[🇧🇩] July uprising

[Saif]

‘Protesters are not given medical care here’

How a July warrior was denied immediate medical care.

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Ordeals of a July uprising warrior
‘Protesters are not given medical care here’
July 15, 2024 photo at DU

On July 15, 2024, Chhatra League hooligans and hired miscreants swooped down on protesters with iron rods, machetes, hockey sticks, and other weapons at the Dhaka University campus, injuring many, including Sokal. FILE PHOTO: RASHED SUMON

Sinthia Mehrin Sokal hails from a rural area in Sunamganj. She passed all pre-university exams with flying colours and began majoring in Criminology at Dhaka University (DU) in the 2020-21 academic year. For years, she was the only student from her village to qualify to study at this university.

Sokal had no political party affiliation. However, soon after coming to DU and becoming a resident student of Ruqayyah Hall, she started feeling the heat of the political crises that gripped Bangladesh and its universities during Sheikh Hasina's misrule.

In university dormitories, students were forced to endure Chhatra League's mistreatment. Predicaments of resident female students were much worse, which remained largely underreported. Sokal came to know about female students who were sexually abused by Chhatra League members.

The reinstatement of the quota system in government jobs in June 2024 rang the death knell for Sokal's future. She became active in the Students Against Discrimination movement.

On July 14, 2024, Sokal joined students' protest march to Bangabhaban to press home their demand that 95 percent of jobs be awarded based on merit. On that day, Sheikh Hasina had the audacity to use the pejorative term "razakar" to discredit the student movement. Immediately, students around the country burst into anger and took to the streets. That night, Sokal and other students broke the locks of the main gate and marched out of Ruqayyah Hall to demonstrate.

On July 15, 2024, Sokal took to the streets with her friends. When their procession came to the university's VC Chattor (square), Chhatra League hooligans and hired miscreants swooped down on it and started attacking protesters with iron rods, machetes, hockey sticks, and other weapons. One thug hit Sokal very hard and wedged a dent on her head. She fell on the ground and remained unconscious for the next two and a half hours of which she has no memory at all. She was taken to Dhaka Medical College Hospital (DMCH).

Chhatra League ruffians made several attempts to enter DMCH to attack injured protesters, but each time were resisted by brave healthcare providers. Then they pretended to be injured patients and thus entered DMCH and brutally assaulted the protesters taking medical care.


Feeling vulnerable to further attacks, Sokal left DMCH with the help of a relative but without proper treatment. On the way to Universal Medical College and Hospital in Mohakhali, she kept vomiting and had a near-death experience. The doctor recommended CT-scan and hospital admission, which Sokal couldn't afford. At her sister's house in Mohakhali, Sokal continued vomiting and feared the worst. Her otherwise mentally strong sister advised Sokal to bathe and prepare for death.

The CT-scan report showed that the head injury was deep and her skull was fractured.

Meanwhile, protest marches continued, defying Hasina's repression. Dhaka turned into a war zone, as the government imposed a curfew in the city.

Sokal's sister managed to take her to the city's Impulse Hospital. As she had not received proper early intervention, her infections spread and she was operated on immediately. It took two hours for the doctors to clean the infections and dress her head. Each episode of dressing caused her excruciating pain.

That was not the end of Sokal's ordeal.

The Hasina government shut down the Internet. From her sister's house, Sokal heard sounds of shootings and airstrikes from helicopters that killed many young people. The police were conducting block raids and barging into people's houses to round up protesters or anyone who looked like students. Sokal couldn't sleep at night and was having nightmares worrying that the police might come anytime and arrest her.

In the meantime, Sokal's mother fell seriously ill back home, and none of her siblings were available to take the ailing mother to hospital. She rushed to Mymensingh—the nearest town from her village—to arrange for her mother's treatment. The situation in Mymensingh was also very precarious. The police were herding students like felons and sending them to jail.

While Sokal was running here and there for her mother's treatment with her visible head injury, she kept being asked: "Did you participate in the movement?" Unbearable pain, anxiety about her mother's condition and the fear of being arrested by the police—all these made Sokal's life in Mymensingh intolerable.

On July 27, 2024, one day before the scheduled date of her head dressing, Sokal went to a hospital in Mymensingh for a doctor's consultation hoping that her head wound would be dressed the next day. The doctor wanted to know the reason for her medical condition. She bluntly said, "I participated in the quota reform movement."

The doctor made a sharp reply: "Protesters are not given medical care here." Sokal left the hospital stunned and dumbfounded. She dreaded that many other July warriors might have faced similar cruelty and embraced martyrdom due to lack of medical care.

The next day, Sokal had her head wound dressed at Mymensingh Medical College Hospital, where the duty doctor whispered to her: "Don't tell anyone that you are a protester." Once she was discharged and the effect of anaesthesia had worn off, she started experiencing acute, paroxysmal pain.

On August 1, 2024, Sokal went to her village in Dharmapasha, Sunamganj, with her mother and faced hostility from Awami League-leaning villagers. Using sexist terms, they called her names for her involvement in demonstrations.

But Sokal was unstoppable.

Mobilising and organising other students, she planned a rally in the village on August 4, 2024. Local Awami League affiliates passed their details to the police and started threatening them. Fear gripped Sokal, as she was having terrible pain in her head, her father had a heart condition, and her mother had undergone an operation only two days ago. What would happen to her parents if she were arrested!

Then came August 5, 2024, and the news of Hasina's fall and flight to India. People around the country took to the streets and joined spontaneous processions of joy, sharing sweetmeats with each other. Sokal participated in a similar procession in her village and felt gratified that her suffering and the lives and blood of thousands of young people didn't go in vain. The country became free from Hasina's mafia-style autocracy.

But Sokal's ordeal continues. She still suffers from occasional short-term memory loss and has to have regular medical check-ups. She has to move and walk carefully. But she is grateful to the Almighty for giving her an extra life.

She is a living martyr.

There are many more Sokals, and we owe them a debt of gratitude.

Dr Md Mahmudul Hasan is professor in the Department of English Language and Literature at the International Islamic University Malaysia.​

 

[Saif]

July uprising: A movement that united campuses and classrooms

Bangladesh’s student movements have long been rooted in the dormitories of public universities -- Dhaka University, Rajshahi University, Jahangirnagar University, and Chittagong University -- where slogans, marches, and political pressure have often driven change.

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July uprising: A movement that united campuses and classrooms
For the first time, a protest brought together students from schools, colleges, madrasas and univs

BRAC University students flood the streets in the capital’s Rampura on July 18, 2024, to join the ongoing protests. Despite police resistance, they, along with students from other private universities, became a vital force in the movement. PHOTO: File/PRABIR DAS

Bangladesh's student movements have long been rooted in the dormitories of public universities -- Dhaka University, Rajshahi University, Jahangirnagar University, and Chittagong University -- where slogans, marches, and political pressure have often driven change.

However, the uprising in July 2024 marked a pivotal shift as protests spread beyond the usual public campuses.

A new wave surged from private universities, colleges, madrasas, and even high schools -- reshaping the political landscape and rewriting the story of student-led resistance.

Once seen as "disengaged" or "apolitical", these students emerged as a powerful force in protests that began over job quotas and evolved into a wider demand for justice, accountability, and reform.

HOW IT TURNED INTO A NATIONAL RECKONING

The ignition came on July 14.

At a press conference that day, then prime minister Sheikh Hasina, while defending the 30 percent quota for descendants of freedom fighters, asked, "If the grandchildren of freedom fighters do not receive benefits, should the grandchildren of razakars receive them instead?"

The reference to "razakars" -- a term historically used to describe collaborators with the Pakistani army during the 1971 Liberation War -- sparked immediate outrage among students.

As protests intensified, so did the violence. Videos of students being beaten by Bangladesh Chhatra League activists flooded social media.

Then, on July 16, Abu Sayed, a student of Begum Rokeya University in Rangpur, was shot dead by police.

That night, the University Grants Commission shut down all public and private universities, medical colleges, and affiliated institutions, citing student safety.

Public university dormitories were evacuated, seemingly to deflate the movement's momentum. For a moment, it seemed the protests might end.

But then, a new wave rose.

Private university students stepped in. The demonstrations spilled beyond elite campuses, becoming a nationwide movement.

College and even school students joined.

According to the official government gazette, the list of martyrs includes 844 names.

An analysis by profession and age, based on information from families, shows that at least 269 students lost their lives -- second only to working-class people, according to a Prothom Alo report.

The scale of student sacrifice marked a historic turning point.

THE MOBILISATION

Private university students were among the first to mobilise; not over quotas, but out of collective outrage and the refusal to stay silent.

Jabed Bin Noor of South East University said, "The government did injustice to students. It doesn't matter where they studied. Students suffered. When my friend from Dhaka University was attacked on July 14 for a fair demand, it affected me. That's why we initiated our protest the next day."

He described people from all walks, including jobseekers, those struggling with living costs, families of the disappeared or falsely accused, uniting.

"We all arrived at one truth: our adversary is this government. Its fall is the only path towards our hopes."

For Hasibul Hasan Shanto of North South University, the protest was personal. "I've questioned the government since school…. I even resigned from a law enforcement job after seeing how it was used to rig the 2018 election.

"When the prime minister called us 'razakar', that was the moment I knew I had to act. This wasn't about institutions; it was about doing what's right."

He added, "This was a landmark movement. Students from public and private universities, colleges, madrasas, even schools -- all stood united. People are loyal to the state. It's the politicians who drag it into the ditch."

RESISTANCE IN THE DISTRICTS

Students outside Dhaka -- from private universities, colleges, schools -- kept joining, even as crackdowns continued.

Kousik Islam Apurbo, an HSC candidate from Rajshahi Shikkha Board Govt Model School and College, recalled being shot in the foot.

"When violence broke out on August 5 [the day the AL-led government fell], police fired tear gas and sound grenades. I raised both hands and screamed that we won't run. But then they fired live bullets. One hit my foot. As I bled, a protester with a stomach wound tried to carry me. That was the beauty of July -- no one left anyone behind."

But as their injuries slowed them, more attacks came.

"They beat me, fractured my jaw, stole my phone. Two Varendra students died but they weren't remembered. Public university martyrs got the cameras. It's all about footage," Apurbo said.

Md Abdul Bari from Rajshahi College said most protesters were not from public universities.

"Once Rajshahi University's dorms shut on July 18, participation dropped. Then it was private university, school, college, madrasa, nursing and polytechnic students who carried it forward.

"We hid in Padma Garden, lived on mashed potatoes and rice. We broke Section 144 in Rajshahi. That was our strength."

He also highlighted the role of girls. "They weren't from DU or RU. They were nursing and polytechnic students, and they were brave."

Shahana Islam, a 10th grader from Jhenidah Wazir Ali School and College, joined with her brother.

"When our senior classmates were attacked on campus on July 16, we couldn't stay silent. It wasn't only about quotas. It was about Chhatra League's brutality. Our first protest was against the attackers and then it became much bigger. We bled together."

In Dhaka, students from Dhaka College coordinated protests with private university students.

Tanvir Hasan Tushar joined the demo at Naya Bazar.

"Though I'm from Dhaka College, I lived with friends from private universities. We fixed two spots -- Naya Bazar and Rampura. Students from United International University, Daffodil, North South and others joined us.

"When we heard about the BRAC University attack, we changed direction. Near Ring Road, police fired tear gas and chased us. A bullet hit my ear, pierced my hand -- and damaged my eye. Now I have partial blindness."

Despite his injury, Tushar remains determined. "I've accepted it. But I'm working to stand on my own feet again."

WHEN MADRASA STUDENTS JOINED

Often sidelined in student politics, madrasa students took an early stand.

Aminul Islam of Darussunnah Kamil Madrasah in Narayanganj recalled starting protests with just 15–20 students.

"After Abu Sayed was killed on July 16, momentum grew. On July 18, police fired on our procession. Many female protesters were injured. It was terrifying.

"Whether I benefit from this movement was not my concern. If it failed, my future children might face the same discrimination. That's why we joined."

Hafez Abdullah from Rajshahi, a former Jatrabari Madrasa student, believed the timing was divine.

"The movement began in Muharram. That month has always marked the fall of tyrants. I believed it was symbolic.

"Near Railgate, I saw Awami League cadres standing beside police, ready to attack. I wore a beard and tupi. Back then, that meant being labelled Shibir. We stopped wearing our uniforms."

His roots in resistance ran deep. "In 2013, we saw our brothers martyred. Every time the chance came -- we rose."​

 

[Saif]

July 30, 2024: The red wave of defiance

Amid continued mourning and mounting outrage, July 30 marked a powerful day of nationwide protests and symbolic resistance, as students, teachers, guardians, and citizens rallied across Bangladesh demanding justice for the lives lost during the quota reform movement.

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The July that rocked Bangladesh
July 30, 2024: The red wave of defiance

Teachers and students of Jahangirnagar University staged a silent march on July 30, 2024, with red cloths covering their faces, protesting the torture and detention of students and demanding justice for those killed during the quota reform protests. Photo: File/Akhlakur Rahman Akash

Amid continued mourning and mounting outrage, July 30 marked a powerful day of nationwide protests and symbolic resistance, as students, teachers, guardians, and citizens rallied across Bangladesh demanding justice for the lives lost during the quota reform movement. From campus demonstrations to courtroom reflections and diplomatic reactions, the country witnessed an outpouring of grief, defiance, and demands for accountability.

The High Court expressed deep sorrow over the deaths resulting from the recent unrest. "These deaths are sad for all of us," said a bench of Justice Mustafa Zaman Islam and Justice SM Masud Hossain Dolon during a hearing on a writ petition related to the violence.

At Jahangirnagar University, teachers and students staged a silent protest under the banner "Jahangirnagar Against Oppression." With red cloths covering their mouths and parts of their faces, they marched from the university's Shaheed Minar around 12:30pm, condemning the harassment, detention, and torture of students and calling for a thorough investigation into the indiscriminate killings. Faculty members at Rajshahi University, under the banner "RU Teachers Against Oppression," organised a similar demonstration. Over 200 teachers participated in the procession that began at the Shaheed Intellectual Memorial at 11:30am and ended with a rally at the university's main gate.

In Khulna, hundreds of students blocked the Shibbari intersection around 11:30am for more than three hours, chanting slogans like "Shooting won't stop the movement" and "One point, one demand—step down Sheikh Hasina." Many citizens joined the demonstration in solidarity. "Bullets bought with our fathers' tax money are being used against us," said one protester. "We demand justice for the students who were shot and killed."

In Tangail, quota reform protesters wearing red badges attempted a march on Registrypara Road around noon. However, police intercepted the procession near the Girls' School intersection, preventing it from continuing.

Online, a wave of digital protest swept across platforms. Students, teachers, guardians, and others changed their profile photos to solid red in solidarity with the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement's call. The action defied the government-imposed restrictions on websites, including Facebook, with many users bypassing the blocks using VPNs. The movement had rejected the government-declared nationwide mourning.

A fresh wave of mobilisation was announced in the evening. The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, through a press release signed by one of the coordinators Abdul Hannan Masud, called for a "March for Justice" to be held at all educational institutions, court premises, and major roads next day. Their nine-point demand included an apology from Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the resignation of several ministers—including those of Home, Education, Law, Information, and Communications—and the dismissal of top police officials in districts where students had been killed. They also demanded the resignation of university vice-chancellors and proctors who had failed to protect peaceful protesters, immediate reopening of all institutions and dormitories, and the withdrawal of military, BGB, Rab, and police forces from campuses.

International voices added to the pressure. UN Secretary-General António Guterres expressed concern over reports of excessive use of force and credible evidence of human rights violations. EU Foreign Policy Chief Josep Borrell condemned the shoot-on-sight orders and unlawful killings, calling for thorough investigations and accountability.

According to official data, the government put the death toll at 150. However, The Daily Star's count showed at least 163 confirmed deaths, with fears the actual toll could be even higher. Many critically injured patients were admitted to hospitals that reporters could not access, and numerous families had collected bodies privately without media contact.

At least 354 more people were arrested in the last 36 hours till 6:00pm on July 30, bringing the total number of arrests to 10,488 since July 18. Police filed 672 cases in the capital and 51 districts. Of the latest arrestees, 215 were taken into custody from 29 districts. The Dhaka Metropolitan Police produced 139 arrestees before the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate's Court, where most were sent to jail and some placed on remand.

Prominent citizens, under the banner "Aggrieved Citizen Society," held a press conference at the Dhaka Reporters Unity, accusing the government of being largely responsible for the deadly crackdown. Transparency International Bangladesh Executive Director Iftekharuzzaman questioned the justification for holding protest leaders "for their safety" and asked if similar security would be extended to all citizens.

Meanwhile, police barred a group of guardians under the banner "Santaner Pashe Obhibhabok" from holding a sit-in in front of Dhaka Medical College. The parents had planned to demand answers regarding the deaths of their children.

The government announced its intention to ban Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, for their alleged involvement in recent "anti-state activities." Law Minister Anisul Huq made the announcement a day after the Awami League-led 14-party alliance recommended the ban. BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir questioned the timing of the decision, calling it a ploy to distract from the ongoing crisis.

Amnesty International, in an open letter to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, demanded the immediate lifting of the curfew and restoration of full access to social media. The letter also urged the government to ensure that shoot-on-sight orders and internet shutdowns would not be used again to suppress protests or curtail fundamental rights.

The events of July 30 bore witness to a fractured nation grappling with grief, fury, and a deepening crisis of trust. While red became the colour of resistance—on campus, online, and on the streets—the government's escalating crackdown and denial of responsibility further inflamed public sentiment. As the international community watched with alarm and citizens demanded justice with unrelenting courage, the question remained—will the state listen before the damage becomes irreversible?​