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[🇮🇷] Iran VS Israel

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[🇮🇷] Iran VS Israel
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Israel still eyeing a limited attack on Iran's nuclear facilities
REUTERS
Published :
Apr 19, 2025 12:51
Updated :
Apr 19, 2025 12:51

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A general view of the city skyline in Tehran, Iran on February 4, 2023 — Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS/File

Israel has not ruled out an attack on Iran's nuclear facilities in the coming months despite President Donald Trump telling Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that the US was for now unwilling to support such a move, according to an Israeli official and two other people familiar with the matter.

Israeli officials have vowed to prevent Tehran from acquiring a nuclear weapon and Netanyahu has insisted that any negotiation with Iran must lead to the complete dismantling of its nuclear programme.

US and Iranian negotiators are set for a second round of preliminary nuclear talks in Rome on Saturday.

Over the past months, Israel has proposed to the Trump administration a series of options to attack Iran’s facilities, including some with late spring and summer timelines, the sources said. The plans include a mix of airstrikes and commando operations that vary in severity and could set back Tehran's ability to weaponise its nuclear programme by just months or a year or more, the sources said.

The New York Times reported on Wednesday that Trump told Netanyahu in a White House meeting earlier this month that Washington wanted to prioritise diplomatic talks with Tehran and that he was unwilling to support a strike on the country’s nuclear facilities in the short term.

But Israeli officials now believe that their military could instead launch a limited strike on Iran that would require less US support. Such an attack would be significantly smaller than those Israel initially proposed.

It is unclear if or when Israel would move forward with such a strike, especially with talks on a nuclear deal getting started. Such a move would likely alienate Trump and could risk broader US support for Israel.

Parts of the plans were previously presented last year to the Biden administration, two former senior Biden administration officials told Reuters. Almost all required significant US support via direct military intervention or intelligence sharing. Israel has also requested that Washington help Israel defend itself should Iran retaliate.

In response to a request for comment, the US National Security Council referred Reuters to comments Trump made on Thursday, when he told reporters he has not waved Israel off an attack but that he was not "in a rush" to support military action against Tehran.

“I think that Iran has a chance to have a great country and to live happily without death,” Trump said. “That's my first option. If there's a second option, I think it would be very bad for Iran, and I think Iran is wanting to talk.”

The Israeli prime minister's office did not immediately respond to a request for comment. A senior Israeli official told Reuters that no decision has been made yet on an Iranian strike.

A senior Iranian security official said Tehran was aware of Israeli planning and that an attack would provoke "a harsh and unwavering response from Iran."

"We have intelligence from reliable sources that Israel is planning a major attack on Iran's nuclear sites. This stems from dissatisfaction with ongoing diplomatic efforts regarding Iran’s nuclear programme, and also from Netanyahu’s need for conflict as a means of political survival," the official told Reuters.

BIDEN ADMINISTRATION PUSHBACK

Netanyahu received pushback from the Biden administration when he presented an earlier version of the plan. The former senior Biden officials said Netanyahu wanted the US to take the lead on airstrikes but the Biden White House told Israel it did not believe a strike was prudent unless Tehran moved to accelerate its enrichment of nuclear material or expel inspectors from the country.

The Biden officials also questioned the extent to which Israel’s military could effectively carry out such an attack.

Former officials and experts have long said that Israel would need significant US military support – and weapons – to destroy Iran’s nuclear facilities and stockpiles, some of which are in underground facilities.

While the more limited military strike Israel is considering would require less direct assistance - particularly in the form of US bombers dropping bunker-busting munitions that can reach deeply buried facilities - Israel would still need a promise from Washington that it would help Israel defend itself if attacked by Tehran in the aftermath, the sources said.

Any attack would carry risks. Military and nuclear experts say that even with massive firepower, a strike would probably only temporarily set back a programme the West says aims to eventually produce a nuclear bomb, although Iran denies it.

Israeli officials have told Washington in recent weeks that they do not believe US talks with Iran should move forward to the deal-making stage without a guarantee that Tehran will not have the ability to create a nuclear weapon.

"This can be done by agreement, but only if this agreement is Libyan style: They go in, blow up the installations, dismantle all of the equipment, under American supervision," Netanyahu said following his talks with Trump. "The second possibility is ... that they (Iran) drag out the talks and then there is the military option."

From Israel's perspective, this may be a good moment for a strike against Iran's nuclear facilities.

Iran allies Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon have been hammered by Israel since the Gaza war began, while the Houthi movement in Yemen has been targeted by US airstrikes. Israel also severely damaged Iran's air defense systems in an exchange of fire in October 2024.

A top Israeli official, speaking with reporters earlier this month, recognised there was some urgency if the goal was to launch a strike before Iran rebuilds its air defenses. But the senior official refused to state any timeline for possible Israeli action and said discussing this would be "pointless".​
 

Iran should go nuclear to stop Israel
Hasnat Abdul Hye
Published :
Apr 28, 2025 21:50
Updated :
Apr 28, 2025 21:50

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Three rounds of high level indirect talks on Iran's nuclear program have taken place in Muscat and Rome since 12 April, between America and Iran, with Oman as mediator, with the outcomes of the talks shrouded in secrecy. The background to these talks is the demand from the Trump administration that Iran dismantles its uranium enrichment program on pain of being bombed 'like hell'. To back up this threat, six B-2 bombers have been sent to Diego Garcia, an American base in the Indian ocean that can be the launching pad for aerial bombardment using bunker buster bombs. As part of the preparation for attack on Iranian nuclear sites, another aircraft carrier has been sent to join the US naval fleet in East Mediterranean. AWACS planes for reconnaissance have been sent to American base in Iraq which has seen reinforcements of men in uniform and military hardware, some shifted from American base in Syria. Meanwhile, an attack plan by Israel, using bombers for taking out Iranian air defence system and commandos for ground operations, has been leaked inadvertently and published in New York Times. The strategy adopted by Trump administration has become clear: talk the Iranians out of their nuclear program through discussion, failing which a joint-operation will be launched by America and Israel to wipe out the nuclear sites that have reportedly enriched uranium up to 66 per cent of the degree required to make a bomb. The bolstering of numbers of American soldiers in Iraq and plan for commando operation by Israel revealed in latest news leakages indicate that the goal of the joint US-Israeli attack is not only destruction of nuclear research facilities but also a regime change in Iran, as was done in Iraq in 2002.

On paper, America appears to be inclined to a negotiated settlement which makes Iran agree to limit uranium enrichment to 3.5 per cent and to send the present stock of enriched uranium to a third country. But Israel's goal goes beyond this as it is keen to destroy all nuclear facilities underground in Iran so that it can never re-start a nuclear program. It is has been reported in New York Times that during the last visit to Washington, Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, wanted to have the green signal for attacking Iran in May. But because of differences of opinion among his advisors, President Trump reportedly opted for negotiation first, making Netanyahu unhappy.

Why is Israel so obsessed with the idea that Iran cannot be allowed to have not only nuclear bombs, but also nuclear research facilities that have the potential to enrich uranium? Why indeed did it destroy the nuclear bomb-making sites in Iraq and later in Syria? These cannot be for defence of Israel because, though Israel does not admit, the whole world knows that the country has a stockpile of 90 nuclear bombs. The only plausible reason for not allowing neighbouring countries to have nuclear bombs is to dissuade them from any military response as it pursues its occupation of Palestinian land and annexation of neighbouring territories, both for expansion of Jewish settlements. Settlements of Jews in occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem are going apace since long. With right-wing Likud having a majority in Knesset (parliament) and messianic extreme right-wing parties in the coalition government for the past three years, settlement in occupied Palestine land has been accelerated. Gradually, almost imperceptibly, the idea of 'Greater Israel' has been resurrected by the coalition government for geographical expansion of Israel to restore the kingdom of Israel that broke up in two in 931 BCE and then disappeared as Jews were driven out by conquering powers, the last of which was the Roman empire in 63 BCE.

As the Jewish population settled in European cities, creating a diaspora and earning the moniker of 'wandering Jews', Arabs settled in Palestine under Arab conquerors. In the Middle Ages, under the Ottoman empire, only a handful of Jews remained in Palestine, concentrated in Jerusalem. Though the movement for Israel state began in twentieth century, the movement for Jewish people to return to the Holy Land started earlier. Unable to integrate with local population because of their clannishness and pecuniary habits, the Jews in Europe were hated and often persecuted, the worst of which happened in Russia that saw several pogroms (massacres) in various cities. With this recurring experience many Jews began to subscribe to Zionism, the belief that Jews should return to 'Holy Land', the Judaism-centred state. As the popularity of Zionism grew, Jews in increasing numbers migrated to Palestine in the 1880s, setting-up agricultural settlements, indicating the liberal policy of the Ottoman rulers. A decade later, Theodore Herzl, a Zionist leader, published a journal promoting the idea of a Jewish state in Palestine. Under his initiative the first Zionist Congress was held in Basel, Switzerland in 1897 and political Zionism was born.

At the turn of twentieth century, another wave of Jewish migration from east Europe took place, following acts of violence against them. Many of the immigrants were bankrolled by wealthy Jews in America and Europe. The British government offered territories in its African colonies for a Jewish state but the Jews wanted to settle in their Biblical Holy Land - Palestine. In the first half of twentieth century the Zionist movement strived to gain support from Jews and non-Jews and succeeded in both respects. In November 2, 1917, Arthur Balfour, the then British foreign secretary, declared that Britain would do everything in its power to create a Jewish state in Palestine. He made the declaration in a letter to Lord Rothschild, a leader of the British Jews, which becomes famous 'Balfour Declaration'. This declaration led to another wave of large Jewish migration to Palestine, still under the Ottomans.

After the First World War, the British government got control of Palestine as a mandatory state. The British government consecutively decided that Palestine would be partitioned to create two states, one for the Jews and the other for Palestinian Arabs. In 1937, the Peel Commission, set up by the British government, recommended for the partition of the mandatory state of Palestine. In a letter to his son later that year, David Ben-Gurion, the future first prime minister of Israel, wrote: "The partition would be acceptable but as a first step. This increase in possession of land is of consequence not only in itself, but because through it we increase our strength and every increase in strength help in the possession of land as a whole. The establishment of a state ,even if on a portion of the land, is the maximal reinforcement of our strength at present time and a powerful boost to our historical endeavour to liberate the entire country." He was not the only Jewish leader who would harboured expansionism as a state ideology.

The British controlled Palestine as a mandatory state after the Peace Treaty in 1918 for several decades. In 1948, on a proposal from the British government the UN divided Palestine in to the state of Israel and the Palestine state, leaving demarcation of boundaries to be decided later. But Israel declared independence without waiting for demarcation of borders. Jewish settlers and militias drove Palestinian Arabs away from Haifa and other towns and villages, grabbing land, right and left. Their victory against the Arab countries that followed the declaration of independence left only the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza and Sinai under the control of Jordan and Egypt. Thus the new state of Israel came to have de facto borders since its establishment. Legally speaking, the whole of Israel is in unlawful occupation but with the support of Western countries this legalese has been sidestepped and Israel is recognised as a member state of the UN.

After the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, Israel occupied Gaza, East Jerusalem, the West Bank, Sinai and the Golan Heights. Though Sinai was given back to Egypt under the 1993 peace treaty, the rest of the conquered territory has remained under Israeli occupation. The Golan Heights and East Jerusalem have been annexed and shown as part of Israel.

After the Hamas incursion on 7 October, 2023, and subsequent Israeli onslaught against Palestinians in Gaza with full support of its Western allies, Benjamin Netanyahu not only vowed to destroy Hamas but also declared that Israel would change the map of Middle-East. The last part of his declaration reveals the Zionist design to carve out a greater Israel, harking back to the Biblical time. Unlike the Labour party, the Likud party (to which Netanyahu belongs) has always subscribed to the Zionist vision of greater Israel that includes West Bank and Gaza. In the West Bank and east Jerusalem, Jewish settlers have long been financed and their settlements on Palestinian lands given official recognition. During the on-going genocide in Gaza, Palestinians in the West Bank are being systematically displaced to make room for more settlers. It is only a matter of time after which Israel is going to annex the whole of the West Bank, squeezing Palestinians in an ever narrowing space. That the war in Gaza against Hamas is actually a blatant and cruel act of ethnic cleansing has become obvious to all. President Trump's quip about turning Gaza into a Mediterranean Riviera is only a twist of the same macabre design.

The Biblical Greater Israel in the imagination of the Zionist Israelis, is not confined to Palestine alone. It includes Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, eastern part of Egypt, northern Saudi Arabia and Syria. The map of greater Israel that of late has gone viral in YouTube shows the borders of Israel stretching from 'brook of Egypt to Euphrates', with Saudi Arabia in the middle. It may appear as unreal and an exercise in fantasy. But Israel has already started changing the map of the region to fit into the vision of Zionists. Taking advantage of the political turmoil in post-Assad Syria, Israel has promptly occupied more of Syrian territory beyond the Golan Heights. In Lebanon, it continues to hold land in the south with loud thinking heard by all who cares to know that it plans to settle Israelis as a buffer zone. But for Turkey, Israel would have gobbled Syria up under the pretext of security with the blessing of America.

Israel is not in a hurry to resurrect greater Israel as described in Genesis, Exodus and Numbers in Old Testament. The right-wing Zionists, who are now at the helm of affairs, know that time is on their side. The Arab states are politically shaky, economically stagnant and militarily weak. What is more important for Israel, the Arab states lack unity and solidarity. The countries that posed a military threat to its supremacy, Iraq and Libya, have been rendered impotent. Syria, with the help of Russia and Iran, caused headache but its military assets have now been reduced to rubbles and ashes with carpet bombing after the overthrow of Assad.

Only one country remains to challenge Israel's territorial expansionism and military supremacy in the region and that is Iran. If it develops a nuclear arsenal, Israel's ambition to lord it over as the only super power in the Middle-East will be dashed to the ground. Its dream of recreating greater Israel, as promised in Torah, will remain unfulfilled. The only way the obstacle raised by Iran is to deny it nuclear bombs. Hence all the frantic preparations for bombing the nuclear sites in collaboration with its staunchest ally, America. Knowing this, Iran must not balk at doing whatever is needed to level up with the rogue state in military might or give in to threats by its warmongering ally. The Arab countries should stand, shoulder to shoulder, with Iran. It is the only country now that can stand up to a bully like Donald Trump and a convicted war criminal like Netanyahu.​
 

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