[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

[Saif]

Reform commission suggests modern tech core for police force

The Bangladesh Police Reform Commission, in its January 2025 report, has outlined a series of measures aimed at modernising the country's law enforcement framework.

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Reform commission suggests modern tech core for police force

Within this new division, the commission proposes the creation of four specialised units. Image: Reuters.

The Bangladesh Police Reform Commission, in its January 2025 report, has outlined a series of measures aimed at modernising the country's law enforcement framework.

While the report addresses longstanding concerns such as corruption, inefficiency, and public mistrust, it also places a significant emphasis on technological advancements as a means to improve policing capabilities. The commission has made various proposals on how to make Bangladesh Police more tech empowered.

Among the key recommendations is the formation of an 'ICT and Tech Core', a specialised division aimed at enhancing the police force's technological capabilities.

Future tech policing

The commission also envisions broader reforms through modern policing technologies, which could significantly enhance crime prevention, personal security, police mobility, public engagement, and investigative efficiency. It highlights the potential role of advanced digital forensics, DNA analysis, biometric identification, AI-driven crime detection, and cybersecurity measures. By shifting away from traditional confession-based investigations, the use of scientific and data-driven techniques could improve the speed and accuracy of criminal identification and case resolution.

To facilitate this shift, the report proposes the formation of an 'ICT and Tech Core' within the police force.

With over 214,000 personnel spread across 20 specialised agencies, 41 training institutions, and multiple police hospitals and units, the commission argues that the establishment of a dedicated technology division is critical. This new core would be responsible for the acquisition, deployment, and maintenance of digital tools while also ensuring the cybersecurity of police operations. The ICT and Tech Core would function as a career service, with officers trained in digital security, forensic analysis, AI-driven crime detection, and software development.

Within this new division, the commission proposes the creation of four specialised units. The 'Cyber Threat/Crime Prevention Unit' would focus on digital security, using ethical hacking tools. Moreover, this unit will be equipped with the knowledge of big data analytical tools, AI, and fake news detection tools or softwares for academic development and specialised skills.

A 'Digital Forensic Unit' would handle the extraction and analysis of electronic evidence from devices, ensuring stronger legal proceedings against cyber criminals.

A 'Software Development and Maintenance Unit' would work towards reducing dependency on external vendors. According to the report, software purchased through vendors come at a very high price. Besides, it is unsafe to maintain these softwares through vendors. Therefore, if the software is developed and maintained by ICT manpower, it will save money as well as ensure data security. If software has to be purchased in some cases, then it will have to be purchased with the overall cooperation of this unit, states the report.

A 'Hardware and Network Monitoring Unit' would oversee IT infrastructure to enhance security and cost efficiency.

To support this transformation, the commission recommends the establishment of the proposed Centre for Police Research and Development (CPRD). The report also mentions that Police Staff College and the Police Academy may initially collaborate in manpower and necessary equipment for research and development. However, the long term establishment for an independent facility could be subject to budget availability from the government.

One of the notable proposals in the report is the potential introduction of 'Police bots', or humanoid robots, into law enforcement activities. The commission has suggested that these bots could initially be deployed on an experimental basis for bomb disposal.​

 

[Saif]

Tackling police corruption

CORRUPTION is deeply rooted, affecting nearly every sector, including law enforcement. Police corruption, marked by bribery, the abuse of power, political interference and extortion, has eroded public trust, weakened the justice system and fostered a culture of impunity. This not only hampers...

www.newagebd.net

Tackling police corruption
21 March, 2025, 00:00

Recommendations of the commission on police administrative reforms lack depth, structural solutions and robust enforcement strategies, writes Md Motiar Rahman

CORRUPTION is deeply rooted, affecting nearly every sector, including law enforcement. Police corruption, marked by bribery, the abuse of power, political interference and extortion, has eroded public trust, weakened the justice system and fostered a culture of impunity. This not only hampers law enforcement but also obstructs justice, fuels social injustice and strengthens criminal networks. Without meaningful reforms, stricter accountability and ethical governance, the police force will remain inefficient and distrusted, undermining efforts to uphold the rule of law and maintain social stability.

Although corruption is widespread across all sectors, the public still expects the police to remain steadfast guardians of integrity. The deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina once said that even an orderly in the Prime Minister’s Office had amassed an astonishing amount of Tk 400 crore. While corruption is widely acknowledged, people may not be overly concerned about the immense wealth accumulated by the orderly. However, the public holds justifiable expectations that those entrusted with upholding the law, as its enforcers and guardians, must embody unwavering honesty. Police officers must not only practise integrity but also cultivate trust by being perceived as honest. They should remain accountable to multiple bodies and the people, exemplifying the principles of justice and morality that they are sworn to protect.

The commission on police administrative reforms, established under the interim government, submitted a report. A chapter of the report addresses police corruption, drawing data from Transparency International, Bangladesh reports on corruption. It acknowledges that police corruption is deeply entrenched, manifesting in bribery, the abuse of power, extortion and collusion with criminals. A national survey conducted by Transparency International, Bangladesh identified the police as one of the most corrupt institutions, with its 2022 report saying that 74.4 per cent of law enforcement service recipients encountered corruption. The most corruption-prone areas include arrests (92.8 per cent), traffic-related issues (90.6 per cent), passport verification and police clearance processes (84.4 per cent), FIRs and case-related matters (80 per cent), general diary entries (58.7 per cent) and investigations (55.8 per cent). The figures highlight corruption within the police force’s institutional activities; unethical practices extend beyond its direct jurisdiction.


The commission’s report identifies nine sectors of police corruption, five within institutional police activities and four beyond internal police institutions. Bribery and financial misconduct are the most common, with citizens often paying bribes at various stages of legal proceedings. Extortion through threats and torture of the detained in custody is widespread. Recruitment and transfer trades involve significant bribery, with rumours of high payments for police positions. The misuse of power includes false arrests for extortion while traffic police corruption is also prevalent. Beyond institutional misconduct, corruption extends to road and highway extortion, control over illegal street vending and collusion with criminals, including involvement in illicit drug trade, human trafficking and illegal arms smuggling. Some officers detain individuals for ransom, with enforced disappearances and illegal house raids linked to such practices.

The a public opinion survey, ‘What kind of police do we want?’ that the commission conducted found that 84 per cent of respondents have said that they want police free of corruption and unethical practices. The commission could conduct an independent opinion survey, similar to the one by Transparency International, Bangladesh, to assess the types and patterns of corruption within the police. Such a survey would provide first-hand data, offering a more comprehensive understanding of systemic corruption rather than solely relying on the Transparency International, Bangladesh report. While the Transparency International findings are valuable, collating them with an additional survey would enhance credibility, ensure a more nuanced perspective and allow the identification of new trends or overlooked issues. During the peak of kleptocratic state authoritarianism, corruption was not only permitted but systematically encouraged and shielded through political and governance structures. Public sector corruption, especially in public procurement and project execution, worsened as key institutions responsible for combating corruption such as the Anti-Corruption Commission, the law enforcement agencies and the judiciary were politicised and rendered ineffective.

Moreover, the survey could show clearly that police officers who are associated with all these services are involved in corruption. However, the vast majority of the force has limited or no involvement in such practices. This approach would also help policymakers and the law enforcement agencies to design more effective, evidence-based reforms to combat corruption and improve accountability within the police force.

The reforms commission proposes an ‘all-party committee’ and a special task force to enhance transparency and combat police corruption. However, these measures face challenges such as politicisation, the conflicts of interest and undue influence over law enforcement. Ensuring neutrality in a politically charged environment would be difficult.

While a special task force could enforce accountability, its success depends on political will, independence and a strong legal mandate. Effective anti-corruption efforts require institutional reforms, strict enforcement mechanisms and whistleblower protection rather than relying solely on external committees. Transparency, non-partisanship and strong legal backing are essential for meaningful reforms.

The report highlights the presence of bribery in the recruitment process, particularly in the selection of constables and sub-inspectors/sergeants. While the police assert that they have implemented digital recruitment platforms featuring transparent selection criteria, automated screening and standardised evaluations to minimise human interference and manipulation, political influence persists just before the viva voce stage. The reforms commission has failed to detect this subtle political intervention. Additionally, the recruitment board for sub-inspectors and sergeants includes senior officials from the home affairs ministry.

The practice of police officers paying bribes for desirable postings and transfers is an open secret, deeply embedded in the bureaucratic and political landscape. Officers at various levels, from constables to ranking officials, often engage in unofficial financial transactions or leverage political connections to secure postings in lucrative or strategically advantageous locations. These sought-after positions, typically in urban areas or regions with significant commercial activity, provide opportunities for career advancement, financial benefits or enhanced influence. This corrupt system is fuelled by a network of intermediaries, including senior officials, politicians and brokers, who facilitate these transactions in exchange for monetary gains or reciprocal favours.

Similarly, the lack of a merit-based promotion system within the police force fosters a culture of corruption as officers who secure promotions through bribery or political influence often feel compelled to recover their financial investments through illicit means. Instead of being rewarded for competence, integrity and service, promotion frequently depends on personal connections, lobbying and the ability to pay substantial sums to influential figures within the administration or political circles. Corruption demoralises honest officers and creates a vicious cycle, where higher officials resort to extortion and bribery to sustain their power. This leads to institutionalised corruption, weakening accountability and public trust in law enforcement. The system discourages professionalism and ethics, ultimately compromising the police force’s effectiveness and credibility in maintaining law and order.

The commission has failed to recommend replacing the politicised and bribe-driven hiring system with an independent and transparent recruitment authority within its recruitment structure. Notably, its proposals do not include the establishment of an independent police service commission to oversee hiring and promotion nor do they advocate for a performance-based evaluation system to reduce officer’s reliance on bribery for career advancement. To address these critical issues, a fully autonomous police service commission should be created to ensure that recruitment and promotion are based on merit, rather than financial transactions or political influence. Furthermore, implementing a performance-based promotion system would incentivise professionalism, integrity and accountability within the force. By integrating these reforms, the law enforcement agencies could foster a fair and transparent system, ultimately winning public trust and enhancing overall efficiency in maintaining law and order.

The report has not addressed the issues of posting, transfer and promotion at mid-level and senior ranks done by the ministries. In practice, officers must demonstrate allegiance to the ruling political government, with their backgrounds vetted to ensure alignment with the party in power. Those who fail to meet these expectations are often relegated to less significant roles, hindering their career progression. Additionally, some officers secure promotion, postings and transfers through financial transactions. In such cases, the police headquarters functions merely as a conduit, forwarding proposals to the relevant ministry. These proposals then navigate an extensive bureaucratic process before receiving the highly sought-after endorsement: ‘By the order of the Honourable President’, ostensibly for the sake of public interests. The file then makes its way back through the ministry in a similar manner for the issuance of the government order.

The exchange, whether in cash or kind, takes place either at the beginning or the end of the deal. A portion of the funds that remain in Bangladesh is legitimised as white money by the end of the financial year, allowing for legal investment in various sectors to generate surplus value.

The remaining portion moves through various channels before ultimately being loaded onto the digital minstrel, Skylark. It then ascends higher and higher, never looking back, eventually crossing Bangladesh’s borders and reaching its final destinations — Begum Para in Canada, the United States, Australia, Dubai, Malaysia’s second home programme and, even, India.

Within the ministry, officials serve as both facilitators and beneficiaries of these transactions, acting as honest brokers in a well-entrenched nexus between civil bureaucrats and politicians. The commission has, however, failed to unravel this intricate web of corruption.

The commission acknowledges political influence as a key factor in police corruption but fails to propose strong safeguards against political pressure. Politically motivated appointment prioritises loyalty over merit, fostering corrupt alliances and undermining impartial law enforcement. The report lacks recommendations for a depoliticised appointment process to ensure professionalism and integrity in leadership.

Additionally, the police are often used for political repression, including arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearances and the suppression of opposition activists. Despite having recognised these issues, the report does not suggest legal safeguards to prevent such abuses. The lack of operational independence leaves the police vulnerable to external manipulation, allowing crimes by ruling party affiliates to go unchecked. Without clear autonomy mechanisms, public trust and law enforcement integrity remain compromised.

An effective solution to safeguard police operations from political influence is the establishment of a legally mandated independent police authority, ensuring impartiality and professionalism. Criminalising the political misuse of law enforcement and enforcing accountability would deter partisan manipulation. Additionally, parliamentary oversight through an independent committee could enhance transparency and maintain law enforcement’s focus on justice and public service. While police oversight is crucial for monitoring corruption, the commission has failed to strongly advocate for it, with only a student representative pushing for an independent police commission. The police headquarters supported a framework aligned with the 2007 draft police ordinance, but the home affairs ministry opposed it, highlighting conflicting views. Despite unanimous endorsement of an oversight body, the commission has avoided taking a firm stance on whether it should be statutory or constitutional, seemingly delaying action due to political complexities and resistance. Furthermore, the report overlooks the implementation of technology dashboard cameras, or GPS tracking, which could enhance transparency and prevent the abuse of power.

The report highlights custodial torture as a tool for extortion but lacks strong legal proposals to criminalise it. Illegal detentions persist due to weak penalties, allowing the police to demand bribes without fear of consequences. It also fails to address extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, often used for ransom, later disguised as ‘encounters’ without independent verification. The absence of forensic oversight and weak accountability mechanisms protect corrupt officers.

To combat these abuses, strict legal penalties, an independent judiciary and witness protection are necessary. Establishing independent forensic oversight units and mandatory digital recording in interrogation rooms can enhance transparency. However, success depends on political will, institutional independence and a cultural shift within law enforcement to uphold accountability and human rights.

The report acknowledges widespread bribery and financial corruption in the police force but lacks concrete measures to prevent illicit wealth accumulation. It fails to mandate asset disclosure, allowing corrupt officers to hide unexplained wealth and evade accountability. The absence of stringent financial oversight further enables misconduct, eroding public trust.

Additionally, the report overlooks procurement fraud, where corruption inflates costs for essential resources due to the lack of an e-procurement system. Traffic police bribery, affecting 90.6 per cent of cases, remains inadequately addressed, missing solutions like cashless fine collection and AI-driven surveillance to reduce officer-motorist interaction.

Even where the commission puts forward some recommendations, its failure to establish a clear timeline for implementation significantly undermines their potential impact. Without defined deadlines, proposed reforms can be indefinitely delayed or entirely ignored, allowing corruption to persist unchecked. A well-structured reform process requires phased implementation with measurable milestones, yet the report lacks any such road maps. This omission makes it easier for authorities to evade responsibility and for corrupt practices to continue without meaningful intervention. In the absence of a concrete action plan, even the most well-intentioned recommendations risk becoming empty promises rather than enforceable policies.

Additionally, the report does not address the critical issue of funding for anti-corruption initiatives or oversight by the Anti-Corruption Commission with leaving doubts about how proposed measures will be financially sustained. Meaningful reforms such as improved oversight and technological interventions require dedicated financial resources, yet the report fails to outline how such efforts will be financed. Furthermore, tackling police corruption demands a coordinated effort involving law enforcement agencies, the judiciary, the Anti-Corruption Commission and civil society. However, the report does not propose any framework for inter-agency collaboration, leaving reform efforts fragmented and ineffective. Without financial backing and a structured approach to coordination, the commission’s recommendations remain largely aspirational rather than actionable solutions to police corruption.

The commission’s report provides a sketchy analysis of corruption within the police and its recommendations lack depth, structural solutions and robust enforcement strategies. To effectively combat corruption, the authorities must adopt a multi-pronged approach that includes independent oversight bodies to investigate police misconduct, a depoliticised police service commission to regulate hiring, transfers and promotion and harsh penalties for custodial torture, bribery and procurement fraud. Additionally, mandatory digital transparency tools such as body cameras and online complaint systems should be implemented, along with a clear and time-bound strategy for enforcement. Without these comprehensive measures, police corruption will continue to erode public trust, undermine justice and perpetuate systemic impunity.

Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general of police.​

 

[Saif]

Tight security by 15,000 police in Dhaka during Eid holidays

Special security arrangements have been made by the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) and the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) in the capital during the 9-day long public holiday for the Eid ul-Fitr.

en.prothomalo.com

Tight security by 15,000 police in Dhaka during Eid holidays
Nazrul Islam
Dhaka
Published: 26 Mar 2025, 22: 17

The DMP has devised a security plan for before and after Eid. DMP

Special security arrangements have been made by the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) and the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) in the capital during the 9-day long public holiday for the Eid ul-Fitr.

At least 15,000 police officers will be deployed in the city during this time to prevent crimes such as theft, mugging, and robbery.

In addition to setting up checkpoints on the roads, patrolling in commercial and residential areas will be intensified.

The government has already declared a 9-day holiday from 28 March to 5 April for Eid ul-Fitr. During this period, a large number of people will leave the capital to share the joy of Eid with their loved ones.

According to DMP sources, many people will leave Dhaka for Eid, which will leave homes, flats, and offices vacant. The city residents are concerned about an increase in crime in the absence of people in the city, particularly theft, mugging, and robbery. Keeping these issues in mind, the DMP has devised a security plan for before and after Eid.

Addressing the residents, DMP Commissioner Sheikh Md Sazzat Ali said at a press conference, "While the police will perform their duties, during Eid, it is your responsibility to ensure the security of your home, flats, shops, and businesses while you are away. We are with you, and we will handle our part of the security."

Several DMP officers mentioned that to prevent crimes like theft, mugging, and robbery during Eid, police patrols will be increased at night. Security will be strengthened at bus terminals, launch, and railway stations. In addition to Old Dhaka, the police will closely monitor areas such as the gold markets in the city. Adequate police forces will be deployed to ensure security at recreation centres.

Officials disclosed that security at various shopping malls, markets, and wholesale areas has already been increased for Eid. To enhance security, additional police and RAB personnel have been deployed at sensitive locations, roads, installations, shopping centres, bus stands, railway stations, and launch terminals. Special teams of police and RAB will be active in catching muggers, robbers, and members of the "molom party" (gangs of muggers who put ointment or other substances on victims' eyes causing temporary loss of vision as well as sense).

DMP officials have noted that, based on previous incidents, robberies and thefts at gold shops increase during Eid holidays. Robberies at these shops often occur after tying up security personnel or with their collusion.

DMP's additional commissioner (Crime & Operations) SN Md Nazrul Islam told Prothom Alo on Saturday that the newly recruited "Auxiliary Force" will be responsible for the security of shopping malls during Eid. As fewer people will be on the roads during Eid, police patrols will be increased in residential areas. Checkpoints will be set up at important locations to enhance security.

The police officer also mentioned that additional police personnel would be deployed, and during Eid, 600 police teams will patrol Dhaka both day and night. In addition, 75 checkpoints will be operated across the metropolis daily.

In addition to the regular police forces, Public Order Management (POM) teams, the Special Armed Police Battalion (APBN), the DMP's Counter-Terrorism and Transnational Crime Unit (CTTC), and the Detective Police (DB) will work together, with a total of 15,000 police officers ensuring law and order.

RAB will also be involved in enhancing security during the 9-day Eid holiday. Lieutenant Colonel Ashikur Rahman, Director of RAB's Law and Media Wing, told Prothom Alo that RAB will maintain intelligence surveillance at bus and launch terminals, as well as railway stations. RAB personnel will patrol areas where there are no CCTV cameras to prevent theft, mugging, and robbery.​

 

[Saif]

Police in need of overhaul of oversight mechanism

THE detention of five personnel of a law enforcement agency on charges of holding two young people to ransom is alarming. This appears more so in post July–August uprising. The Detective Branch personnel in Rajshahi picked up the two young people in a microbus on allegations of gambling and held...

www.newagebd.net

Police in need of overhaul of oversight mechanism
26 March, 2025, 00:00

THE detention of five personnel of a law enforcement agency on charges of holding two young people to ransom is alarming. This appears more so in post July–August uprising. The Detective Branch personnel in Rajshahi picked up the two young people in a microbus on allegations of gambling and held them to a ransom of Tk 12 lakh. The victims were eventually released after the payment of Tk 3.3 lakh. Such criminality within the law enforcement agencies highlights a glaring police oversight failure and raises serious concern about how deeply entrenched are such practices in the agencies. It adds to the concern that incidents such as this keeps happening at a time when reforms of every state institution run high. The recurrence of such incidents, despite ongoing talks on institutional reforms, casts doubt on the effectiveness of the measures and the sincerity of the authorities in enforcing genuine accountability. The continued involvement of police officials in extortion, abduction and violence suggests that the mechanisms to stop abuses are inadequate.

The pattern of law enforcement misconduct extends beyond isolated incidents. On March 13, a man was beaten allegedly in a Rangpur police station over his attempt at filing extortion and bribery case against a deputy police commissioner. In January, three police personnel, including a sub-inspector of the Feni police, were withdrawn on charges of extortion. Meanwhile, police brutality has escalated in dealing with protests, ranging from recommended primary schoolteachers to people standing against rape and gendered violence and apparel workers seeking due wages. The manner the law enforcers have resorted to violence against demonstrators bears little resemblance to fundamental tenets of law and order maintenance. The filing of cases against protesters against rape and reports of night-time raids to arrest them suggest a troubling prioritisation of suppression over justice. A workers protest was attacked on March 25 where the police beat workers and student activists. The persistence of such abuses calls for an urgent scrutiny of why the issues remain unaddressed and why the law enforcers continue to act with such impunity. Without identifying the underlying causes and stringent action, the cycle of abuse is unlikely to break.

The government should, therefore, take the involvement law enforcers in crimes and rights abuse seriously. Each of such reported offences should be investigated and perpetrators should be brought to justice. A strengthened internal and independent oversight is crucial to ensuring accountability. A legal framework that not only penalises but effectively deters such misconduct should be enforced with consistency. Reforms should extend beyond administrative changes to include structural transformation that dismantles the culture of impunity.​

 

[Saif]

Home adviser visits Rajarbag Police Lines

Home Affairs Adviser Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury has visited the Rajarbag Police Lines on the occasion of the Eid-ul-Fitr. Chief Adviser’s Special Assistant Md Khuda Baksh Chowdhury, Inspector General of Police Baharul Alam, Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Commissioner Sheikh Md Sazzat Ali an

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Home adviser visits Rajarbag Police Lines
FE ONLINE DESK
Published :
Mar 31, 2025 20:24
Updated :
Mar 31, 2025 20:27

Home Affairs Adviser Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury has visited the Rajarbag Police Lines on the occasion of the Eid-ul-Fitr.

Chief Adviser’s Special Assistant Md Khuda Baksh Chowdhury, Inspector General of Police Baharul Alam, Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Commissioner Sheikh Md Sazzat Ali and senior police officers accompanied the home adviser during the visit on Monday, said a press release.

Jahangir Alam visited the police mess and inquired about the wellbeing of the police personnel.

He exchanged greetings with the members of the police, who are performing their duties to ensure a safe Eid celebration for the people by sacrificing their own enjoyment.​

 

[Saif]

Police logo set to be changed

As part of a series of initiatives to “open up” the police following the changeover in power, the force will now change its logo. Police Headquarters has already informed all units of the change in the logo through a letter. The “final” design will drop the sailboat feature

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Police logo set to be changed
bdnews24.com
Published :
Apr 11, 2025 15:52
Updated :
Apr 11, 2025 15:52

As part of a series of initiatives to “open up” the police following the changeover in power, the force will now change its logo.

Police Headquarters has already informed all units of the change in the logo through a letter. The “final” design will drop the sailboat featured prominently in the previous one.

The letter signed by the additional DIG (logistics) Nasima Begum of Police Headquarters on Thursday said, "In view of the decision taken to change the existing monogram/logo of Bangladesh Police, a new monogram/logo has been finalised. It has already been approved by the authorities and is awaiting an official notice."

The new logo will feature the national flower – the water lily. On either side of the lily will be a garland of wheat and paddy sheaves, the upper parts of which will be connected by three jute leaves. The word 'Police' will be written in Bengali at the bottom.

Police Headquarters has requested districts and units to prepare to change to the new logo for use in flags, signboards, uniforms and other items used by law enforcers so that it can be implemented properly as soon as the notification is issued.

The current police logo was finalised in 2009 after the Awami League came to power.

After Sheikh Hasina was ousted in the face of a student-led mass movement on Aug 5, police personnel were attacked in different parts of the country. The law enforcers refused to return to work for some time out of fear amid the lack of security. Later some returned to their police stations in plainclothes.

These returning officers expressed their anger over different issues and made an 11-point list of demands.

On Aug 11, the then home affairs advisor to the interim government met with representatives of the police personnel on strike at the Secretariat. In the meeting, they were assured that police uniforms would be changed according to their demands.

The next day, Police Headquarters formed a committee to change the uniform and logo of the force.

Home Affairs Advisor Jahangir Alam Chowdhury spoke about the changes in the police uniform on Jan 20.

After a meeting at the Secretariat that day, he told the media: "The decision to change the uniform has been made. For the police, for the RAB and the Ansar. Three uniforms have been selected. They will be implemented gradually. It cannot be done all at once."

At the start of the meeting, 18 police, Ansar and RAB personnel appeared wearing different uniforms. Three of them were later approved.

On Oct 3, the Police Reform Commission was formed under the leadership of former home affairs and public administration Secretary Safar Raj Hossain.

The report, submitted by the commission to Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus on Jan 15 included 14 recommendations.

It emphasised the need to increase the impartiality and accountability of the police, including the formation of a separate police commission, and the need for radical changes in the use of force, and practices of detention, arrest and interrogation. At the same time, it recommended the formulation of laws to protect victims and witnesses and the reassessment of the need for RAB.​

 

[Saif]

Police operations affected by vacancy in several top posts

The police force is operating with vacancies in several significant posts. Some 119 DIGs, additional DIGs and SPs were removed from their respective stations

en.prothomalo.com

Police operations affected by vacancy in several top posts
​

• 119 DIGs, additional DIGs and SPs are attached without any charge.​
• 82 top officials made OSD.​
• 57 police officials above the rank of ASP on the run.​
• Discontent among officials deprived of promotion.​

Mahmudul HasanDhaka
Published: 12 Apr 2025, 16: 17

There are some 22 posts of additional inspector general police (IGP) in Bangladesh Police. Only nine additional IGPs are in service at the moment. There are no permanent officials in the remaining posts. Apart from these 22 posts, there are seven more supernumerary posts of additional IGP. No one has been promoted to these posts either.

The police force is operating with vacancies in several significant posts. Some 119 DIGs, additional DIGs and SPs were attached to different units after being removed from their respective stations. They are effectively almost inactive now. Most of these officials now come to office only for attendance. They do not stay at the office and are not involved in any operation of the force.

In the meantime, as many as 82 top police officials, including one additional IGP, were made OSD at once. Numerous police officials have been absconding since the fall of the Awami League government in the face of a mass uprising last year. Many of them are accused of opening fire on protesting students and people indiscriminately, killing and direct involvement in various controversial activities during the Awami League regime.

The entire police force has been greatly affected as a consequence of the vacancies in so many significant posts and the absence of officials due to OSD and other reasons. According to relevant officials, most police unit heads did not receive full responsibility as Additional IGPs. There are many units where the same official is carrying out several responsibilities simultaneously.

Adding to this is the discontent among police officials of promotions and posting. It is more prevalent among the officials who were deprived of regular promotions during the 15-year-rule of the Awami League. Most of these officials are close to retirement now. Procrastination over promotions could result in officials retiring without receiving any promotion, despite the many vacant posts.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, a DIG of police told Prothom Alo, “Some junior officials were promoted to posts above us on political considerations. I was never given any major post in the last 15 years. Now, I am close to my retirement. I’ll have to retire as a DIG, if I am not promoted in the next few months.”

Another top official says he can feel the mental state of the deprived officers. However, he said, “There is more concern about promotions and postings rather than how to turn around the police force and improve the law and order situation, which is more important now.”

Important posts run as additional duty

At present, there are nine serving additional IGPs with full responsibility. The two posts of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) commissioner and Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) director general (DG) are held by additional DIGs. These two posts are being filled up by two officials appointed on a contractual basis at the moment.

Apart from them, there are seven more additional IGPs. They are – Police Headquarters additional IGP (administration) Matiur Rahman Sheikh, additional IGP (development) Md Toufique Mahbub Chowdhury, Police Staff College rector Abu Hasan Muhammad Tarique, additional IGP (in the post of TR) Md Masudur Rahman Bhuiyan, River Police chief Kusum Dewan, Railway Police chief Sardar Tamijuddin Ahmed, Highway Police chief Md Delowar Hossain Mia and additional IGP (OSD) Mohammad Abdul Aleem Mahmud.

The entire police force has been greatly affected as a consequence of the vacancies in so many significant posts and the absence of officials due to OSD and other reasons. According to relevant officials, most police unit heads did not receive full responsibility as Additional IGPs. There are many units where the same official is carrying out several responsibilities simultaneously.

Although there are two grade-1 posts among the additional IGPs, none of the serving additional IGPs were given that. Recently, Criminal Investigation Department (CID) chief Md Matiur Rahman Sheikh was promoted as additional IGP (administration). However, he is yet to get grade-1.

Meanwhile, the post of CID chief became vacant with the transfer. CID director general Gazi Jashim Uddin is serving at the post as additional duty.

In many cases, it has been seen that the same person is serving two responsibilities. For instance, Police Headquarters additional IGP Md Toufique Mahbub Chowdhury is serving as the chief of the inspection and audit wing as additional duty in addition to being the chief of development wing. However, there are various discussions within the force regarding Toufique Mahbub Chowdhury, close relative of currently imprisoned former IGP Abdullah Al Mamun. He has been serving at the Police Headquarters for eight years.

Besides, the posts of different police unit chiefs including the head of the Special Branch (SB) and Industrial Police chief, which are held by IGPs, have been covered up by officials on additional duties. Relevant sources say all these officials are now eligible for a promotion.

Speaking regarding the vacant posts and non-promotion of eligible officials, IGP Baharul Alam told Prothom Alo that promotions in compliance with the police structure at all levels are under government consideration. Efficient officials will be promoted gradually to all vacant posts.

Other vacant posts

According to relevant police sources, a total of 347 posts including DIG, additional DIG, SP, ASP and assistant police supers are vacant at the moment.

Of these, 152 are posts of DIG rank (87 granted regular posts and 65 supernumerary posts). There are some 134 serving DIGs at the moment. Some 15 regular and 3 supernumerary posts of DIGs are vacant now.

There are some 341 posts of additional DIGs including 201 granted and 140 supernumerary posts. Of that, only one post is vacant. There are 59 granted and 150 supernumerary posts of SP. Only one of these posts is vacant at the moment.

Promotions in compliance with the police structure at all levels are under government consideration. Efficient officials will be promoted gradually to all vacant posts----Baharul Alam, IGP

However, there are 138 vacant posts among the 1,008 posts of additional police supers (ASPs) whereas 189 of the 1,231 posts of assistant SPs are vacant. However, there have been some changes in the figures in recent times, relevant sources said.

Many made OSD and attached

At least 30 police officials who were in top posts and had completed 25 years at service during the AL-rule have been sent to forced retirement. Besides, some 82 officials were made OSD and 119 were attached to police lines. However, many of these officials were beneficiaries of the autocratic regime and were involved in different controversial activities to facilitate the then government. At the same, there are many officials who are accused of opening fire on protesting students and people during the July uprising. Many are accused of directly killing people.

According to the Public Security Division figures, of the 82 officials made OSD, 13 were DIGs and more than 50 were additional DIGs and 15 were SPs.

It’s not a good practice to keep posts vacant. This will result in further unease and dissatisfaction within the force. Steps should be taken to promote eligible officials to these empty posts and posts of absconding officials after declaring those vacant---Nurul Huda, Former IGP.

The Police Headquarters figures show some 119 top officials were removed from their stations and were attached to different police units following the fall of the Awami League government on 5 August. These officials include 30 DIGs, 29 additional DIGs and 60 SPs. Almost all of them are not active now.

These 119 police officials were attached to 21 units and agencies of the force. Of these, the highest 34 officials were attached to the DIG offices in Rajashahi and Rangpur range, 17 officials each. Besides, 11 were attached to Bangladesh Police Academy in Sarda, Rajshahi; 10 the Chattogram range DIG office, 12 in Barishal range and 11 in Sylhet range.

A police official in the same rank as SP, who was attached after 5 August, told Prothom Alo on condition of anonymity that, “I go to the office daily for my attendance and return after passing some time there without doing anything. The chief of the unit where I have been attached can use us. However, as the regime change came under a different context, we have not been given any work yet.”

Negative impact on daily operations

The police officials say under the current circumstances, promotion of one top official clears the way for six to seven other officials to get promoted. When a post at a certain level remains vacant, officials from several levels suffer. So promotion of top officials is the only way out of the procrastination centering promotions of junior officials.

A Police Headquarters accord shows at least 23 officials at the rank of ASP and above have been arrested so far for shooting people to death during the mass uprising last year. Some 57 officials are into hiding or have been absent for more than two months.

Relevant persons say there are options to declare the posts of the absconding officials vacant. However, this process has been slow too. As a result, the promotion process has been stalled, which is further intensifying the discontent among the promotion-deprived officials. The overall police activities have been affected by this. The uncertainty surrounding promotion and posting is creating a negative impact on the chain of command of the force. The junior officials are showing reluctance in carrying out the orders from superiors.

Discontent to rise without promotions

Speaking to Prothom Alo, former IGP Nurul Huda said, “It’s not a good practice to keep posts vacant. This will result in further unease and dissatisfaction within the phone. Steps should be taken to promote eligible officials to these empty posts and posts of absconding officials after declaring those vacant.”

He further said the officials who were deprived of their job facilities in the last 15 years were morally down and were subjected to social humiliation. They have got back the job after years. Given this, the more people are promoted, the better now, he said adding, “When your batch mates are promoted to two ranks above you, it will definitely create a negative impact.”

*This report appeared on the print and online versions of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten in English by Ashish Basu​

 

[Saif]

From fear to trust

During Sheikh Hasina's sixteen-year reign of despotism, nearly every institution in Bangladesh suffered severe degradation.Bureaucrats, politicians, businessmen, law enforcement agencies, bankers, and even the media-all succumbed to systemic corruption and decay, albeit, some more readily than othe

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

From fear to trust
Transforming the Bangladesh Police for a democratic society

CAF Dowlah
Published :
Apr 18, 2025 22:19
Updated :
Apr 18, 2025 22:19

During Sheikh Hasina's sixteen-year reign of despotism, nearly every institution in Bangladesh suffered severe degradation.Bureaucrats, politicians, businessmen, law enforcement agencies, bankers, and even the media-all succumbed to systemic corruption and decay, albeit, some more readily than others. Yet none disgraced themselves more thoroughly than the police, who became the regime's most despised and distrusted instrument of repression.

The disgraced police force stands drenched in the blood of over a thousand citizens, slaughtered during the July-August 2024 Mass Uprising, with countless others maimed in their ruthless defense of the most oppressive regime in Bangladesh's history. The fraudulent elections of 2014, 2018, and 2024 were actually state-sponsored crimes, made possible through the brutal collusion of the police. It is undeniable that rather than solely depending on its party machinery, the Hasina regime clung to power primarily through the use of police and bureaucratic enforcers as instruments of fear and repression against the populace.

To facilitate transition, the Interim Government busied itself with cosmetic changes like redesigning police uniforms and logos. It has also formed a Police Reform Commission (PRC), which produced a predictable set of recommendations-tweaking a few laws to supposedly create a "people-friendly" police force, proposing modest limits on the police's arbitrary powers of arrest and interrogation, and advocating for international best practices in crowd control to reduce casualties. Yet glaringly absent was any serious reckoning with the police's entrenched culture of brutality, impunity, corruption, and political servitude.

For too long, the police of the country have operated not as protectors of public safety but as instruments of political repression, a role that reached its peak under Hasina's rule. The force engaged in every conceivable form of abuse, such as: arbitrary arrests (often in plainclothes at midnight), custodial torture and murders, extrajudicial killings under the euphemism of "crossfire," enforced disappearances, and rampant bribery at every level-from filing a First Information Report (FIR) to manipulating charge sheets in favor of those who paid them.

Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) exposed a damning reality: 96 percent of respondents believed it was impossible to receive any police assistance without paying bribes or pulling strings. Over two-thirds admitted to being extorted just to file an FIR, while 71 percent accused police of tampering with charge sheets for a price. Beyond corruption, the police routinely inflicted custodial torture, committed sexual violence against women in detention, and left a trail of deaths in their custody. A World Bank study found corruption as the bloodstream of Bangladesh police force, infecting every stage from the filing of complaints to prosecution.

Under Hasina's authoritarian rule, the Bangladesh Police-her regime's principal instrument of repression-ballooned in size and power. Between 2009 and 2023, the force added 83,000 new posts, swelling its ranks to 213,000. During the same period, its budget skyrocketed by over 400 per cent. But this massive expansion had nothing to do with serving the public. It was a calculated move to fortify the regime's stranglehold on the nation, turning the police into a well-funded machinery of intimidation, surveillance, and political persecution.

The bloody crackdown during the 2024 Mass Uprising left no room for doubt-the current police force is beyond reform and must not be allowed to persist in its present form. What is needed is nothing less than a complete and sweeping transformation-one that uproots the entrenched culture of violence, reshapes every aspect of operations and structure, and rewrites the legal frameworks that have long shielded their abuses. Anything short of this would be a betrayal of the sacrifices made by the people.

Chief Adviser Professor Yunus recently urged the police to act impartially during the upcoming elections. But such a call is far too timid. The police must do far more than behave fairly on election day-they must prove, in every hour and every action, that they have broken from their disgraceful past. They must abandon their role as a tool of oppression and corruption and instead become true protectors of the people. No more can they function as a bloated apparatus of repression and corruption. Their transformation must be total, visible, and uncompromising.

Any police reform must start with the immediate and complete repeal of the colonial-era Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) of 1898, the Police Act of 1861, and the Police Regulations of Bengal of 1943-archaic laws that continue to govern policing in Bangladesh despite the nation achieving independence twice, in 1947 and 1971. These laws were never crafted to serve the public-they were tools of colonial oppression, designed to maintain control and subjugation. They have since entrenched a culture of unchecked power, systemic abuse, and total impunity in the police force, and their continued existence is a glaring affront to the sovereignty of the people.

True reform demands the immediate replacement of archaic colonial laws with democratic, human rights-centered legislation; mandating that nobody can be arrested from their homes, properties or businesses without court-issued warrants; stripping of police's prosecutorial powers, with the authority to file criminal cases transferred to state-appointed prosecutors under the Attorney General's Office; and robust and independent oversight mechanisms to rein in the police's abusive power and hold them accountable for their actions.

Perhaps it is time to break away from the centralised, authoritarian police model and movetoward a decentralised, locally controlled system as practiced in many advanced democracies. Under such a framework, policing would be administered by elected district, municipal, and city governments, ensuring direct accountability to the communities they serve. Every locality would have its own police force, such as Dhaka City Police, Feni Municipality Police, Barisal District Police-the police staff primarily recruited from the local population. The national government would maintain only a small, elite police unit to handle national security issues, coordinating with local forces in times of genuine emergency.

Such a decentralised system would prevent the misuse of police by any national political party; enhance professionalism, integrity, and accountability as police would be directly answerable to local elected officials and residents; embed human rights at the core of policing, drastically reducing incidents of extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, and corruption; and strengthen community relations, as the police would live among and be closely watched by the very people they serve. Citizens would regain ownership over law enforcement, and accountability of police would be just next door-at the local elected office.

In short, the time for cosmetic tinkering is over. Nothing short of a radical and sweeping transformation of the police force will suffice. Bangladesh must dismantle the colonial structures that have perpetuated repression, end the deep-rooted politicisation that turned police into agents of tyranny, and rebuild the institution from the ground up-professional, accountable, and firmly rooted in the service of the people. The foundations for a new policing system must be laid now, without compromise, if Bangladesh is to have any hope of becoming a truly democratic and humane society.

Dr CAF Dowlah is a retired Professor of Economics and Law in the United States. Currently, he serves as the Chairperson of the Bangladesh Institute of Policy Studies (www.bipsglobal.org).​

 

[Saif]

Vision for ideal police force

THE police play a pivotal role in any society, entrusted with safeguarding public safety, maintaining order, and upholding justice. In Bangladesh, public expectations reflect a deep yearning for fairness, security, and trust, yet these hopes are often overshadowed by systemic challenges such as...

www.newagebd.net

POLICE THAT THE PEOPLE WANT – I

Vision for ideal police force
Md Motiar Rahman 20 April, 2025, 00:00

THE police play a pivotal role in any society, entrusted with safeguarding public safety, maintaining order, and upholding justice. In Bangladesh, public expectations reflect a deep yearning for fairness, security, and trust, yet these hopes are often overshadowed by systemic challenges such as political influence, corruption, inefficiency, and human rights violations. The vision for an ideal police force in Bangladesh centres on creating a safer, democratic society grounded in justice and accountability. This requires a police service that exemplifies professionalism, integrity, inclusivity, and compassion, serving not merely as enforcers of the law but as true custodians of justice. Achieving this vision demands transformative reforms, including dismantling political interference, fostering accountability, and addressing systemic inefficiencies. It is imperative to explore the aspirations of the Bangladeshi people and the fundamental changes needed to establish a police force that inspires trust and upholds the principles of justice.

People expect the police to be vigilant protectors of their safety and security, serving as a shield against crime and disorder in both urban and rural areas. In cities, they combat theft, robbery, and organised crime, while in rural areas, they address land disputes, violence, and extremism. Emerging threats such as cybercrime, human trafficking, and terrorism require specialised skills, advanced tools, and a proactive approach. Strategies like patrolling, surveillance, intelligence-driven operations, public awareness campaigns, and collaborations with social organisations help tackle crime at its roots while reinforcing public trust. However, resource constraints and inadequate training often limit their effectiveness, particularly in Bangladesh. Investing in specialised training in cybersecurity, digital forensics, advanced technologies, ethical conduct, and de-escalation techniques is crucial for building a professional, adaptive police force. By upholding justice, fairness, and integrity, law enforcement can create an environment where people feel safe — whether carrying hard-earned wages home or walking freely in city streets and rural meadows of Bangladesh. A dedicated police force that prioritises crime prevention and human dignity strengthens the foundation of a peaceful and secure society.

Effective crime management requires a strategic balance of proactive and reactive policing, combining law enforcement, crime prevention, and victim support. Patrolling, surveillance, intelligence gathering, and swift emergency response play a key role in maintaining law and order. By analysing crime patterns, police can allocate resources efficiently to high-risk areas while addressing underlying causes of criminal behaviour. Community engagement fosters trust and encourages information-sharing, which enhances crime prevention efforts. Advances in technology, such as digital forensics, surveillance systems, and data analytics, have further strengthened crime detection and investigation. Intelligence-led policing, a proactive, data-driven approach, improves operational efficiency by identifying and disrupting criminal activities before they occur, particularly in cases of organised crime and terrorism. However, its success depends on robust information-sharing, inter-agency collaboration, and ethical data management to balance security with civil liberties. Beyond enforcement, comprehensive crime management involves addressing societal issues, supporting victims, and rehabilitating offenders. By integrating intelligence-driven strategies with professionalism, fairness, and empathy, the police contribute to safer and more resilient communities.

The people expect the police to play a fundamental role in upholding the rule of law, serving as the primary agency responsible for maintaining public order, protecting life and property, and ensuring the enforcement of laws. By investigating crimes, apprehending offenders, and preventing unlawful activities, the police act as a critical link between the legal framework and society. Their actions are governed by legal principles and ethical standards, ensuring that their power is exercised fairly, without bias or abuse. A well-functioning police force strengthens public trust in the justice system, promotes stability, and fosters a sense of security, all of which are essential for a society governed by the rule of law. Equally important is their accountability to the law, which ensures that their authority is not misused and that citizens’ rights are respected.

The inefficiency of the police in addressing crime undermines public safety and erodes trust in law enforcement institutions. This inefficiency can stem from various factors, such as inadequate training, insufficient resources, corruption, political intervention, and a lack of coordination within the criminal justice system. Delayed responses to emergencies, failure to conduct thorough investigations, and low conviction rates often leave victims without justice and embolden criminals. Bureaucratic hurdles and mismanagement can further exacerbate the problem, leading to a perception of ineffectiveness. Addressing these inefficiencies requires reforms that include better training, increased funding, implementation of modern technologies, and robust accountability measures to ensure police forces are equipped and motivated to fulfil their duties effectively.

Moreover, citizens expect that the prevention and investigation of crimes and police functions should closely align with the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of Bangladesh, particularly the protection of life, property, and individual freedoms. This alignment positions the police not merely as enforcers of the law but as guardians and protectors of citizens’ constitutional rights. Such a paradigm shift would go beyond fulfilling the basic mandate of maintaining law and order. It would foster a deeper sense of trust and confidence among the public, improve the police’s overall image, and encourage a stronger culture of respect for the rule of law within the police force itself. By adopting this approach, the police could redefine their role as a foundation of justice and equity, further strengthening the relationship between law enforcement and the society it serves.

When an offence is committed, it falls within the jurisdiction of the criminal justice system. The formal initiation of legal proceedings against an alleged offender begins with registering a criminal case, typically through a First Information Report lodged by the victim, a witness, or any concerned party at the local police station. As mandated by Section 154 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898 (CrPC), the police are required to record any information regarding a cognisable offence, which includes serious crimes such as murder, rape, robbery, and terrorism — offences where the police have the authority to investigate and make arrests without prior court approval. Once an FIR is registered, the officer-in-charge of the police station assigns the case to an investigating officer, usually a sub-inspector, who is responsible for conducting the investigation in accordance with legal procedures. The IO gathers evidence, records witness statements, and examines the crime scene while ensuring compliance with the provisions of the CrPC, 1898, and Penal Code, 1860. Depending on the complexity of the case, the investigation may also involve forensic analysis, surveillance, and coordination with other law enforcement agencies. Ultimately, the IO compiles the findings into a police report, which is then submitted to the relevant court for further legal proceedings.

For non-cognisable offences, which include minor crimes like public nuisance, the police require prior approval from a magistrate before initiating an investigation. The distinction between cognisable and non-cognisable offences is crucial, as it determines the procedural course of action.

One of the most significant issues in Bangladesh’s criminal justice system is the police’s discretionary power in registering cases. Despite legal provisions mandating the filing of FIRs for cognisable offences, officers often refuse to do so due to external influences, corruption, or resource constraints. Victims, especially from disadvantaged communities, frequently face difficulties in lodging complaints, as police officers at stations often demand inducements — either monetary or through influential connections — to register an FIR, initiate investigations, or even record a General Diary entry. As a result, those without financial means or social influence struggle to access police services, even in serious cases.

The public expects the police to uphold fairness, transparency, and impartiality, particularly in case registration, by ensuring that every reported offence — whether cognisable or non-cognisable — is recorded under the appropriate legal provision. This responsibility is crucial in maintaining the integrity of the justice system and preserving public trust in law enforcement. Any failure to register cases properly can compromise legal provisions and weaken confidence in the rule of law. Emphasising this obligation, the Supreme Court of Bangladesh, through various judicial pronouncements, has reinforced the mandatory nature of FIR registration when a cognisable offence is reported. The landmark case Suo Moto Rule No. 07 of 2020 underscored that law enforcement agencies must record complaints without unnecessary delay or discretion, ensuring that justice is not hindered at the very first stage of the legal process.

Despite the legal obligation for police to record complaints upon receiving information, allegations persist that investigating officers often delay the process by conducting preliminary enquiries and site visits before officially registering a crime. This delay is particularly prevalent in major cases such as murder and dacoity. Such initial postponements create opportunities for distortion of facts, compromising the timely collection of evidence and the immediate apprehension of suspects. With extended time at their disposal, complainants — sometimes with or without police collusion — may falsely implicate innocent individuals or omit the actual perpetrators. This manipulation enables law enforcement officers to fabricate case narratives and exploit innocent individuals by threatening prosecution unless they comply with their demands.

Integrity in case registration is critical, requiring meticulous attention to accuracy and fairness. The police must exercise extreme care to avoid implicating innocent individuals, as wrongful accusations shall have devastating consequences for those involved. In many cases, the First Information Report includes specific names, while others are listed as ‘unknown.’ While this practice can be necessary in some instances, it also opens the door to potential misuse. Such flexibility may allow officers to manipulate investigations, for example, by arbitrarily adding or excluding names as suspects or exercising undue discretion to make mass arrests. These actions can lead to the perception or reality of bias, favouritism, or abuse of power.

The people expect the police to handle all cases impartially, regardless of the status or influence of the individuals involved. They must not refuse to register an offense due to the involvement of powerful or politically connected persons, nor should they suppress cases to artificially lower crime statistics, as this would compromise the integrity of law enforcement. Ensuring that justice is applied equally to all citizens, irrespective of social, political, or economic standing, is fundamental to maintaining public trust. However, political interference remains a persistent challenge in Bangladesh, with powerful individuals and groups often pressuring the police to suppress complaints against their allies or fabricate cases against opponents. This not only undermines the impartiality of the justice system but also weakens confidence in law enforcement agencies.

While the refusal to register FIRs is a significant concern, the misuse of the criminal justice system through false or fabricated cases is another critical issue. The police must exercise due caution to ensure that registered cases are genuine and not based on false allegations, as fictitious cases — often referred to in Bangladesh as gaybi mamla (invisible or baseless cases) — are frequently used to harass political opponents, marginalised communities, rival groups, or dissenting individuals, fostering fear and mistrust. Such cases clog the justice system, divert resources from genuine complaints, and erode public confidence in law enforcement, making it harder for real victims to seek justice. Many individuals misuse legal processes to settle personal disputes, harass opponents, or seek revenge, further straining the judiciary. To counter this, the police must uphold ethical standards, remain vigilant in distinguishing between legitimate grievances and malicious cases, and ensure fairness and impartiality in their operations. Additionally, complainants who lodge false cases with malicious intent should be prosecuted under Section 211 of the Penal Code. Accurate and honest case registration is the foundation of a fair justice system, and adherence to legal protocols is essential to maintaining its integrity. Any manipulation of case outcomes, whether by downgrading crimes to lesser offences or exaggerating charges for personal or political motives, undermines public trust. Therefore, the police must remain committed to fairness and objectivity, reinforcing their role as impartial enforcers of the law and guardians of justice.

Not all crimes committed in Bangladesh come to the attention of the police, as various factors deter individuals from reporting incidents. Fear of retaliation, lack of trust in law enforcement, social stigma, and the lengthy legal process often discourage victims and witnesses from coming forward. Many people, particularly those from marginalised communities, may feel powerless or believe that seeking justice will bring more hardship than resolution. Additionally, cultural and familial pressures sometimes compel victims to remain silent, especially in cases of domestic violence, sexual offences, or financial fraud. Crimes involving influential individuals or organised groups may also go unreported due to fear of repercussions. Furthermore, the complexity and perceived inefficiency of the criminal justice system contribute to the general reluctance to engage with law enforcement, as many view the process as cumbersome, time-consuming, and potentially more distressing than the crime itself. As a result, the true extent of criminal activities remains obscured, leading to an under-representation of crime in official statistics and hindering efforts to implement effective law enforcement strategies. Therefore, police officers must take a proactive approach in registering cases promptly and without any obstacles to uphold the rule of law.

In today’s digital era, there is a growing public demand for an efficient and transparent online system for criminal case registration to eliminate bureaucratic hurdles, reduce delays, and minimise human discretion. Such a system would allow victims to file FIRs from home without intimidation or corruption while ensuring real-time documentation to prevent intentional delays by law enforcement. Following a directive from the chief advisor of the interim government, efforts are underway to implement this digital platform, which would enable swift intervention, automated case tracking, and integration with forensic databases. By enhancing transparency and accountability, an online system could revolutionise Bangladesh’s criminal justice process, provided it is user-friendly, secure, and legally validated to protect data and ensure accessibility for all. However, not everyone in Bangladesh is proficient in digital communication. Therefore, a user-friendly system must be implemented, ensuring direct access without the need for intermediaries.

Registering a criminal case in Bangladesh is a critical step in ensuring justice, yet it remains fraught with challenges such as police discretion, political influence, corruption, delays, and misuse of the system. While legal provisions exist to facilitate FIR registration, their effectiveness is often undermined by institutional weaknesses. Addressing these challenges requires a multi-pronged approach, including stronger legal safeguards, enhanced police accountability, judicial reforms, and public awareness initiatives. By ensuring a more transparent, efficient, and accessible system for case registration, Bangladesh can take significant strides toward a fairer and more robust criminal justice system.

To be continued

Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general of police.​

 

[Saif]

Police investigation of crime

Once a cognisable case is registered, the police initiate the criminal justice process by launching an investigation to uncover the truth. Crime investigation is a core function of law enforcement in Bangladesh, playing a crucial role in maintaining law and order and ensuring justice. This...

www.newagebd.net

POLICE THAT THE PEOPLE WANT – II

Police investigation of crime
Md Motiar Rahman 21 April, 2025, 00:00

Once a cognisable case is registered, the police initiate the criminal justice process by launching an investigation to uncover the truth. Crime investigation is a core function of law enforcement in Bangladesh, playing a crucial role in maintaining law and order and ensuring justice. This process involves gathering evidence, identifying suspects, and holding perpetrators accountable through legal means. Many other police duties, such as patrolling, intelligence gathering, and community policing, directly or indirectly support investigations by providing vital information. Similarly, maintaining public records, addressing complaints, and managing crime prevention programmes contribute to the broader goal of solving crimes. A thorough and objective investigation brings offenders to justice and deters future crimes, fostering a safer society.

The investigation of crimes by the police in Bangladesh is primarily governed by the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898, along with other legal provisions, such as the Penal Code 1860; Police Regulations 1943; the Evidence Act 1872; the Police Act 1861 and other laws. The Code of Criminal Procedure outlines the procedure for criminal investigations, detailing how the police must collect evidence, question witnesses, and interrogate suspects. Additionally, the police must ensure that investigations comply with the principles of natural justice and due process, particularly in relation to the rights of the accused.

A criminal investigation typically involves visiting the crime scene, collecting evidence, interviewing witnesses, and interrogating suspects. In complex cases, forensic techniques such as DNA analysis, fingerprinting, and ballistics play a crucial role, though access to such facilities remains limited in many parts of Bangladesh. Investigating officers may also seek court-issued warrants for searches, seizures, or arrests, though, in certain situations, they are authorised to proceed without them. As technology advances, the public increasingly expects law enforcement to leverage modern scientific tools to enhance the efficiency and accuracy of investigations. From forensic science and data analytics to surveillance technologies and digital evidence processing, these resources have immense potential to unravel complex cases swiftly and effectively. By integrating such tools into their operations, the police can ensure that investigations are not only thorough but also impartial and resistant to errors. However, these facilities are not widely accessible across Bangladesh.

In cases involving major crimes such as murder, terrorism, or corruption, specialised units like the Detective Branch, Counter-Terrorism and Transnational Crime Unit, or the Criminal Investigation Department and Police Bureau of Investigation often take over. These units are better equipped and staffed with skilled personnel trained in advanced investigative techniques.

The primary objective of a police investigation is to uncover the truth, identify and apprehend offenders, and ensure they are held accountable under the law while protecting innocent individuals from wrongful implication based on weak or unreliable evidence. This dual responsibility reflects the delicate balance between ensuring public safety and safeguarding individual rights, which lies at the heart of any just legal system. A thorough, fact-based investigation seeks to secure justice for victims and uphold their rights while supporting the judicial process with strong, admissible evidence. Additionally, crime investigations play a crucial role in preventing future offences by identifying patterns, recommending policy changes, and strengthening law enforcement strategies. By maintaining transparency, fairness, and efficiency, police investigations enhance public trust in the legal system and contribute to a safer, more just society.

Lawyers highlight that the overall conviction rate in criminal cases in the country is around 20 per cent, meaning 80 per cent of accused individuals are ultimately acquitted, raising serious concerns about the effectiveness of the criminal justice system and the need for reform. Defective and perfunctory investigations are often attributed to producing weak evidence that cannot withstand legal scrutiny, with cases frequently failing due to missing or improperly collected forensic evidence, incomplete documentation, or procedural errors exploited by defence lawyers. Additionally, the failure to produce witnesses or their absence in court further weakens trials, as witness testimonies are crucial in establishing guilt, yet delays, fear of retaliation, and logistical challenges often render them unavailable when needed.

While inadequate investigations are often cited as the primary cause of low conviction rates, they are only one part of a broader system. Even a well-conducted investigation with strong evidence may fail if prosecutors, forensic experts, prison authorities, and the judiciary do not fulfil their roles effectively. Convictions depend on a multi-stage process involving investigation, prosecution, judicial proceedings, and witness testimony, and failures at any stage can significantly reduce the chances of securing a conviction. While prosecution is crucial in transforming investigative findings into persuasive legal arguments, its success depends on the skill, experience, and motivation of prosecutors. Similarly, forensic experts provide critical scientific analysis, but their contributions are often undermined by underfunded, outdated, or unreliable forensic facilities. Additionally, bureaucratic inefficiencies, backlogged courts, and procedural delays weaken cases, giving defendants opportunities to exploit technicalities or benefit from witnesses’ fading memories. Prison and correctional institutions also play a role by ensuring that offenders do not manipulate the system to evade justice while awaiting trial.

The criminal justice system functions as an interconnected mechanism in which each component must operate efficiently for justice to be served. Securing a conviction is not solely the responsibility of investigating officers or prosecutors but requires cooperation and competence across all sectors. Failures in legal representation, judicial inefficiencies, or forensic shortcomings increase the likelihood of acquittals, weakening the justice system. Addressing the low conviction rate requires a holistic reform approach that strengthens investigations, enhances prosecutorial effectiveness, improves forensic capabilities, ensures judicial accountability, and streamlines legal proceedings. Without comprehensive improvements, inefficiencies will persist, ultimately eroding public trust in law enforcement and the rule of law.

In addition to the low conviction rate, the police investigation of crimes in Bangladesh is often criticised by the public, lawyers, and civil society due to allegations of political influence, corruption, inefficiency, and human rights violations. Many believe that investigations are biased, with cases sometimes fabricated against political opponents or manipulated to protect influential individuals. Corruption, including bribery and misuse of power, weakens public trust, while delays in investigations and judicial proceedings prolong justice. Forced confessions and custodial torture are major concerns, as is the lack of forensic expertise and reliance on weak evidence. Inadequate witness protection discourages testimony, and poor coordination between police and the judiciary leads to case dismissals due to lack of evidence. Additionally, mishandling of gender-based crimes, failure to address organised and financial crimes effectively, and a general lack of transparency further erode confidence in law enforcement. To improve investigations, Bangladesh needs institutional reforms, better training, independent oversight, and the adoption of modern forensic and investigative techniques.

Resource availability plays a significant role in determining the effectiveness of criminal investigations. The collection and analysis of forensic evidence are labour-intensive and costly, which is why scientific investigative techniques are typically reserved for the most serious crimes, such as homicide, sexual assault, and high-value property crimes.

It is important to provide investigators with adequate financial and logistical resources to improve case clearance rates. However, officers-in-charge of police stations in Bangladesh reveal a stark reality: virtually no operational budget is allocated to support criminal investigations. The government has recently introduced an investigation fund, providing Tk 2000–5000 per case. However, this amount is grossly inadequate given the actual costs of thorough investigative work. A standard case costs around Tk 5,000-7,000 to investigate, while complex cases such as robbery or rape can cost between Tk 20,000 and 30,000. Therefore, investigators frequently report that a lack of financial support forces them to rely on personal funds or external sources to conduct investigations, travel to crime scenes, or gather evidence. To ensure effective and thorough investigations, government funding should align with the actual costs involved.

Limited access to modern forensic equipment, a lack of trained forensic personnel, and inadequate transport facilities further impede investigations, making it difficult for law enforcement agencies to collect, preserve, and analyze crucial evidence. Many police stations, particularly those in rural areas, lack even the most basic forensic tools, forcing investigators to rely on outdated methods that often fail to meet the standards required for securing convictions. Without proper forensic capabilities, officers are left to depend on eyewitness testimonies and circumstantial evidence, both of which can be unreliable and easily challenged in court.

The absence of essential tools such as fingerprint kits, forensic testing equipment, and digital crime analysis software significantly reduces the efficiency and accuracy of police investigations. Proper fingerprint identification can link suspects to crime scenes, yet many stations lack the necessary kits or trained personnel to conduct such examinations effectively. Similarly, forensic testing — such as DNA analysis, toxicology reports, and ballistic examinations — remains out of reach for most cases due to limited facilities and a backlog of pending forensic requests at underfunded government labs. Digital crime analysis software, which can help track criminal patterns, analyse surveillance footage, and detect cybercrimes, is often unavailable or underutilised due to a lack of technical expertise among officers.

In addition to these challenges, inadequate transport facilities hinder timely evidence collection and suspect apprehension. Crime scenes often require immediate forensic examination, but delays caused by a shortage of police vehicles or poorly maintained transport infrastructure result in the loss or contamination of critical evidence. In many cases, forensic teams must travel long distances to reach crime scenes, sometimes arriving too late to gather fresh, uncontaminated samples. These logistical shortcomings not only slow down investigations but also weaken the overall criminal justice process, leading to lower conviction rates and increased public distrust in law enforcement capabilities. Strengthening forensic resources, investing in officer training, and modernising investigative tools are essential steps toward improving the effectiveness of police investigations.

The state exerts substantial control over police agencies in Bangladesh, often using them as political tools rather than for public safety. Consequently, many policing policies are politically driven, with frequent interference by political leaders in criminal investigations, influencing charge sheets and final reports to align with ruling party interests, especially in high-profile cases. Politicians, influential elites, and law enforcement superiors pressure investigators to frame or exonerate individuals, obstructing impartial investigations and lowering crime clearance rates. A police officer assigned to an investigation has the exclusive authority and unfettered right to conduct the investigation. Therefore, from a technical and legal standpoint, no senior officer, including the Inspector General of Police, can dictate the course of the investigation. However, senior officers may supervise the case to provide guidance and support in the investigative process. However, political and external pressures frequently undermine this independence, leading to undue influence that compromises investigative integrity. Cases are often manipulated to shield allies or target opponents with fabricated charges, eroding public trust in the justice system and raising serious concerns about impartiality.

Beyond political interference, other external actors, including prosecutors, forensic experts, and the judiciary, also play roles in shaping case outcomes. Effective case clearance depends on seamless coordination between police investigators, forensic teams, prosecutors, and judicial authorities. However, bureaucratic inefficiencies, lack of inter-agency collaboration, and internal power struggles within law enforcement agencies often hinder effective case resolution.

Given this reality, the recent proposal by the Judicial Reform Commission to establish a new investigative agency is realistic in alignment with public expectations. But it has sparked an important question: What guarantees are there that this new body will remain free from external influence? Without robust institutional safeguards, there is a risk that the same patterns of political meddling and corruption could persist, merely shifting from one agency to another. To ensure true independence, the new agency would require clear legal protections, strict oversight mechanisms, and a transparent accountability framework to prevent interference from political or other powerful interests. Otherwise, the creation of a new body might simply replicate existing problems rather than resolve them.

Experts argue that Bangladesh police already have specialised investigative agencies, such as the Criminal Investigation Department and the Police Bureau of Investigation, which are capable of handling complex cases. Rather than creating new entities, these agencies can be further strengthened by equipping them with advanced training, modern forensic tools, and sufficient logistical and financial resources to ensure fair, efficient, and impartial investigations. Ultimately, comprehensive institutional reforms, coupled with enhanced training and accountability mechanisms, are necessary to build public trust and ensure a fair and effective justice system.

To be continued

Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general of police.​

 

[Saif]

Law enforcers' new uniforms get government's green light

The government has enforced the new Police Dress Rules, 2025, superseding the 2004 regulation, according to a gazette issued by the Police Headquarters. The new rules define detailed specifications for uniforms, rank badges, and monograms for all ranks, including the Inspector General to constable

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Law enforcers' new uniforms get government's green light
Published :
Apr 22, 2025 23:55
Updated :
Apr 22, 2025 23:55

The government has enforced the new Police Dress Rules, 2025, superseding the 2004 regulation, according to a gazette issued by the Police Headquarters.

The new rules define detailed specifications for uniforms, rank badges, and monograms for all ranks, including the Inspector General to constables. It also includes specific dress codes for different units like RAB, APBn, and women police. The national flower ‘Shapla’ remains the central element of the police logo, UNB reports.

The regulations aim to standardize police appearance across duties and ceremonies.

Earlier on January 20 this year, in a move aimed at modernising the appearance of law enforcement agencies, the government unveiled new uniforms for the police, Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) and Ansar.

After a meeting of the Law and Order Committee at the Secretariat, Home Affairs Adviser Lieutenant General (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury announced that the new uniforms would feature distinct colours for each force.

"We have finalised three new uniform designs for the police, RAB and Ansar. These uniforms will be phased in gradually, with current attire being replaced over time," the adviser said.

The police will now wear rust uniforms, RAB personnel will wear green olive and Ansar will be dressed in golden wheat, he added.​

 

[Saif]

Police week-2025: Cops to get directives over polls

Ahead of the upcoming Police Week-2025, the police top brass have finalised instructions for field-level officers to ensure stability and deliver a credible national election.

www.thedailystar.net

Police week-2025: Cops to get directives over polls

Ahead of the upcoming Police Week-2025, the police top brass have finalised instructions for field-level officers to ensure stability and deliver a credible national election.

Senior officials will also listen to the challenges and demands of field officers during the week-long discussions to strengthen law and order ahead of the 13th parliamentary polls.

Following the interim government directives, police have decided to act impartially and resist pressure from any quarters during the election period.

These decisions were made during preparatory meetings for Police Week, set to begin on April 29, according to Police Headquarters (PHQ) sources.

Enamul Haque Sagor, assistant inspector general of the PHQ, told The Daily Star that issues including law and order will be discussed, and steps will be taken to address field officers' demands, adding that officials are aiming for a more focused event this year, without the usual grand celebrations.

Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus will inaugurate Police Week-2025 at the Rajarbagh Police Lines Auditorium. He will deliver election-related directives and present Bangladesh Police Medals and President Police Medals to 62 officers selected by the PHQ.

Awardees include former IGP Moinul Islam, RAB DG AKM Shahidur Rahman, several acting additional IGPs, DIGs, commissioners, SPs, and other officers. A letter has been issued asking them to be in Dhaka from today (April 27).

Following the inauguration, sets of demands prepared by the PHQ will be presented before Yunus and among police officials. Priority will be given to the formation of an independent police commission, which would include a public complaint cell and a Grievance Redressal Committee for police members.

A senior PHQ official, requesting anonymity, said, "Only an independent commission could bring the police force back on the right track and make it service-oriented."

Other demands include a compensation allowance, more police vehicles, financial support for burial or cremation of personnel, infrastructural development, establishment of an independent cyber unit, enhancement of manpower, medical upgrades for divisional police hospitals, founding a police medical college, creating a women-friendly work environment, and policies to manage overtime from land disputes and environmental enforcement.

Older demands, such as repealing the Custodial Death (Prevention) Act, expanding DIG posts, and launching an aviation unit, are expected to be raised again at meetings with advisers and secretaries on April 30.

For the first time, a meeting will also be held with religious leaders, journalists, and community leaders on May 1, the final day of Police Week, to discuss public expectations from the police.

Unlike previous years, there will be no parade at the Rajarbagh Police Lines, no meeting with the president, and no competitive events, as the celebrations have been scaled down.​

 

[Saif]

Future of policing in criminal justice system

THE criminal justice system is a complex framework composed of multiple interconnected components, including law enforcement agencies, the judiciary, and correctional institutions. Among these, the police serve as the foundation of the...

www.newagebd.net

Future of policing in criminal justice system
by Md Motiar Rahman 03 May, 2025, 00:09

THE criminal justice system is a complex framework composed of multiple interconnected components, including law enforcement agencies, the judiciary, and correctional institutions. Among these, the police serve as the foundation of the system, acting as the first point of contact between citizens and the justice process. In Bangladesh, the police hold a central role, balancing the responsibilities of crime prevention, law enforcement, public service, and conflict resolution. Their duties extend beyond mere crime control; they are responsible for maintaining public order, ensuring the safety of individuals and communities, and upholding fundamental rights as guaranteed by the Constitution.

The role of the police in this system sets the course for subsequent judicial proceedings. Effective policing — through proper investigation, evidence collection, and fair enforcement of laws — ensures that cases are built on strong legal foundations, facilitating justice. Any failure in this initial phase, whether due to inefficiency, corruption, or bias, can undermine the entire judicial process, leading to wrongful convictions or impunity for offenders. Furthermore, the police are often the first responders in crises, playing a critical role in de-escalating conflicts, assisting victims, and fostering public trust. Their work directly impacts the efficiency of the courts and correctional institutions, making them indispensable in maintaining the rule of law and ensuring justice is served equitably.

The criminal justice system is a vital institution for maintaining social order and upholding the rule of law. The Bangladesh police, as its frontline component, bears immense responsibility for ensuring safety and justice. While challenges persist, ongoing reforms and modernisation efforts provide hope for a more effective and accountable police force. By addressing systemic issues and fostering collaboration among all stakeholders, the criminal justice system in Bangladesh can evolve into a more robust and equitable framework, ensuring justice for all.

In collaboration with other agencies of the criminal justice system, the future of policing will be shaped by advancements in technology, evolving societal expectations, and the need for more community-orientated approaches. Artificial intelligence, predictive analytics, and real-time surveillance will enhance crime prevention and investigative capabilities, while body-worn cameras and data transparency will promote accountability. With increasing concerns about human rights and social justice, police forces worldwide will need to adopt strategies that emphasise de-escalation, conflict resolution, and public trust. Additionally, cross-border threats such as cybercrime, terrorism, and transnational organised crime will require stronger international collaboration. The integration of ethical AI, improved training programmes, and greater community engagement will be crucial in ensuring that policing remains effective, fair, and adaptable to future challenges.

In this context, police officers in the modern world must embody a diverse range of qualities to effectively maintain law and order while upholding justice and human rights. Integrity and professionalism are fundamental, ensuring that officers act ethically and remain accountable to the public. Strong communication and conflict-resolution skills are crucial, enabling them to de-escalate tense situations and foster trust within communities. Adaptability is essential in addressing evolving challenges such as cybercrime, terrorism, and transnational criminal networks. Additionally, modern policing demands cultural awareness and emotional intelligence to engage with diverse populations sensitively. Technological proficiency is also vital, as law enforcement increasingly relies on digital tools for investigations and intelligence gathering. Above all, a commitment to service, fairness, and continuous learning defines an effective police officer in today’s complex and dynamic world.

The new generation of police, sons of this soil, is believed to be highly qualified, tech-savvy, and meritorious. They are expected to be a living encyclopaedia with analytical insight into every national and international event that may impact the country’s public security. The strong commitment to upholding the rule of law in a country like ours determines socio-economic and political development. Predictive and intelligence-led policing may help to understand the genesis of issues affecting public security. The police have been recognised as the key players in the criminal justice system. The role of the police can be likened to that of a goalkeeper in soccer. If the rest of the team underperforms, the goalkeeper faces constant pressure, making it unrealistic to expect flawless performance every time. Similarly, the police cannot bear the full burden of crime prevention without the active support of other institutions. Effective governance requires a coordinated effort among various entities, including government organisations, lawmakers, the judiciary, and the economic system. When these institutions fulfil their responsibilities, societal issues are minimised, and the strain on the police is significantly reduced. A shared commitment to the collective good is essential for maintaining order and reducing crime, distributing the responsibility across all sectors rather than leaving it solely to the police. Police should understand the complex interplay of various factors and may be able to point out other people’s failures in the performance of their responsibilities. In Bangladesh, for instance, land disputes have been regarded as the major cause of violent crimes. Police have little to do with the land management.

Policing in Bangladesh presents significant challenges, requiring officers to work in both high-stress urban environments and remote rural areas, where they face a wide range of difficult situations. Resilience is essential in these demanding conditions, as officers must manage long working hours, limited resources, and exposure to traumatic incidents. In addition to mental and physical resilience, adaptability is also crucial. Officers must effectively navigate the country’s rapidly changing socio-political landscape and respond to evolving criminal tactics. In this context, mental health and conflict resolution training play a vital role. In democratic societies, there is a growing emphasis on equipping officers with the skills to handle tense situations calmly. By prioritising de-escalation techniques and appropriate use of force, officers can resolve volatile encounters without resorting to violence, ensuring a more effective and humane approach to policing. An officer’s ability to connect personally, de-escalate tense situations, and offer reassurance demonstrates their commitment to public service. Empathy fosters a sense of security and respect, transcending socio-economic or political backgrounds.

The relationship among all members of the police force—senior, junior, subordinate, and superior ranks—is fundamentally built on mutual respect, discipline, and a shared commitment to upholding law and order. A superior officer’s role involves providing guidance, leadership, and support while maintaining professionalism and fairness in their interactions with subordinates. Conversely, subordinates are expected to demonstrate loyalty, respect, and a willingness to execute orders diligently and ethically. Juniors look up to seniors for mentorship and professional growth, while seniors foster a supportive environment that encourages learning and teamwork. This hierarchical yet collaborative relationship ensures operational efficiency, reinforces accountability, and nurtures camaraderie within the force, ultimately contributing to the effectiveness and integrity of law enforcement.

The people desire a police force that understands and aligns with the aspirations of the common masses, recognising their needs, grievances, and expectations. When law enforcement fails to acknowledge these aspirations or actively works against them, it creates a crisis of enforcement, leading to public dissatisfaction, resistance, and, in extreme cases, social unrest. The crisis of enforcement in society emerges when the expectations of the majority clash with the inefficacy, bias, or selective application of the law by institutions responsible for maintaining order. If the police or other enforcement agencies are perceived as tools of political or elite interests rather than impartial upholders of justice, they lose legitimacy in the eyes of the people. This disconnect fosters distrust, non-compliance, and even acts of defiance against the law, making effective governance increasingly difficult. Resolving this crisis requires a responsive, transparent, and community-orientated policing approach that bridges the gap between legal authority and public expectations, ensuring that enforcement mechanisms are both just and widely accepted.

Police officers are entrusted with the solemn duty of upholding law and order while embodying the highest ideals of patriotism and national service. As guardians of public security, they must possess the foresight and discernment to align their actions with the broader national interest, ensuring that their decisions and enforcement strategies contribute to the country’s stability, progress, and unity. Their allegiance to the nation must remain unwavering, even in the face of opposition from certain groups or individuals whose interests may conflict with the greater good. This responsibility demands not only professional integrity but also a deep commitment to preserving national sovereignty, fostering social harmony, and safeguarding the aspirations of the people. In executing their duties, they must strike a balance between enforcing the law impartially and upholding the collective will of the nation, never allowing personal biases or external pressures to compromise the principles of justice and the overall welfare of the state.

The Bangladesh Police, acting as an executive arm of the government, brutally suppressed dissent using lethal force and extrajudicial means. The student-led anti-quota movement, fuelled by long-standing grievances, escalated into demands for the government’s removal. In response, police crackdowns led to the deaths of numerous students, triggering mass outrage. When Sheikh Hasina stepped down and disappeared, public fury erupted into violent protests, with people defying curfews to attack and loot police stations. Overwhelmed, police personnel abandoned their posts, leading to the lynching of 46 officers and the seizure of weapons and documents. This unprecedented event left the police force temporarily non-functional, something unseen even during the Liberation War.

Therefore, it is the public demand that democratic policing refers to a model of law enforcement in which the police serve the people rather than a regime, adhering strictly to the rule of law rather than the whims of public authorities. It ensures the protection of civil rights, including freedom of speech, association, and protection from torture or abuse. A fundamental aspect of democratic policing is external accountability, where police actions are subject to oversight by government bodies, independent commissions, and the courts. Ensuring public security remains a top priority, requiring police forces to balance law enforcement with the protection of individual rights.

A normative framework for democratic policing is built upon key principles that distinguish it from authoritarian models. Democratic police forces prioritise serving civil society rather than the state, operating with transparency and accountability at all levels. They are structured to reflect the demographic diversity of the population, ensuring representation of minority groups and women through fair recruitment policies. Professionalism and merit-based competency are central to their functioning, and they are insulated from undue political influence. These values are considered non-negotiable, as without them, police organisations cannot be deemed truly democratic in their structure, culture, or performance.

The principles of democratic policing emphasise representation, responsiveness, and accountability. Representative policing ensures that police personnel reflect the communities they serve while upholding human rights. Responsive policing aligns law enforcement actions with public needs, ensuring that crime prevention, detection, and public order maintenance are conducted lawfully and humanely. Lastly, accountable policing operates on three levels: legal accountability, ensuring police adherence to the law; political accountability, where police answer to the public through democratic institutions and oversight bodies; and economic accountability, ensuring that police effectively and justifiably manage allocated resources.

Finally, citizens often invoke a timeless quotation that encapsulates the ideal attributes of a police officer in the context of security: ‘The citizen expects police officers to have the wisdom of Solomon, the courage of David, the strength of Samson, the patience of Jacob, the leadership of Moses, the kindness of the Good Samaritan, the strategy of Alexander, the faith of Daniel, the diplomacy of Lincoln, the tolerance of the carpenter of Nazareth, and finally, an intimate knowledge of every branch of the natural, biological, and social sciences.’ (August Vollmer, The Police and Modern Society).

The criminal justice system relies on the effective functioning of its interconnected components, with the police playing a pivotal role in upholding law and order. As the frontline of justice, the Bangladesh police must ensure fairness, efficiency, and accountability in their duties to maintain public trust and support the broader legal process. While challenges remain, continued reforms and modernisation efforts can strengthen the system, fostering a more just and equitable society where the rule of law prevails.

The future of policing in Bangladesh depends on building a force that exemplifies accountability, fairness, and professionalism while remaining deeply connected to the needs of its citizens. A police force that respects human rights, collaborates with communities and responds efficiently to public needs is essential for maintaining trust and legitimacy. Addressing systemic challenges — such as political interference, corruption, and resource limitations — requires bold reforms and continuous efforts to improve training, transparency, and ethical conduct. By embracing technological advancements and prioritising human rights, the Bangladesh Police can transform into a more responsive and trustworthy institution that upholds justice, security, and public service. This transformation will not only strengthen law enforcement’s effectiveness but also foster public confidence and lay the foundation for a safer and more equitable society.​

 

[Saif]

Govt to reconstitute RAB: Adviser Jahangir

Home Affairs Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury on Monday said the government will restructure the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) in line with the OHCHR recommendations. He made the announcement while briefing reporters after the ninth meeting of the Law and Order Advisory Committee at th

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Govt to reconstitute RAB: Adviser Jahangir
FE Online Desk
Published :
May 12, 2025 18:25
Updated :
May 12, 2025 20:12

Home Affairs Adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury on Monday said the government will restructure the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) in line with the OHCHR recommendations.

He made the announcement while briefing reporters after the ninth meeting of the Law and Order Advisory Committee at the Secretariat, reports UNB.

“A committee has already been formed to oversee RAB’s reorganisation,” he said, adding that police personnel will no longer be allowed to carry lethal weapons.

The decision comes following a recommendation from the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), which in a report released on February 12 called for the disbanding of RAB for its alleged involvement in serious human rights violations.

The OHCHR report also recommended restricting the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) to border protection duties and confining the Defence Intelligence Directorate (DGFI) to military intelligence functions.

Welcoming the report, the adviser said it was a positive step, and the government has decided to act accordingly.

Turning to the readymade garment (RMG) sector, the adviser said wages and bonuses of garment workers must be paid before Eid-ul-Azha.

He warned of stern action if workers take to the streets with what he termed ‘irrational’ demands.

Ahead of the Eid festivities, Jahangir also ordered the deployment of 100 Ansar members at each cattle market to curb extortion.

He also directed the authorities concerned to ensure smooth and secure travel for holidaymakers.​

 

[Saif]

Police won’t be entitled to use lethal weapons: Home Adviser

Home Adviser Lieutenant General (retd) Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury said on Monday that, with the exception of the Armed Police Battalion (APBn), the Bangladesh Police will not be entitled to use lethal weapons. “We have decided that no lethal weapons will be provided to the police force. Only...

en.prothomalo.com

Police won’t be entitled to use lethal weapons: Home Adviser
BSS Dhaka
Published: 12 May 2025, 18: 52

Adviser of Home Affairs, Lieutenant General (Retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury talks to the media File photo

Home Adviser Lieutenant General (retd) Md Jahangir Alam Chowdhury said on Monday that, with the exception of the Armed Police Battalion (APBn), the Bangladesh Police will not be entitled to use lethal weapons.

“We have decided that no lethal weapons will be provided to the police force. Only the personnel of the Armed Police Battalion (APBn) will be entitled to use lethal weapons,” he said.

The Home Adviser made the disclosure after attending the 9th meeting of the advisory committee on law and order at the ministry’s conference room at the secretariat here.

Replying to a question about the timeframe for implementing the decision, he said, “We have just made the decision. It will take time.”

He also said that a committee, headed by Special Assistant to the Chief Adviser on Home Affairs Md. Khuda Baksh Chowdhury, has been formed to look into the matter.

The committee will also examine some other related issues, he added, without providing further details.​

 

[Saif]

12 promoted to additional IGP

The government has promoted 12 senior police officers to the rank of additional inspectors general of police (Addl IGPs). The Ministry of Public Administration issued a gazette notification, signed by deputy secretary Md Towhid Bin Hasan, in this regard on Sunday. The promoted officers are Md Gol

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

12 promoted to additional IGP
BSS
Published :
May 18, 2025 21:41
Updated :
May 18, 2025 21:41

The government has promoted 12 senior police officers to the rank of additional inspectors general of police (Addl IGPs).

The Ministry of Public Administration issued a gazette notification, signed by deputy secretary Md Towhid Bin Hasan, in this regard on Sunday.

The promoted officers are Md Golam Rasul of Special Branch, AKM Awlad Hossain, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police, Dhaka Range, Md Akram Hossain, Police Headquarters, Hasib Aziz, Police Commissioner of Chattogram, Gazi Jashim Uddin, DIG of Criminal Investigation Department (CID), Abu Naser Mohammad Khaled, Police Headquarters, Rezaul Karim, Police Commissioner of Sylhet, Khandakar Rafiqul Islam, Anti Terrorism Unit (ATU), Md Mostafa Kamal, Police Bureau of Investigation (PBI), Mosleh Uddin Ahmad, Police Headquarters, MD Sibgat Ullah, DIG of Industrial Police and Sardar Nurul Amin, director (DIG) of Police Hospital.

The order was issued as per the recommendations by the superior selection board, which was approved by the chief adviser at its meeting held on May 8, the notification said.​

 

[Saif]

200 vehicles to be purchased for police, spending Tk 1.72b

At first, 200 double-cabin pickup trucks will be purchased from the state-owned company Pragoti Industries at a cost of Tk 1.72 billion.

en.prothomalo.com

200 vehicles to be purchased for police, spending Tk 1.72b

Special Correspondent Dhaka
Updated: 05 Jun 2025, 19: 38

The police vans were parked on a street in Savar on 12 July 2023. Collected

The government has decided to purchase new vehicles to replace those used by the Bangladesh Police which were either burned during the July mass uprising or rendered unusable.

In this phase, 200 double-cabin pickup trucks will be procured from the state-owned company Pragoti Industries through an open tender process, meaning direct purchase. Each vehicle will cost Tk 8.6 million, totalling Tk 1.72 billion.

The proposal was approved at a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Public Purchase at the secretariat in Dhaka on Wednesday with Finance Adviser Salehuddin Ahmed in the chair.

Public Security Division under the home ministry submitted the proposal to purchase the vehicles for police operational use.

Finance adviser confirmed the approval of the proposal to journalists after the meeting.

“Many police vehicles were damaged. We have allocated funds to purchase the vehicles,” Finance Adviser Salehuddin Ahmed argued adding that they mulled constructing a housing complex for the police somewhere near Dhaka.

Earlier, the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs approved in principle the proposal to purchase the vehicles through direct procurement at a meeting on 29 April. At that time, Public Security Division informed the committee that 460 police stations and various other police establishments were set on fire during the mass uprising between 1 July and 6 August 2024. As a result, a large number of police vehicles were torched. For this reason, it is necessary to urgently purchase vehicles to maintain law and order and ensure public security.

Currently, there are 664 police stations, 215 investigation centres, 459 police outposts, and 167 camps in the country. According to a recent presentation by the police headquarters to the top-level government level, public anger toward police force arose during the July movement because of unprofessional, dishonest, power-hungry, and unruly officials. As a result of this long-standing resentment, some miscreants set fire to police establishments and vehicles. At total of 526 vehicles were burned to ashes, and 533 more were vandalised. Altogether, 1,059 vehicles were rendered unusable, causing a financial loss of Tk 3.6 billion.

Sources said the police headquarters submitted a proposal to the Public Security Division to purchase vehicles at the end of last year. The proposal stated that police vehicles were set ablaze in 105 police stations and outposts across the country between July 1 and August 6 of last year.

At first, the police headquarters sent proposal to the Public Security Division, seeking an allocation of Tk 3.6 billion to fully resume police operations and bring law and order under control. Then Public Security Division sent a letter to the Finance Division on January 8 this year, explaining the necessity of purchasing the vehicles.

According to data from police headquarters, it is necessary to purchase a total of 722 vehicles for police. This proposed fleet included 38 jeeps, 250 double-cabin pickups, 56 single-cabin pickups, 2 patrol cars, 2 microbuses, 2 ambulances, 20 trucks, 2 buses, 12 prison vans, 285 motorcycles, 8 wreckers, 4 armoured personnel carriers (APCs), and 1 water cannon. The proposed number of vehicles, however, was reduced later.

After the procurement committee approved the proposal to buy the vehicles, it has been learned from the Finance Division that the proposed vehicles for police will be purchased from the budget of the 2024–25 fiscal year. Sources said that this proposal was not included in the official agenda of the procurement meeting held on Wednesday. The proposal was immediately tabled at the meeting held on the last working day before the Eid holidays.

When contacted, police headquarters assistant inspector general (media and public relations) Enamul Haque Sagar told Prothom Alo on Wednesday, “Many police vehicles sustained damage. Procurement of 200 vehicles has been approval, and this will undoubtedly speed up the operational capability of the police.” He, however, did not respond to queries on the progress of replacing other damaged vehicles.​

 

[Saif]

Police no longer have heavy weapons: Home Adviser

Home Affairs Adviser Lieutenant (Retd) General Jahangir Alam Chowdhury on Saturday said the police will no longer have lethal or heavy weapons. "Police will no longer have lethal weapons," the adviser said after visiting the offices of the Armed Police Battalion (APBn). Replying to a question abo

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Police no longer have heavy weapons: Home Adviser

BSS
Published :
Jun 14, 2025 20:31
Updated :
Jun 14, 2025 20:31

Home Affairs Adviser Lieutenant (Retd) General Jahangir Alam Chowdhury visited the offices of the Armed Police Battalion (APBn) on Saturday. Photo : APBn

Home Affairs Adviser Lieutenant (Retd) General Jahangir Alam Chowdhury on Saturday said the police will no longer have lethal or heavy weapons.

"Police will no longer have lethal weapons," the adviser said after visiting the offices of the Armed Police Battalion (APBn).

Replying to a question about the meaning of deadly weapons, he said, "By deadly weapons, I mean that there will be no large weapons (in the hands of police). Rifles will still be there."

"Now, knives are also deadly weapons. People can be killed with that too," he continued.

The Home Adviser said you know the role of APBn and the role of other police are not the same, adding that each unit is created for a different role.

"If we ever have to fight (a war), they (APBn) will fight alongside the army. Others will also fight, but APBn will be at the front. That's why their weapons are different from other units. For example, the naval police need more watercraft. On the other hand, the industrial police need different types of equipment," he said.

Regarding the law and order situation in the past 10 months, he said, "This time during Eid, you could not report anything bad. This shows that law and order has improved a lot."

"It's not that there haven't been a few small incidents. There have been a few thefts and robberies. But there hasn't been any major problem," he said.

When asked about the recent incident where a person wearing a RAB-like uniform allegedly robbed Tk 10 million in Uttara, Jahangir Alam said, "Even if he is from RAB, he won't get away with it.

Many times, many people wear RAB and police uniforms and commit many misdeeds; they won't get away with it either."

In response to another question about what steps are being taken to check traffic jam, the Home Affairs Adviser said that they are trying the best to reduce it.

'Bangladesh has only seven percent road coverage while other countries have 25 per cent," he added.

Inspector General of Police (IGP) Baharul Alam and Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) Director General AKM Shahidur Rahman were present, among others, during the visit.​

 

[Saif]

Stay prepared for free, fair election

Inspector General of Police Baharul Alam yesterday called upon police officials to remain mentally prepared to ensure a free and fair national election, according to a DMP press release.

www.thedailystar.net

Stay prepared for free, fair election
IGP urges DMP

Inspector General of Police Baharul Alam yesterday called upon police officials to remain mentally prepared to ensure a free and fair national election, according to a DMP press release.

"Maintaining law and order and ensuring public safety are responsibilities of the police," the IGP said while addressing the monthly crime review meeting for May 2025 at the Bangladesh Police Auditorium in Rajarbagh.

DMP Commissioner Sheikh Mohammad Sazzat Ali stressed that a peaceful and participatory election must be ensured for the greater national interest, beyond political affiliations.

Additional Police Commissioner (Admin) Faruk Ahmed warned about possible subversive activities by banned political outfits and stressed heightened vigilance.

He also called for increasing execution of warrants against listed criminals.

Additional Commissioner (Crime and Operations) SN Mohammad Nazrul Islam urged for swift investigation and disposal of cases related to the July protests.

Joint Commissioner (Crime) Faruk Hossain also presented overall crime statistics for May 2025 at the meeting.​

 

[Saif]

Police reforms: Home plans glass walls, bodycams, legal overhaul

The home ministry plans to carry out a series of police reforms over the next six months to enhance transparency and accountability within the force and curb corruption and human rights violations by law enforcers.

www.thedailystar.net

Police reforms: Home plans glass walls, bodycams, legal overhaul

The home ministry plans to carry out a series of police reforms over the next six months to enhance transparency and accountability within the force and curb corruption and human rights violations by law enforcers.

The initiatives include the introduction of UN-prescribed crowd control measures and the installation of glass-walled interrogation cells at all 664 police stations in line with the recommendations of a reform panel.

Police stations will be required to accept general diaries and first information reports without delay. Besides, there won't be any police verification for government jobs or passport issuance unless an applicant faces specific allegations of involvement in anti-state activities.

A committee led by an additional secretary has drawn up an action plan, categorising the reforms into immediate, mid-term, and long-term ones.

The move comes around three months after the Cabinet Division sent the Police Reform Commission's recommendations to the ministry, asking it to formulate an action plan for their implementation.

The issue of police reforms came to the fore following the fall of the Awami League government through a mass uprising that left over 1,400 people dead -- many of them in police shootings.

Public trust in police has declined over the years, largely due to the controversial role of a section of officials during the past government's tenure. Many police officials have been accused of suppressing dissent through arbitrary arrests, torture, extrajudicial killings, and enforced disappearance.

On September 11, the interim government formed the Police Reform Commission which submitted its report on January 15 with a set of recommendations.

Joint Secretary Rebeka Khan, also member secretary of the committee, said reforms that could be implemented within six months were classified as "immediate", while those requiring six months to a year were categorised as "mid-term". Reforms needing more than a year were labelled as "long-term".

"Reforms involving multiple ministries or those with complex legal or financial implications will take longer to implement," Rebeka told The Daily Star.

Seeking anonymity, a top official at the police headquarters said the reform initiative overlooked some key areas.

"Reforms are needed to put in place a human resource management system that will ensure fair recruitment, postings and promotions based on honesty, qualification, skills, and seniority," the official said.

REFORMS WITHIN SIX MONTHS

New crowd control measures will be introduced to ensure that police personnel act with restraint, protect civilians, and maintain peace. They must adhere to strict rules of engagement based on a five-step use of force model followed by UN peacekeepers.

The approach to crowd control starts with visible presence and verbal warnings, escalating to non-lethal methods and minimal force only when necessary. Lethal force may be used as a last resort.

The ministry has informed the Cabinet Division that the advisory committee on law and order may review and decide in six months whether the Rapid Action Battalion remains necessary, given its controversial past and allegations of rights abuses.

The reform initiatives also include setting up of glass-walled interrogation cells in every police station to prevent custodial torture and deaths.

There have been allegations that law enforcers subject detainees to physical and mental torture during remand to get confessional statements and force their relatives to pay bribes.

Measures will be taken to ensure proper treatment of detainees and cleanliness in lockups at police stations and courts as well as in vehicles for prisoners. Female detainees must be interrogated respectfully in the presence of women officers.

There will be a bar on parading suspects at press briefings before courts deliver verdicts, and special cells will be set up at the offices of the chiefs of police units, allowing people to report rights violations and misconduct by law enforcers.

A guideline will be issued for police officers working in the hill areas to make sure that they respect local customs and social norms while enforcing law.

Ministry officials said the number of female police personnel will be increased to 28,248 from 16,801.

"We are committed to swiftly carrying out reforms that are currently feasible. Some initiatives are already underway," said Abu Momtaz Saad Uddin Ahmed, additional secretary at the home ministry.

MID-TERM PLAN

Police officers will be equipped with GPS devices and bodycams while on field duty.

An emergency hotline will be launched for citizens to lodge complaints against police officers for conducting unlawful searches or refusing to identify themselves or show warrants during operations.

Offices of coroners will be established in all eight divisional cities and doctors from upazila health complexes will be appointed as coroners to expedite investigations of cases filed over suspicious deaths or murders.

All officers managing traffic violations will be required to wear bodycams and police check posts will be brought under CCTV coverage.

LONG-TERM PLAN

The reform initiatives include establishment of an independent police commission; amendment to the colonial-era laws to make the force more accountable and people-friendly; enactment of laws to protect victims and witnesses; and setting up of forensic training institutes, digital forensic labs, and automated DNA laboratories in each division.

WHAT EXPERTS SAY

Omar Faruk, a professor of criminology and police science at Mawlana Bhashani Science and Technology University, termed the ministry's move a positive step towards upholding human rights and curbing corruption.

He also cautioned that if the relevant sections in the Police Acts, 1861, and the Police Regulations of Bengal, 1943, are not amended, there will be scope for future political governments to use the force to serve their interests.

Welcoming the decision to revoke police verification for government jobs, he said such a practice often fosters political bias by excluding individuals based on affiliations or ideologies.

Setting up of transparent interrogation cells at police stations will help curb custodial torture, while digital surveillance like bodycam for police officers will check harassment and corruption, he added.​

 

[Saif]

undefined | The Financial Express

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Next national polls: Are our police ready?

MIR MOSTAFIZUR RAHAMAN
Published :
Jun 24, 2025 01:12
Updated :
Jun 24, 2025 01:12

With the next national elections likely in February next year, public focus has sharply turned to the capacity and readiness of the Bangladesh Police. Can the force -- long criticised for being politicised, misuse of power, and erosion in professionalism --regain the trust necessary to play its central role in ensuring law and order during the electoral process?

Free, fair, and credible elections require more than just voter turnout and ballot boxes. They demand an environment where citizens can exercise their democratic rights without fear or coercion. And for that, law enforcement -- especially the police -- plays a pivotal role.

Yes, auxiliary forces such as the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), Ansar, and the Village Defence Party (VDP) will be deployed. The army may also be kept in reserve as a striking force. But the frontline responsibility lies with the police force. It is the police that will guard polling stations, oversee rallies and public meetings, control political processions, and respond first to any breaches of peace. Whether they can carry out their duty impartially and professionally is the question we must ask now -- before it's too late.

The act of widespread politicisation of police in Bangladesh, particularly during the last autocratic regime, has severely compromised the credibility of the force. During that period, police were not seen as public servants but rather as agents of the ruling party. Recruitment, promotion, and postings were often based on loyalty, not merit. This politicisation nearly destroyed the police as an institution, turned many officers into tools of repression rather than guardians of the law.

When the previous regime fell, many expected a thorough institutional cleansing and rebuilding. The opportunity was there to revitalise the police and restore public faith in them. Indeed, a Police Reform Commission was formed. But the real question remains: has the momentum been sustained?

The Police Reform Commission submitted a far-reaching and comprehensive report containing 108 recommendations to transform the police into a transparent, accountable, and impartial institution. This is not just another bureaucratic document -- it is a blueprint for salvaging a force that has veered far from its constitutional role.

Among its key recommendations include: Revising outdated colonial-era laws such as the 1861 Police Act, the 1898 Criminal Procedure Code, and the 1943 Bengal Police Regulations; Establishing an Independent Police Commission with representation from both ruling and opposition parties; Introducing modern tools and practices, such as GPS tracking, body cameras, and standardised crowd-control protocols; Strict accountability mechanisms, including disciplinary action against officers involved in excessive use of force or filing false cases; Immediate adherence to Supreme Court directives regarding arrests and interrogation practices.

This reform package is not utopian; it's practical, divided into short, medium, and long-term plans, with an emphasis on both accountability and capacity building.

Several proposals from the Commission deserve specific mention.

On human rights protection it recommends that interrogations of female suspects must be done with dignity and in the presence of female officers. Each station should have a dedicated female desk to handle gender-sensitive cases. A hotline for reporting illegal searches or wrongful seizures has also been suggested.

According to the recommendations, arrests should be made only under legal provisions, especially when a person's name is not in the First Information Report (FIR). The outdated British-era practice of arbitrary arrest must end.

For case management and career planning it suggests that a specialized criminal investigation team should be developed, with career incentives tied to investigation quality -- not political allegiance.

One innovative recommendation is to form multi-party committees at each police station or upazila to monitor corruption and misconduct locally. These grassroots mechanisms would add a new layer of transparency.

The report advocates adopting European crowd-control models and stresses restraint, particularly in light of the police's controversial role in suppressing student protests during July and August 2020.

The commission suggests creating helplines not just for emergency police aid, but also for reporting misconduct and seeking protection from police abuse -- a lifeline for ordinary citizens.

Despite such a thorough and promising roadmap, the reality on the ground remains deeply disappointing. There has been no meaningful implementation of these reforms. Not a single major recommendation has been enacted.

The much-needed Independent Police Commission -- the very heart of the reform effort -- is still a proposal gathering dust. Meanwhile, arbitrary transfers, political favoritism, and bureaucratic inertia are allegedly continuing unabated.

One must ask: what is holding back progress? Why is there no political will to professionalize this vital state institution? Is it because a truly independent and empowered police force would threaten vested interests who benefit from a compliant and politically motivated law enforcement?

Time is no longer on our side. With the possibility of elections in February or April next year, the window to implement even the short-term reforms is closing rapidly. If immediate actions are not taken -- at least on the administrative and operational fronts -- the police will once again face the elections burdened by their past, unprepared for the future.

Even basic steps, such as training officers on crowd control and use-of-force guidelines, introducing internal monitoring mechanisms, and ensuring the impartial application of law, can bring tangible improvements in the months ahead. But that requires urgent, coordinated action from the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Police Headquarters, and above all, the political leadership.

At the end of the day, the performance of police during elections will be judged not by internal memos or press conferences but by the public's trust and perception. Will citizens feel safe going to vote? Will opposition candidates be able to campaign without harassment? Will protestors be dispersed with tear gas and batons or through dialogue and de-escalation?

If these questions are not answered affirmatively, the legitimacy of the election itself will be questioned. And the damage to the country's democratic journey could be profound.

The road ahead is difficult but not impossible. Here are a few urgent steps that can still be taken:

Bangladesh stands at a democratic crossroads. Whether we move forward or fall backward will largely depend on the actions taken today -- not only by political leaders, but by institutions tasked with upholding the rule of law.

The Bangladesh Police, with all its flaws and all its potential, must rise to the occasion. Elections are not merely a day of voting; they are a test of the state's commitment to its people. A reformed, professional, and people-oriented police force is not just desirable -- it is indispensable.

If we fail to act now, the dream of a peaceful, fair election and a truly democratic future may remain just that -- a dream.​

 

[Saif]

Govt should do whatever needed for police to regain morale

AN INCREASE in crimes that include murder, robbery, drug dealing, theft and, even, killing suggests that the law and order, which drastically declined soon after the August 2024 political changeover, has not yet been fully restored. The situation is worrying in view of the fact that the interim...

www.newagebd.net

Govt should do whatever needed for police to regain morale
26 June, 2025, 00:00

AN INCREASE in crimes that include murder, robbery, drug dealing, theft and, even, killing suggests that the law and order, which drastically declined soon after the August 2024 political changeover, has not yet been fully restored. The situation is worrying in view of the fact that the interim government, installed on August 8, 2024 after the overthrow of the Awami League government three days before, has already been in office for about 10 months. While other crimes continue apace, 111 people died and 4,892 became injured in 444 incidents of political violence, as rights group Ain O Salish Kendra says, between August 2024 and May 2025. Official police data show that 341 murder cases were filed in May, 336 in April, 316 in March and 300 in February. Although the police say that some murder cases recorded in the month under review, in fact, took place the month before, the proposition does not lessen the increase in crimes. Police data show that 177 robbery cases were filed in May, 149 in April, 171 in March and 153 in February. Sixty-seven cases of dacoity were reported in May, 46 in April, 74 in March and 60 in February.

An additional inspector general of police seeks to say that crime incidents seem high as the government has encouraged people to file cases while the police are also taking action in most of the cases. The remark appears self-defeating for the police as it could mean that the police did not take action in most of the cases before the political changeover. The same police official says that political parties are engaged in violence out of their frustration about the repression that they endured in past years. This remark not only seems to be something to sidestep the issue but also a way to provide legitimacy of a sort for the crimes. And, his hope for an improvement in law and order before the next general elections could very well appear hope against hope unless the police buckle down to stringent law enforcement. Many former and serving police officials believe that the police are yet to regain their morale because of the attacks on police personnel during July-August 2024 uprising and came to be charged with firing into protesters. A former inspector general of police says that there is no alternative to taking a hard line on decline in law and order.

The story of police yet to regain their morale has dragged on for way too long. The government should do whatever is needed for the police to regain their morale and fully reinstate law and order to stop crimes.​

 

[Saif]

Otocar Cobra for Bangladesh Police from Turkey.