[🇧🇩] Liberation War: Sheikh Mujib and Others

[Saif]

Matiur Rahman: He came for seven minutes.

Sharmin Ahmad: Yes, I mean, that was unbelievable. So, my father was a walking lesson of morality, ethics, integrity... all that one could think of. Amazing. I remember that. And another thing I saw with my own eyes was that Abbu (my father) washing his clothes. He had a sore on his chest, bleeding. We went to see him without informing him first, in that room on Theater Road No. 8 from where he conducted the war. He was washing clothes on the floor in the bathroom with a fever. It was the only clothes he had to wear for a meeting with Senator Kennedy the next day. So, why don't we know about such a person? Why was he hidden? Why was this manipulation of history done? Shouldn't the nation question this? The younger generation would be very proud today. There was such a world-class person. And in seeking him out, they would find many more good people. I wrote a line about the Liberation War: "Bangladesh will one day, for its own needs, find Tajuddin Ahmad." I think that time has arrived.

Matiur Rahman : As you said, we failed to remember him like he should be remembered. Actually, after the independence, things were not presented properly to the people. We see attempts to diminish Tajuddin Ahmad's role in history. These issues did not quite find a place in the pages of history in that way.

Sharmin Ahmad: Let me give an example. A young writer wrote a book, 'Chhotoder Tajuddin' (Tajuddin for Children). This is the second children's book on Tajuddin Ahmad. The girl wrote a wonderful book and also received a gold medal. He has a first-class first in Peace and Conflict Studies. Her name is Nasrin Jebin. But she was literally threatened because she termed Tajuddin Ahmad as an architect of the Six Points. She was literally threatened not to use the word "architect." The book was published before July. Perhaps had it been published after the July uprising, she might have been able to use the word. But she had to change the word "architect". Those involved in its publication told her she could be attacked by the Chhatra League. I mean, what kind of country were we living in?

That Tajuddin Ahmad was one of the main architects of the six-point-demand is an established fact. Rehman Sobhan, who was involved in the drafting the Six Points, himself says very few people understood the logic and economic policies behind it as deeply as Tajuddin Ahmad did. But he was made out to have just written a preface. Had everyone's history had been highlighted, we wouldn’t have reached this point.

Matiur Rahman: If we read the writings of Professor Nurul Islam, Professor Rehman Sobhan, or Professor Anisuzzaman, we see that they give considerable importance to Tajuddin in context to the formation of the Six Points and its theoretical or analytical discussions and subsequent activities. This recognition is now found in everyone's writings. And we believe more such writings are being produced and will continue to be.

Sharmin Ahmad: If Tajuddin Ahmad were alive, that's what he would have wanted. He always would bring good people to the forefront, keeping himself in the background. It was not his tendency to show off everything. He was also a bit shy. It wasn't his inclination to talk about himself or what he did. He would always say, "They did all this." If we can bring this culture back, the nation will rise. Everyone is a star in their own sphere.​

 

[Saif]

Birth centenary of Tajuddin Ahmad: The unsung leader of our Liberation War

Tajuddin led the nation during a bloody war with stupendous courage, determination, patriotism and exemplary leadership.

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Birth centenary of Tajuddin Ahmad: The unsung leader of our Liberation War

Tajuddin Ahmad (1925-1975) PHOTO

Tajuddin Ahmad was an exceptional leader on many counts. His commitment for the downtrodden, his personal values of austerity, his self-discipline, his ability to focus on the task at hand without being distracted, his unselfish nature, and his determination and fearlessness together made him a rare leader anywhere in the world, especially in Bangladesh where moral values of politicians and their capacity to put the country above their personal interests is always a rare trait.

It is sad that an occasion like the birth centenary of a man like Tajuddin Ahmad is not being celebrated at the national level or by many more civic, intellectual and academic bodies. This is evidence of our lack of respect for history, dismal record of honouring our heroes, and the intellectual bankruptcy and, more sadly, intellectual cowardice in which we now live.

The decision by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on March 25, 1971 to stay back and court arrest by the Pakistanis and that by Tajuddin to venture into the totally uncertain world of armed struggle to gain our freedom marks for the man—and of course for the nation—the most significant turning point in our history. A lot has been written about Sheikh Mujib's decision to stay back. Many views have been critical and some not so. Arguments exist on both sides. My purpose today is not to discuss the merit or demerit of Bangabandhu's decision but what impact it had on Tajuddin's life.

From being Bangabandhu's second in command, the task for Tajuddin now was to lead the nation. And he did so with stupendous courage, determination, patriotism and exemplary leadership.

When we follow his journey through those nine crucial months and focus on how he evolved from a successful party organiser to the de facto commander-in-chief of our independence struggle, we realise the versatility and strength of his inner potential. He rose to the occasion, expanded his capabilities of thought and action, widened his knowledge and vision, and, most importantly, established his leadership to face the various and unprecedented challenges and served the cause of our independence as no one else. No politician of the era, let alone Tajuddin himself, was remotely prepared to lead in an armed struggle. Yet, with confidence, dignity, strategic instincts, and unmatched integrity, he led the nation in spite of ever new impediments that emerged most damagingly, from within his own party.

To put it simply, his task now was to mobilise the nation to fight and convince the world to help.

Imagine this man, along with his associate Barrister Amirul Islam, hiding in Old Dhaka for the first two days, slipping out of the city disguised as a day labourer, criss-crossing the countryside mostly walking and sometimes on boat, all the while deeply contemplating how to organise the armed struggle against Pakistan.

Tajuddin Ahmad with Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other leaders of the Awami League. PHOTO: ARCHIVE

The first glimpse that we get of his state of mind is when he reached the border and said he did not want to enter India as a "refugee" seeking shelter but as the "representative of an independent country" seeking assistance. According to Amirul Islam's account, they waited for a long time to hear from the Indian side (Indian border forces had to consult their superiors) and at one point, being extremely tired, fell asleep on a culvert. The man who was destined to become prime minister of the Liberation War government within a few days thought nothing of sleeping on a culvert. That was how his revolutionary mind was already set.

The next testimony of Tajuddin's mental make-up and exceptional leadership quality is his first meeting with the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The importance and gravity of this meeting cannot be overemphasised. It sowed the seed of a crucial partnership that sailed us through the following crucial nine months of genocide and brutal war.

Here was a man bereft of literally everything except his self-respect and faith in his people's desire to fight for freedom and the willingness to die for it, sitting face to face with the powerful prime minister of the biggest country in the region—with a most famous dynastic heritage—making a case to assist us in our fight for freedom.

According to Barrister Amirul Islam's account published in Aloker Anantadhara (Vol 1, Pg 69), Tajuddin said, "… This independence war is ours and we want to do everything ourselves. What we need from you is shelter for the Mukti Bahini in the Indian soil, facilities for training and arms supply. Within two to three weeks there will be a huge influx of refugees whose shelter, safety and food India should help us with. We also need help to let the world know about our independence struggle. We also request your help in the field of diplomacy." The war, he said, was ours. He didn't want it to appear to be an India-Pakistan war, nor a civil war within Pakistan. It was our war for freedom and independence.

The most serious decision that Tajuddin had to urgently implement was the formation of some sort of internationally acceptable government-in-exile so that our war acquired legitimacy, a visible existence, a command structure that was both representative and authentic. Such a set-up would expedite the process of international recognition and receiving assistance.

This proved to be a serious challenge because of internal dissension. The younger leadership led by Sheikh Moni and Sirajul Alam Khan (as well as Tofail Ahmed, ASM Abdur Rab, and some others), which had emerged quite powerful during the non-cooperation movement of March '71, demanded a revolutionary government. This would give them far more power and manoeuvrability than otherwise. This contrasted with the more mainstream view, carried by Tajuddin and other senior leaders, of gathering a large number of the elected 167 central and 288 provincial members of parliament in Calcutta and forming the government-in-exile with their support.

Tajuddin Ahmad meeting freedom fighters

Tajuddin Ahmad played a tremendous role in terms of inspiring and motivating our forces during the Liberation War and giving them that crucial psychological and emotional support that troops needed at such a crucial moment in history. PHOTO: ARCHIVE

In forming the government, Tajuddin's formula was to follow the same leadership group that operated under Bangabandhu during the non-cooperation movement. Opting for a presidential form, making Bangabandhu president and Nazrul Islam the acting president, Tajuddin as the prime minister and M Mansur Ali, AHM Qamaruzzaman and Khondakar Mostaq Ahmad as ministers, helped to solve the problem for the moment.

However, the Sheikh Moni-led younger group, though forced to accept Tajuddin's formula, continued their efforts to create dissension against him. He was contested and contradicted in every turn of events, which became very serious with the formation of Mujib Bahini.

Prof Khan Sarwar Murshid's piece in Aloker Anantadhara elaborately depicts the problems faced by Tajuddin's government due to the factions within. In addition to Sheikh Moni and the student leaders, among the seniors the role played by Khondakar Mostaq was quite troubling. He demanded the foreign affairs portfolio, forced the Mujibnagar government to allocate a special office separate from the rest, and compelled Mahbubul Alam Chashi and Taheruddin to be brought to Calcutta and included in his team in the foreign office. Both their names surfaced after Bangabandhu's assassination in August 1975, in which Mostaq took a leading part and was made the president of Bangladesh by the killers.

One of the extraordinary examples of Tajuddin's leadership and management capacities is the way he ran our armed struggle—our Muktijuddho. This was an area totally unknown to any politician, including him. Setting up the 11 sectors and around 70 subsectors, creating their respective leadership structure, and assuring the supply of arms and ammunition, food and training were enormous tasks. Our own sector commanders came from Pakistan-trained armed forces whose values, attitude and command system all came from a highly centralised army structure, which did not suit the needs of guerilla warfare—something that was the need of the moment. In spite of their background, our sector commanders did a stupendous job for which they have not been given appropriate honour.

Tajuddin played a tremendous role in terms of inspiring and motivating our forces and giving them that crucial psychological and emotional support that troops needed at such a crucial moment in history. Tajuddin, who visited the war zones, built a very warm personal rapport with the freedom fighters.

One of his biggest successes was negotiating with the host country, India, and keeping the supply of arms and ammunition going, though not as much as we wanted and needed. Obviously, here the Indian decisions and actions were determined significantly by their own strategic considerations, but Tajuddin was able to always put our needs successfully forward and get his way to keep the operations going.

First was his attempt to create a platform to forge a unity of all political parties that supported the freedom struggle. He held a meeting in September with the leaders of various parties, including Maulana Bhashani, Muzaffar Ahmad, Comrade Moni Singh, and others. This was an astute move that greatly strengthened the image and prestige of the government-in-exile, especially globally.

Tajuddin also thought ahead and made advance plans of reconstruction and rehabilitation to be implemented after the creation of Bangladesh. His most significant project was to create a militia force consisting of all the freedom fighters. The idea was to turn the young who took up arms to defeat the enemy into a massive force for nation-building. He did not want to send any freedom fighter home empty-handed but to engage them to build the Sonar Bangla of our dreams.

As we pay tribute to Tajuddin Ahmad on his birth centenary, we must ask ourselves the critical question as to why this man's legacy has been so neglected till date.

The answer lies in the mockery that we ourselves made of our Liberation War history. As regimes would change, so would our history books, the national symbols, the heroes, and school textbooks. Just imagine the harm we have done to the younger generation by tailoring our most glorious legacy into party-centred narratives. Since no pro-Tajuddin party ever came to power, he remained uncelebrated.

Can any nation grow with such a short-sighted, dishonest and myopic view of history? The indifference and lack of respect we see today in the younger generation to the history of our Liberation War is caused, in many ways, by the personal and partisan games we played with our most sacred past, our independence struggle in which we faced genocide, ethnic cleansing, and the prospect of destruction as a nation, not to mention the huge number of lives we lost and many more millions who lost their homes and livelihood. When and how will our mind shift to fact-based authentic history? As I see the degradation of history, falsification of truth and false narratives replacing crucial ones, I wonder how we can rebuild our nation's history based on truth.

Mahfuz Anam is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star.​

 

[Saif]

He wanted to make the aspirations for independence come true

When BAKSAL was formed, he said, "You will die, we will die. Bangabandhu, the country will fall into the hands of those against independence

en.prothomalo.com

Interview: Sharmin Ahmad on the centenary of father Tajuddin's birth
He wanted to make the aspirations for independence come true

Tajuddin Ahmad

Sharmin Ahmad is the eldest daughter of Tajuddin Ahmad, Bangladesh's first prime minister, the centre of Bangladesh's government-in-exile during the liberation war. In an interview with Prothom Alo's editor Matiur Rahman taken on 10 November 2024, she spoke about Tajuddin Ahmed as a father, a leader and, most importantly, as a man. It was Tajuddin Ahmad's 100th birth anniversary on 23 July this year and this interview is being published in three parts on the occasion. Today we publish the third and concluding part of the interview.

Matiur Rahman: After independence of Bangladesh, the government was formed and Tajuddin Ahmad eventually had to step down from the cabinet. We also know that he could not accept the formation of the single-party system of BKSAL. He couldn't agree to it. But he didn't publicly oppose this or take any alternative initiative.
Sharmin Ahmad: My sister Simin Hossain Rimi compiled Tajuddin Ahmad's speeches from 1972 to 1974 from newspaper clippings and published these in the book 'Itihasher Pata Theke' almost 18-20 years ago. Abbu (father) delivered a speech on 20 January 1974 at Awami League’s biennial council. Abdul Aziz Bagmar and I translated it from the cassette recording. I was only 14 at the time. You'll see in the speech how he openly criticised his own party. But it was very logical criticism. He even said, "Expel these ministers in front of you." "Party corruption is rampant here." "Weapons have fallen into the hands of the party activists." "Party members are obstructing every administrative process here." "Private militias have been created." "They are serving the interests of different groups." How critical he was! He may not have criticised publicly, but everyone was present at the party office.

He also made a hard-hitting statement at the airport while talking to journalists. We had gone to receive our father and were there too. He said, "Corruption must be uprooted from within our own house. If we think the storm has passed by burying our heads in the sand like ostriches, that's a huge mistake." Then he spoke eloquently about the famine of 1974, saying that it must be tackled nationally by creating national consensus. He questioned why party activists would carry arms, why should weapons be in the hands of relatives (of party leaders). Then he said, "Bangabandhu, I tell you, these things are happening. We will be wiped out."

Some people say he accepted Bangabandhu's decisions and remained silent. But he did not remain silent. It was because he spoke out that he faced such a predicament. When BAKSAL was formed, he said, "You will die, we will die. Bangabandhu, the country will fall into the hands of those against independence, given the way you are destroying democracy." When Moni Singh came to our house, he said, "Moni da, what have you done? Did you form a tripartite alliance or a trident? Actually, you will kill Bangabandhu. He will die. You will die. We will all die. No one will be left." He told my mother, "Lily, you already wear white. I'm telling you, it won't be long until you become a widow." We heard these extraordinary words. So, he did criticise Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, but in a constructive way.

If they had listened to what he was saying then, the Awami League wouldn't be in this present predicament. Dynastic politics took over Awami League after 1972. And whenever a party takes on a dynastic shape, or party interests take precedence over national interests, then democracy dies. That's what happened. It is unfortunate. We may not be here, but I hope the next generation learns from these events and won’t make these mistakes again. I hope we don't go down the wrong path again.

Around 300,000 fake freedom fighter certificates were issued. Look at who were given these certificates -- that Jubo League Sheikh Moni, that Mujib Bahini who had opposed the Liberation War government and the freedom fighters

Matiur Rahman: I interviewed Zohra Tajuddin in 1993 and that's when I first heard that when Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman first returned to the country after independence, not once did he want to hear from Tajuddin Ahmad or the others how they had liberated the country. This attitude indicated many shortcomings that later gradually were magnified further.
Sharmin Ahmad: Isn't it very strange that they didn't want to know? The first Bangladeshi government took oath at the mango orchard in Baidyanathtala, Meherpur of Kushtia, The question had arisen whether this would take place on Bangladesh soil or Indian soil. They took the decision and he named the place Mujibnagar because Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was undeniably the symbol of the Liberation War. That was Tajuddin Ahmad. He never wanted to make a name for himself. When the country was striving for freedom, aspiring for independence, he did not want any divisions to form. He always upheld that symbol. He didn't want to promote himself. He wanted to make the nation's aspirations for independence come true. But Mujib Kaku (uncle) never went there (Mujibnagar). He didn't even want to know anything about it.
One day my father told my mother, "Lily, today I must tell Mujib Bhai about these things." He went there and started talking about the liberation war. Mujib Kaku reportedly suddenly fell asleep. He had been preparing his cheroot and closed his eyes. My mother had thought it would take four or five hours to narrate all those events, but Abbu came back home very soon. He told out mother, "I cannot wake someone who is feigning sleep. He just doesn't want to know what happened.” So, what does this imply? Many people feel he has some sort of psychological inferiority complex because the country achieved independence in his absence. I've heard the same thing from very high-ranking Indian officials. Also, those in Bangladesh who worked closely with him said the same.

Matiur Rahman : Even the Indian diplomat JN Dixit wrote in his book that he (Bangabandhu) had there was some sort of weakness in his psyche due to the fact that he could not participate in the Liberation War. That's why he never wanted to know about this matter, he never brought these issues to the forefront.

Sharmin Ahmad: Hence, 1 lakh 1 thousand (101,000) freedom fighters. If you read Tajuddin Ahmad's speech from 1972, your will learn about the fraudulent activities centering the number of freedom fighters. These 101,000 freedom fighters, these brave young men, imbued with the spirit of revolution, were sent back home. Then around 300,000 fake freedom fighter certificates were issued. Look at who were given these certificates -- that Jubo League Sheikh Moni, that Mujib Bahini who had opposed the Liberation War government and the freedom fighters.

My question is, they repeatedly claim that everything, including the formation of the government, happened according to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's plans. If that were so, that means there was a Liberation War government. No one can predict what will happen at every moment of the war. But they took credit for those things too. If that's the case, then the question is how come the Mushtaq clique which was conspiring with the CIA at the time and whom Tajuddin Ahmad later dismissed from his foreign minister post, and the Mujib Bahini, who formed their force with the help of Indian intelligence, were the ones who gained the most power after the country's independence? This is very conflicting. If he had said everything, then that means it was Tajuddin Ahmad and the others who liberated the country according to Bangabandhu's plans.

Matiur Rahman: Many of you have written about this, and many other researchers have written about it. It must be written about, discussed. Let me mention a few things here. At the very outset, Tajuddin had said that this liberation war would not be very lengthy. Yet there is so many discussions and thoughts about this. No one thought it would end in just nine months. His prediction came true. Also, in his speech on 10 April, he said that this war is the war of the suffering people of Bangladesh. This war is the liberation war of students, workers, farmers and common people. I see that his thoughts and perception that that the war would end quickly and this war was the war of the suffering people of Bangladesh.
Sharmin Ahmad: It is extraordinary. His speeches, particular of 10 April and 7 April, need to be included in textbooks. There should be research on these.

Matiur Rahman : Let's end with something different. In 1959, Tajuddin Ahmad and Zohra got married. He brought all kinds of beli phool (jasmine) jewelry to the wedding. It was in 1959 and Tajuddin Ahmed was from a distinguished family, a more or less well-to-do family. He was a prominent leader of Awami League. I was quite amazed that him getting married with jasmine flowers.

Sharmin Ahmad: Actually, when my father asked my mother what she needed for the wedding, what kind of jewelry, my mother said, "I don't like gold jewelry. Bring me 'beli phool' ornaments." My mother's father had been a professor of Arabic language at Dhaka College. My mother was from a very progressive and distinguished family. And Abbu actually did turn up with a whole lot of "beli" ornaments.

My parents married in 1959 and I was born on 29 February 1960. My mother said that my father himself went and brought a white rattan cradle for me. And he distributed sweets himself. When there third daughter was born, everyone had been betting that it would be a boy. We were all born at home. When my sister Mimi was born, the midwife then said a little curtly, "It's a girl again this time." My father went and brought so many sweets! He didn't see any difference between girls and boys. Then when Sohel was born, everyone said, "Now after three daughters, it's a boy. Now you have to treat us to sweets." Then my father said, "Why? I gave you all sweets for my three daughters. Now if you are happier than me, then you bring the sweets." I remember when Sohel was born, Mujib Kakku treated everyone at the Awami League office to sweets.

And I want to add to the mention of jasmine flowers. Those who truly love nature and flowers, and whose lives are largely connected to these, easily overcome the fear of death. When my father was to be killed, it was on that 1 November that he told my mother, "Lily, today is the last page of my diary. I will finish writing the last page today. And we won't be kept alive, because two days ago I saw military personnel inspecting the place.”

He also said then that it would be good to bring the jail under the Red Cross. After that, in the early hours of 3 November, they were killed. My father had planted hundreds of flowering shrubs before that. He had brought cow-dung manure and soil from outside. He knew that death was imminent, but he still turned to nature. That planted hibiscus as well. trees, all over that place. The political prisoners who had been in jail for five or six years imprisoned with my father, said, "Tajuddin Bhai is not here, but the red hibiscus flowers are here." There's a proverb in English: "To plant a garden is to believe in tomorrow." If you plant a garden, you believe in a good future ahead. He spread the light of hope in every seed, every sapling.

Sharmin Ahmad

Matiur Rahman: Sowing seeds for the future is now the most important issue before us. We are at crossroads and we hope that we can use these experiences of the past to move towards a truly democratic environment, a democratic system. This is perhaps the way. The more we can talk about all these things, the more we can discuss and debate, this will open up a clear and pristine path for us, leading to the future.

Sharmin Ahmad: That is beautiful! Thank you.

Matiur Rahman: Thank you.​

 

[Saif]

Bangladesh’s deified, obscured, and degraded role models

Countries that have their own role models are considered blessed.

www.thedailystar.net

Bangladesh’s deified, obscured, and degraded role models
A call to objectively reassess the legacy of its heroes

Visual: Monorom Polok

In any country, role models help instil among the young the virtues of empathy, vision, determination, and courage—the very qualities with which they fought injustices and advanced societies positively. Indeed, role models help build emotional intelligence, decision-making skills, and a sense of social responsibility among the youth.

I remember when I was a kid, my father used to cite examples of role models of the time and would tell me, "My son, when you grow up, be like Mr. Jinnah, acquire his qualities of uprightness, integrity and conviction that put him above all else and resulted in the establishment of a separate homeland for the Muslims; be like philanthropist Haji Mohammed Mohsin and make giving an integral part of your character; be like Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, and make devotion to your mother a lifelong commitment."

Countries that have their own role models are considered blessed, for a society without role models is like a blind person without a stick who does not know where to put their hands and feet.

Bangladesh's role models

The good news is that Bangladesh has its fair share of role models. However, thanks to the country's parochial and toxic political culture, these role models have often been either deified only to be degraded later or degraded and sidelined. As a result, the young in Bangladesh are either confused or misinformed, which deprives them of the opportunity to look up to someone to build character.

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman inspired, motivated, and mobilised an entire nation to stand together to fight for the right of self-determination, which in the end, led to the emergence of Bangladesh, an independent sovereign Bangla-speaking nation on earth.

Notwithstanding, this is also true that Sheikh Mujib committed many mistakes—for example, during his brief reign (1972-August 1975), he trashed parliamentary democracy and replaced it with one-party dictatorship; made himself the life-long president, gagged freedom of expression, and suppressed opposition.

However, during her autocratic and self-aggrandising reign (2009-August 2024), Sheikh Hasina white-washed her father's mistakes and put him on a pedestal and nearly deified him, at the neglect if not at the cost of other leaders, with the result being that as soon as she and her government fell in August 2024 through a mass uprising, the cycle reversed, with Sheikh Mujib now turned into a villain.

This is both sad and unacceptable, regardless of his missteps, which no doubt were plenty and of a very serious nature. Let us not forget that without Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the fate of Bangladesh would have been much different today. Bangabandhu must be acknowledged and respected accordingly. Now the question is, given the pivotal role he played in the processes that formed Bangladesh and his horrendous missteps afterwards, is there a way to reconcile these two opposing attributes and acknowledge and respect Sheikh Mujibur Rahman properly? Time is ripe to re-appraise Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman more objectively so that the people of Bangladesh, especially the young, get inspired by the examples of his bravery and conviction that led to the creation of this nation, and at the same time, be aware of his missteps and shun them.

Among Bangladesh's most inspiring leaders is Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani.

He was one of those rare politicians/leaders who never aimed for power; instead, he made the cause of the disadvantaged and fighting against injustices his lifelong mission. Yet this great man has never been recognised nor profiled in a way he ought to have been.

Then, there is the case of Tajuddin Ahmad, who headed the Bangladesh government-in-exile. He was someone who, in the most challenging circumstances, successfully led the Liberation War, someone who uniquely combined patriotism with qualities of leadership, strategic thinking, modesty, piety, and humility and yet neither he nor his contributions have been recognised in a manner they should have been. Instead, Tajuddin Ahmad has been sidelined.

Next is General Osmani, commander-in-chief of the Bangladesh liberation forces, a model of courage and discipline, who also has never been recognised and profiled, duly.

Then, there is the case of General Ziaur Rahman, a freedom fighter who is better known for his radio declaration of independence of Bangladesh and his role in the Liberation War as a sector commander.

However, in addition to his heroic contributions in the Liberation War, Ziaur Rahman needs to be remembered and acknowledged more for the transformative role he played as the president of Bangladesh. Instead, the recently deposed regime had demonised Zia as a traitor! This was not just wrong and sad, but also despicable.

Bangladesh has also been fortunate to have had in its midst NGO leaders such as Nobel Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus, Sir Fazle Hasan Abed and Dr Zafarullah whose community-based innovations and contributions—microcredit, non-formal education and integrated rural development, and people-centric health services, respectively—empowered the poor and lifted millions out of poverty, not just in Bangladesh but globally and yet, no serious efforts have been made to acknowledge them nor their works, as prominently and insightfully as these ought to have been.

For much too long, neglect, degradation and sidelining of Bangladesh's role models have dwarfed Bangladesh morally and intellectually.

The July uprising has offered the perfect opportunity to re-appraise, rectify and reinstate the country's devalued role models and inform the youth of the qualities with which they established and advanced Bangladesh.

Professor M. Adil Khan is an adjunct professor at the School of Social Science, University of Queensland, Australia, and a former senior policy manager of the United Nations.​