthquake and a massive tsunami that struck the Indian Ocean region in 2004, commonly referred to as the Indian Ocean Tsunami, a peace agreement was reached between the Aceh liberation forces and the Indonesian government.

The development occurred because the Indonesian government recognised the importance of de-escalating conflicts by reallocating resources that had previously been designated for military actions against separatists. Furthermore, they understood the widespread public sympathy for the victims, which resonated across the nation. Both the government and rebel groups found it essential to establish temporary cooperation and cease hostilities to ensure that aid reached those in need. Additionally, the Indonesian government acknowledged that they could not sustain this cooperation without international intervention. Consequently, they engaged Finland and ASEAN in the dialogue and, ultimately, within six months of the disaster, both parties agreed to sign a permanent peace accord.

The earthquake highlights the junta’s strained relations with international donors and its tight controls over affected areas, raising concern about its ability and willingness to support survivors. It is important to acknowledge that this disaster has exposed Myanmar’s vulnerabilities in managing national crises while simultaneously presenting a significant opportunity for the military junta to alleviate the prevailing tensions within the nation. The only viable option available to establish long-term peace may be the use of disaster diplomacy, a strategy designed to restore trust and authority. Any deviation from this approach is likely to result in further fragmentation in Myanmar in the coming days.

Muhammad Asiful Basar, a senior lecturer at the North South University, is a doctoral candidate, Institute of Development Policy, University of Antwerp, Belgium.​

 

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Bangladesh’s strategic tightrope in Rakhine

The proposal for a Bangladesh-Myanmar aid channel is rooted in a decade of failed diplomacy.

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Bangladesh’s strategic tightrope in Rakhine

A woman cooks next to destroyed houses and burned trees following fighting between Myanmar's military and the Arakan Army in a village in Minbya Township in Rakhine State on May 21, 2024. FILE PHOTO: AFP

In Myanmar's Rakhine State, where the Arakan Army (AA) has consolidated control over significant swathes of territory, an estimated 1.2 million people—Rohingya Muslims and ethnic Rakhine Buddhists—face severe food shortages amid escalating conflict. The UN warns of famine-like conditions, exacerbated by Myanmar's military junta blocking humanitarian access since 2023. For Bangladesh, which already hosts over 960,000 Rohingya refugees (UNHCR, 2023), a proposal to open a cross-border aid channel has sparked fierce debate.

The channel, first proposed by the UN in early 2024, is framed as a lifeline for starving civilians. Yet critics argue it risks drawing Bangladesh into Myanmar's civil war, complicating relations with regional powers like China and India, and inflaming domestic political tensions. As former Bangladeshi Foreign Secretary Shahidul Haque noted in a 2024 interview with The Daily Star, "Humanitarian gestures can become geopolitical traps if divorced from hard-nosed realism."

This op-ed examines Bangladesh's precarious balancing act through the lens of offensive realism—the theory that states prioritise survival in an anarchic international system—while advocating for a strategy that blends principled aid with safeguards for sovereignty.

The origins of the channel: Humanitarianism or realpolitik?

The proposal for a Bangladesh-Myanmar aid channel is rooted in a decade of failed diplomacy. Since 2017, when Myanmar's military expelled over 740,000 Rohingya, Dhaka has repeatedly urged the UN Security Council to enforce repatriation. Instead, geopolitical gridlock—notably China and Russia shielding Myanmar from sanctions—has left Bangladesh bearing what former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina called a "uniquely disproportionate burden."

By 2023, donor fatigue had set in. The UN's $876 million Rohingya response plan was only 40 percent funded (UNOCHA, 2023), forcing ration cuts in Cox's Bazar camps. Meanwhile, Myanmar's civil war escalated, with the AA seizing key towns in Rakhine and Chin States. The UN's 2024 appeal for cross-border aid from Bangladesh emerged as a pragmatic workaround, but one laden with risks.

Myanmar's junta, which brands the AA a terrorist group, has weaponised aid access. After Cyclone Mocha devastated Rakhine in May 2023, the military blocked relief to AA-held areas, worsening malnutrition rates. The AA, while claiming to welcome aid, faces allegations of diverting supplies. A June 2023 report by the International Crisis Group documented AA checkpoints taxing commercial goods in Chin State, raising fears that aid convoys could face similar exploitation.

For Bangladesh, the channel offers leverage. By conditioning aid on Rohingya repatriation talks, Dhaka seeks to shift global attention to Myanmar's atrocities. Yet as one security analyst warned, "Humanitarian aid cannot be transactional. If politicised, it will fail civilians and backfire on Bangladesh."

Stakeholders' chessboard: Who wins, who loses?

Bangladesh's interim government faces mounting pressure. Opening the channel could avert a new refugee wave—35,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh between January and December 2024, as per UNHCR. A full-scale famine might push thousands more across the border. However, opposition parties like the BNP argue the channel legitimises Myanmar's junta and the AA. "Why should Bangladesh clean up Myanmar's mess?" asked BNP leader Rumeen Farhana. Others fear entanglement in Myanmar's war. In February 2024, a mortar shell from AA-junta clashes landed in Bandarban, injuring two Bangladeshi farmers.

The junta vs the AA

Myanmar's junta, isolated since its 2021 coup, views Rakhine through a prism of paranoia. It has repeatedly blocked UN aid, fearing it would bolster AA influence. The AA, meanwhile, seeks recognition as Rakhine's de facto authority. For both, the channel is less about saving lives than asserting sovereignty.

The Kosovo 2.0 myth or reality?

Opposition claims comparing the channel to NATO's 1999 Kosovo intervention are hyperbolic but reflect valid anxieties. Kosovo's precedent, where humanitarian intervention led to state fragmentation, looms large in Dhaka. A more apt parallel is Syria's cross-border aid mechanism from Turkey (2014-2023), which sustained 4.1 million civilians but enabled Turkish influence over opposition zones. For Bangladesh, the lesson is clear: humanitarian access must be insulated from state-building ambitions.

A path forward

Drawing from political scientist Stephen Walt's balance-of-threat theory, Bangladesh should:

Demand tripartite oversight: Aid convoys require consent from Myanmar's junta, AA, and ASEAN monitors to prevent politicisation.

Secure regional guarantees: India and China must publicly oppose cross-border attacks on Bangladesh.

Link aid to accountability: Use the channel to pressure Myanmar into accepting a UN-supervised Rohingya repatriation process.

Sovereignty as the red line

Bangladesh's dilemma mirrors that of many small states: act as a responsible global citizen while avoiding entanglement in others' conflicts. The channel's success hinges on strict neutrality and multilateral oversight. As international relations scholar Hedley Bull argued, even in an anarchic world, states can cooperate through shared rules, but only if power asymmetries are acknowledged.

For Bangladesh, this means prioritising its constitution's mandate: "The state shall base its international relations on… respect for national sovereignty" (Article 25). Humanitarian imperatives must not override that principle.

Zakir Kibria is a writer and policy analyst.​

 

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Debunking the Rohingya crisis, Bangladesh’s role, and the ASEAN Summit

External forces now shape Myanmar-Bangladesh dynamic in relation to the Rohingya crisis.

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Debunking the Rohingya crisis, Bangladesh’s role, and the ASEAN Summit
Yunus and Anwar Ibrahim

Can the vanguards of democracy that Anwar and Yunus symbolise lead to a solution for the Rohingya at the upcoming ASEAN summit? FILE PHOTO: PID

The balance may be shifting. Resolving the Rohingya crisis is being swayed by more external winds than internal thrusts. Dynamics such as Bamar treatment of the Rohingya, humanitarian care of the evicted Rakhine persons, and Bangladesh-Myanmar discussions on repatriating the displaced persons from Cox's Bazar camps have been overtaken by Myanmar's 2021 coup d'etat and its civil war consequences, regional spillovers thickening across Southeast Asia, and an independent resurgence of "democracy" inside Bangladesh, splashing externally.

In reverse order, Bangladesh Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus is more cited globally today not so much for his trademark microfinance contributions as his democracy-salvaging attempts since the historic ouster of the Awami League regime through a student-led democratic uprising last year. In comparison to Bangladesh's efforts in reviving democracy, Myanmar's deficiency of democracy has emerged more despairingly.

Democracy is a reform movement in deficient countries. The other side of this movement defends the status quo to keep narratives in the same ballpark. Bamars, the largest ethnic group in Myanmar, who represent that "other" Rohingya side, controlled all of Myanmar from Naypyidaw through the Tatmadaw armed forces. Under today's civil war, reportedly, less than one quarter remains in their hands. The National Unity Government (NUG), a mixed group, influences the rest. Its reformers, the National League for Democracy (NLD), a party of former Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, replaced military rule with "democracy" in 2015 and won again in 2020. After a stuttering start, her party was ousted in the February 2021 coup, after the Rohingya malaise spilled over into Bangladesh.

Other NUG members include discriminated ethnic groups in the northeast, north, and northwest. Because of that discrimination, they defend the status quo (their histories, identities, and interests), but support the reformers to evict General Min Aung Hlaing, the coup leader and current State Administration Council chairman. This gap between the local and provincial priorities and the overarching national priority—such as democracy—matters. These ethnic groups include the United League of Arakan (ULA) and its armed faction, the Arakan Army (AA), along Bangladesh and India's eastern borders; Kachin Independence Army (KIA) along China's southern border; Karen National Union (KNU) along Thailand's border; and Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), both of which function mostly out of Shan state along China's southern border, among others.

Rakhine, the Rohingya home, stands divided between ULA/AA and the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP). The ALP military faction, Arakan Liberation Army (ALA), often collaborates with Naypyidaw's State Administration Council and clashes with the ULA/AA along the Bangladesh borders. They subject the Rohingya people to crossfires in such locations as Buthidaung and Maungdaw, and signal the increasing need for negotiations rather than battleground exchanges to sort local problems.

The growing ULA/AA empowerment gives it greater intra-NUG salience. It has evicted Naypyidaw military forces across Rakhine and finds support from the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC). Bangladesh unofficially satisfies two ULA/AA conditions for a Rohingya solution: recognition of the ULA/AA, and mobilisation of UN-based global support.

NUG's "reformer"claim is, however, tainted. The 2017 Rohingya eviction was an NLD decision to let China complete its economic corridor across Rakhine and Kyaukphyu port in the Bay of Bengal. Such evictions go back to 1785 for ethnic discrimination, not geopolitics.

Resolving a national crisis, such as Hlaing eviction and Rohingya repatriation without fixing local fissures, weakens any Rohingya solution. Without exogenous platforms and management, this may be impossible given the depth of local distrust. If Myanmar's democracy is to work, attention must shift from one Nobel Prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi, the 2017 eviction perpetrator, to another, Yunus, whose "democracy" bonds extend to Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. The Malaysian politician visited Prof Yunus on October 4, 2024, and will host/chair the 46th ASEAN annual summit on May 26-27. That summit's theme of "Inclusivity and Sustainability" cannot but prioritise the Rohingya issue.

Prof Yunus's democratic ideologies pushed Gen Hlaing to announce Myanmar's election this year. This is an ASEAN membership requirement. When Prof Yunus attended the BIMSTEC Summit in Bangkok in April, he articulated his "Three Zeroes" agenda and called on the member-states to promote dialogue between conflicting parties in Myanmar to resolve the Rohingya issue. In a landmark move, Myanmar's Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister U Than Shwe announced an agreement to take back 180,000 Rohingya at the summit—against the 800,000 names Bangladesh proposed even as camp denizens have crossed 13 lakh—as part of repatriating one quarter of a million from Cox's Bazar. So clearly, exogenous platforms help.

Democracy is not a new ASEAN issue since the 2008 ASEAN Charter's preamble emphasised "democracy, law, and good governance." Article 1 targets "strengthening democracy," and Article 2 "democracy principles." Even right after Gen Hlaing's February 2021 coup, ASEAN prepared a five-point consensus to end violence, begin dialogue, not only appoint a special ASEAN envoy to Myanmar but also visit Myanmar, and provide humanitarian assistance. Myanmar's civil war made it irrelevant.

Ever since 2021, ASEAN summits have treated the Rohingya issue. Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen emotionally posted the Rohingya issue when he hosted/chaired the 2022 summit, but his meeting with only Hlaing offended NUG leaders. Indonesia's President Joko Widodo organised many meetings and supplied lots of humanitarian aid, but could not convert sentiments into substance at the 2023 summit. The same thing happened in Laos in January 2024 when the country's foreign minister met Hlaing. Opening that closed Rohingya door becomes more urgent constantly.

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim faces similar clouds this year. A harsher global context awaits him: a new US administration's tariff policies have deepened ASEAN trade relations with China, widened Myanmar's own policy options and doors, and with India preoccupied in Kashmir, China faces less Southeast Asian constraints. So, the obvious question arises: why break Myanmar's status quo? After all, Myanmar's top foreign investors (particularly China, India, and Japan) remain better off with the status quo. China influences ethnic NUG partners, because of those groups overlapping China's borders, since the country itself remains a stranger to democracy, to push Myanmar in that direction. In short, Malaysia's ASEAN summit this month would toss between these ill winds and the hopes that the vanguards of democracy that Anwar and Yunus symbolise. Riddled with mines, those remain the only salvaging elements for a Rohingya resolution. Without intra- and inter-boundary dialogues, no resolution seems feasible, including any "humanitarian corridor," and when displacement camps only grow, creating such passages misses a crucial beat.

Yunus mobilised another exogenous platform for a Rohingya solution: the UN. Its outgoing secretary-general, António Guterres, not only visited Dhaka, but also shared iftar with nearly 100,000 Rohingya in the Kutupalong camp in March, giving the neglected Rohingya what they most deserve: inclusiveness internationally, on an equal footing, not out of "noblesse oblige."

Bangladesh's exogenous reputation depends upon its endogenous treatment of its own election. Squaring the Rohingya circle fortifies two other global wishes: reformers, particularly the expressive youths who voted in 75 countries in 2024 (the most ever in any one year), shifting to negotiations via more streetside protests; and historically discriminated/persecuted groups replacing survival instincts with betterment. Peace, after all, is the springboard of reforms, and the postulated target of all conflicts, meaning zero-sum insulated approaches beg for collaborative, inclusive, and external counterparts—a shift too historically unprecedented to instantly change the ballgame.

Dr Imtiaz A Hussain is professor at the Department of Global Studies and Governance (GSG) at Independent University, Bangladesh (IUB).​

 

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Time ripe for talks between Myanmar junta and ousted government, Malaysia's Anwar says

Separate talks with Myanmar's junta leader and his key rivals have borne fruit, Malaysia's Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said, setting the stage for the first time for direct contact between two sides embroiled in a protracted and devastating civil war. Junta chief Min Aung Hlaing flew into the Tha

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Time ripe for talks between Myanmar junta and ousted government, Malaysia's Anwar says
REUTERS
Published :
May 22, 2025 18:17
Updated :
May 22, 2025 18:17

Myanmar junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who ousted the elected government in a coup on Feb 1, 2021, presides over an army parade on Armed Forces Day in Naypyitaw, Myanmar, Mar 27, 2021. Photo : REUTERS

Separate talks with Myanmar's junta leader and his key rivals have borne fruit, Malaysia's Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said, setting the stage for the first time for direct contact between two sides embroiled in a protracted and devastating civil war.

Junta chief Min Aung Hlaing flew into the Thai capital Bangkok for a closed-door meeting with Anwar last month and, a day later, the Malaysian leader held online talks with the shadow National Unity Government (NUG).

The NUG includes remnants of an elected government led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi deposed in the 2021 coup orchestrated by Min Aung Hlaing.

Both sides were aware of the engagement, two sources with direct knowledge said, underscoring the willingness of Min Aung Hlaing to engage in peace efforts despite branding the government-in-exile as "terrorist".

"We do engage separately, but I think it's time for them to talk," Anwar told reporters in Malaysia's administrative capital Putrajaya on Wednesday. "I mean, the people in Myanmar have to decide for themselves."

A junta spokesman did not respond to calls from Reuters seeking comment.

Nay Phone Latt, a spokesman for the NUG, said the shadow government would be open to talks with the military if it agreed to six conditions.

These include forming a new federal democratic union under a new constitution with no role for the military in politics and the creation of a transitional justice framework.

"If Myanmar's military agrees to that, we will have a dialogue with military authorities regarding the termination of the coup and peaceful transition of power," he told Reuters.

It's unlikely that Myanmar's military, which has ruled the country for most of its post-independence history, will accept those conditions.

But Anwar's initiative, launched on behalf of the Southeast Asian regional bloc ASEAN that he currently chairs, marks the first time the military regime appears amenable to dialogue since Myanmar was plunged into turmoil by the February 2021 coup.

The violence has killed thousands, displaced over 3.5 million people and decimated the economy of the Southeast Asian nation.

An armed opposition, comprising established ethnic armies and new resistance groups formed since the coup, has wrested chunks of territory from the junta, driving it out of border areas and increasingly hemming the territory it controls into the central lowlands.

Malaysian officials have begun outreach to some armed groups in Myanmar, a diplomatic source said, without providing further details.

GROUNDWORK FOR PEACE PROCESS

In Bangkok, Anwar publicly focused on securing a ceasefire extension to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid following a Mar 28 earthquake that killed more than 3,800 people, mostly in central Myanmar.

But the leader also utilised the opening to attempt to lay the groundwork for a broader peace process, according to four people aware of the discussions.

His initiative is slated to dominate the ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur next week, with dedicated talks among bloc members focused on the conflict ahead of the gathering.

Anwar described his push as "the first serious attempt at engagement" by the bloc.

"We have to move beyond that," he said on Wednesday.

ASEAN has been calling for a cessation of violence since the 2021 coup, pushing a peace plan known as the "Five Point Consensus" that has made little progress and barred Myanmar's ruling generals from the bloc's summits.

Backroom work for the Bangkok talks had started before the earthquake, three sources said, but the disaster provided an opportunity for Anwar to directly engage on humanitarian issues with Min Aung Hlaing, who has been shunned for nearly four years by successive ASEAN chairmen.

"The humanitarian exercise is important in itself, but to achieve it, we need a ceasefire. And a temporary ceasefire will in turn open up possible future pathways towards peace and reconciliation," George Yeo, a former Singaporean foreign minister who is currently an advisor to Anwar, told Reuters.

ELECTION PLANS

The NUG had initially opposed the Anwar-Min Aung Hlaing talks in Bangkok, urging "utmost caution" for any unilateral engagement with the junta chief.

Since the Bangkok talks, the junta has announced extensions to a ceasefire initially agreed upon to support humanitarian relief following the quake - but it still kept up a deadly military campaign, including in areas devastated by the earthquake.

ASEAN Secretary-General Kao Kim Hourn this week declined to comment on the military's continued offensive, saying it was unclear who had violated the ceasefire.

In the short term, the regional bloc needs to push the warring sides in Myanmar to respect the ceasefire.

"If everyone respects the ceasefire and sees the vital importance of humanitarian assistance, it could be a beginning point to bring the various sides for talks," commented veteran diplomat and former Thai vice-minister for foreign affairs Sihasak Phuangketkeow.

The renewed move to intensify dialogue in Myanmar also comes amid a junta plan to hold a general election in December, an exercise derided by its critics as a sham to keep the generals in power through proxies.

ASEAN had earlier said that the junta should prioritise making peace, instead of holding an election.

"Dialogue is important for the election, without it there is no legitimacy," Sihasak said.

"We have to be realistic enough to see that an election is not the end of the conflict."​

 

[Saif]

Myanmar ex-general killed in attack

A retired Myanmar general who formerly served as ambassador to Cambodia was shot dead on Thursday, two military sources said, in an attack claimed by anti-coup fighters...

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Myanmar ex-general killed in attack
Agence France-Presse . Yangon 22 May, 2025, 23:34

A retired Myanmar general who formerly served as ambassador to Cambodia was shot dead on Thursday, two military sources said, in an attack claimed by anti-coup fighters.

Myanmar’s military seized power in a 2021 coup, sparking a civil war pitching it against pro-democracy guerrillas and resurgent ethnic armed groups that have long been active in the Southeast Asian country’s fringes.

Most combat is confined to the countryside and smaller settlements, although sporadic grenade and gun attacks on police and junta-affiliated targets are regularly reported in the largest city Yangon.

A source close to the military said former general and Cambodia ambassador Cho Tun Aung ‘was shot and killed’ outside his Yangon home around 8:30am as he gave alms to monks collecting donations.

‘He used to donate meals every morning,’ the source said. ‘The shooters used this opportunity to assassinate him.’

A military officer confirmed Cho Tun Aung had been shot and killed without providing further details.

The attack was claimed by the Golden Valley Warriors, a little-known group that said Cho Tun Aung had been a confidant of junta chief Min Aung Hlaing and was teaching at a defence academy in his retirement.

‘Our Golden Valley Warriors team conducted the shooting after collecting and verifying information for a long time,’ the statement said.

The junta has suffered stinging territorial setbacks in recent months but analysts say it is far from defeat, with a powerful air force supplied with Russian jets and military backing from China.

Ethnic armed groups have proven the military’s most capable opponents but often have ambitions limited to their own areas, while pro-democracy guerrillas are scattered and poorly coordinated.​