Home Watch Videos Wars Movies Login

[🇧🇩] New Government (BNP) in Bangladesh After the Polls

Latest Posts Countries Wars Q&A

[🇧🇩] New Government (BNP) in Bangladesh After the Polls
18
64
More threads by Saif

G Bangladesh Defense

BNP names ministers, state ministers in new cabinet, Khalilur, Ishraque, Shama Obaed included

Staff Correspondent Dhaka
Published: 17 Feb 2026, 15: 51

1771375546128.webp


Khalilur Rahman, Ishraque Hossain and Shama Obaed

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) winners of the 13th parliament election have taken oath as members of parliament. The members of the new cabinet will take oath this Tuesday afternoon at the South Plaza of the parliament complex.

Among them, 25 will be full ministers and 24 will be state ministers. A new 50-member cabinet is being formed under the leadership of Tarique Rahman.

Who are becoming full ministers

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir

Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury

Salahuddin Ahmed

Iqbal Hasan Mahmud (Tuku)

Major (retd.) Hafiz Uddin Ahmed

AZM Zahid Hossain

Khalilur Rahman (technocrat)

Abdul Awal Mintoo

Kazi Shah Mofazzal Houssain Kaikobad

Mizanur Rahman Minu

Nitai Roy Chowdhury

Khandaker Abdul Muktadir

Ariful Haque Choudhury

Zahir Uddin Swapon

Mohammad Amin ur Rashid (technocrat)

Afroza Khanam (Rita)

Shahid Uddin Chowdhury Anee

Asadul Habib Dulu

Md Asaduzzaman

Zakaria Taher

Dipen Dewan

ANM Ehshanul Hoque Milon

Sardar Sakhawat Hossain (Bakul)

Fakir Mahbub Anam (Swapan)

Sheikh Rabiul Alam

Who are becoming state ministers

M Rashiduzzaman Millat

Anindya Islam Amit

Md Shariful Alam

Shama Obaed Islam

Sultan Salahuddin Tuku

Kaiser Kamal

Farhad Hossain Azad

Aminul Haque (technocrat)

Mir Mohammad Helal Uddin

Habibur Rashid

Md Rajib Ahsan

Md Abdul Bari

Mir Shahe Alam

Junaid Saki

Ishraq Hossain

Farzana Sharmin

Sheikh Faridul Islam

Nurul Haque

Yaser Khan Chowdhury

AK Iqbal Hossain

MA Muhit

Ahmed Sohel Manzur

Bobby Hajjaj

Ali Newaz Mahmud Khaiyam​
 
Analyze

Analyze Post

Add your ideas here:
Highlight Cite Respond

Who gets which ministry? Inside BNP’s cabinet line-up

Full structure of ministers and state ministers revealed informally by party; gazette still pending

1771376098963.webp

Photo: BNP/ Facebook page

Although the Cabinet Division typically issues a gazette allocating portfolios shortly after the swearing-in ceremony, no such notification has been published as of 10:00 pm on Tuesday.

However, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has confirmed that ministerial responsibilities had already been informally finalised, outlining the structure of the new cabinet.

According to a post on the party’s verified Facebook page, Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir has been assigned the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives.

Standing Committee member Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury has been entrusted with the Finance and Planning Ministry.

Salahuddin Ahmed has been given the Ministry of Home Affairs, while Iqbal Hasan Mahmud will oversee Power, Energy and Mineral Resources.

Major (retd) Hafiz Uddin Ahmed will head Liberation War Affairs, and AZM Zahid Hossain has been placed in charge of Women and Children Affairs and Social Welfare.

Technocrat Dr Khalilur Rahman has been assigned Ministry of Foreign Affairs, while Abdul Awal Mintoo will lead Environment, Forest and Climate Change.

Kazi Shah Mofazzal Hossain Kaikobad will oversee Religious Affairs, Mizanur Rahman Minu Land, and Nitai Roy Chowdhury Cultural Affairs.

Khandaker Abdul Muktadir has been given Commerce, Industries, Jute and Textile, while Ariful Haque Chowdhury will handle Labour and Employment alongside Expatriate Welfare and Overseas Employment.

Zahir Uddin Swapon will lead Information and Broadcasting. Technocrat Mohammad Amin Ur Rashid has been assigned Agriculture, Fisheries and Food.

Afroza Khanam Rita will oversee Civil Aviation and Tourism, Shahid Uddin Chowdhury Anee Water Resources, and Asadul Habib Dulu Disaster Management and Relief.

Md Asaduzzaman will lead Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs, while Zakaria Taher will oversee Housing and Public Works.

Dipen Dewan has been assigned Chattogram Hill Tracts Affairs, ANM Ehsanul Hoque Milon Education, and Sarder Md Sakhawat Hossain Health and Family Welfare.

Fakir Mahbub Anam will oversee Post and Telecommunications alongside Science and ICT, while Sheikh Rabiul Alam will supervise Road Transport, Railways and Shipping.

State Ministers

A total of 24 state ministers have also been allocated portfolios.

M Rashiduzzaman Millat will serve in Civil Aviation, Anindya Islam Amit in Power and Energy, and Shariful Alam in Commerce, Industries, Textile and Jute.

Shama Obaed Islam has been assigned Foreign Affairs, Sultan Salahuddin Tuku Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, and Barrister Kaiser Kamal Land.

Farhad Hossain Azad will serve in Water Resources, while technocrat Md Aminul Haq has been assigned Youth and Sports.

Mir Mohammad Helal Uddin will oversee Chattogram Hill Tracts Affairs, Md Abdul Bari Public Administration, and Mir Shahe Alam Local Government.

Zonayed Saki has been assigned Finance and Planning, Ishraque Hossain Liberation War Affairs, and Farzana Sharmin Women and Children Affairs and Social Welfare.

Shaikh Faridul Islam will assist in Environment, Religious Affairs and Law, while Nurul Haque Nur will serve in Labour and Expatriate Welfare.

Yasser Khan Chowdhury has been assigned Information, M Iqbal Hossain Disaster Management, and MA Muhith Health, Post and Telecommunications, and Science and ICT.

Ahammad Sohel Manjur will serve in Housing and Public Works, Bobby Hajjaj in Education and Primary and Mass Education, and Ali Newaz Mahmud Khaiyam in Cultural Affairs.

Habibur Rashid Habib will assist in Road Transport and Bridges, Railways and Shipping, while Rajib Ahsan has also been assigned responsibilities in Road Transport and Bridges.

The formal structure of the cabinet is expected to be confirmed once the Cabinet Division issues the official gazette.​
 
Analyze

Analyze Post

Add your ideas here:
Highlight Cite Respond

BNP’s economic test
1771377819535.webp


JOBLESS growth defined much of Bangladesh’s recent past. Output expanded on paper, yet secure employment did not keep pace. That paradox unfolded under an increasingly authoritarian order that, by the end, relied more on coercion than consent. The fall of that regime came at a grave human cost. Hundreds lost their lives in the turmoil that preceded transition. The political rupture was not abstract; it was paid for in blood and public anger. When the dictatorship was finally overthrown, expectations rose quickly. Citizens, particularly the young, anticipated a free and credible election. They wanted representatives who would not merely inherit the state but redirect it.Political party merchandise

The election arrived. Voters delivered a mandate to the alliance led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. The result closed one chapter and opened another. Yet winning office and governing effectively are not the same. The new administration confronts economic constraints that are structural, not rhetorical. Inflation remains stubborn. Private investment is subdued. External balances are fragile. This article examines several of those challenges, considers how far they are addressed in the BNP’s manifesto and suggests areas where clarity and policy depth are urgently required.

Restoring sustainable growth is the first test. The manifesto speaks of creating a conducive environment for private investment, removing policy and structural barriers and accelerating inclusive development. These aims are uncontroversial. The difficulty lies in their vagueness. Incentives for investment are promised, yet no detailed framework is set out. Which taxes will be reduced? Which regulatory burdens will be lifted? Which sectors will receive priority? Broad declarations may reassure supporters, but markets respond to specifics.Cultural exchange programs

Structural barriers to trade are another unresolved matter. Bangladesh’s export, import and industrial policies contain layers of restrictions built over decades. Many were introduced for defensible reasons: revenue protection, infant industry support or balance-of-payments management. However, reform requires identifying which provisions now hinder competitiveness. The manifesto does not specify which clauses will be revised or repealed. Nor does it explain how trade liberalisation would be sequenced to avoid fiscal shocks.

The document refers to the pursuit of free trade agreements. Again, the language remains general. It does not clarify whether Bangladesh will seek entry into particular trade blocs or renegotiate existing arrangements. The operation of the South Asian Free Trade Area, especially in relation to India, illustrates the complexity. Persistent trade deficits, long sensitive lists and non-tariff barriers have limited the agreement’s effectiveness. Without confronting these constraints directly, the promise of expanded regional trade risks remaining aspirational.

Tariff rationalisation is conspicuously absent from the manifesto’s priorities. Yet tariff reform is central to export competitiveness and integration into global value chains. Likewise, deregulation is mentioned without identifying concrete statutes to amend. Reducing red tape is a worthy aim. However, without legislative detail, the pledge becomes difficult to measure.

The commitment to establishing a national single window at the Bangladesh Investment Development Authority raises similar concerns. Bangladesh already operates one-stop service mechanisms, albeit imperfectly. The interim administration’s launch of the BanglaBiz digital portal in September 2025 was designed to consolidate such services. Repackaging existing initiatives as fresh commitments risks eroding credibility. Reform should focus on functionality, interoperability and accountability, not branding.

Profit repatriation for foreign investors is another example. Bangladesh already permits 100 per cent repatriation of profits in principle. The constraint has been foreign exchange liquidity, not legal prohibition. Strengthening reserve management and stabilising the currency would address investor anxiety more effectively than reiterating existing entitlements.

Sectoral strategy is also thin. The manifesto offers little detail on fisheries, agro-processing or emerging services. Strategic bilateral arrangements, including selective market access agreements, could diversify exports. Yet such proposals require careful negotiation and environmental safeguards. They cannot be reduced to headline gestures.

More pressing still are inflation and employment. Price pressures erode household purchasing power. Jobless growth undermines social stability. The manifesto promises employment generation and investment promotion but does not set a specific inflation target or outline a coherent anti-inflation strategy. Effective disinflation demands coordination between monetary tightening, prudent fiscal management and supply-side measures to ease bottlenecks. Simply affirming that monetary and fiscal policy will be ‘integrated’ adds little; such coordination is standard macroeconomic practice.

Investor confidence depends heavily on policy continuity. Businesses hesitate when regulatory direction shifts with each political cycle. The manifesto does not commit explicitly to preserving stable tax and regulatory frameworks beyond partisan timelines. That omission matters in an economy where private capital formation is already weak.

Tax justice presents another gap. Corporate income tax rates remain comparatively high and sectoral flat rates can be inequitable. Graduated structures could ease burdens on smaller enterprises while preserving revenue. The manifesto does not address these distributional questions. Nor does it specify a ceiling for corporate taxation that might anchor expectations.

At the same time, expanded social safety net commitments will exert pressure on the national budget. Without new financing instruments, development expenditure may be squeezed. Bangladesh has yet to make significant use of securitisation or inflation-protected government securities comparable to Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities elsewhere. Such instruments could broaden the domestic investor base and provide hedges against inflation. The manifesto is silent on these possibilities. There is also no clear pledge to establish a commodity exchange or derivatives market, both of which could deepen financial infrastructure.

Taken together, the economic programme appears conventional. Its language is reassuring but rarely operational. If governance proceeds strictly within the manifesto’s contours, structural transformation may be limited. Yet a democratically elected administration does offer one advantage: legitimacy. Political stability, if preserved, can improve growth prospects even in the absence of radical reform.

Hope alone, however, cannot substitute for policy precision. The electorate did not mobilise simply to change faces at the top. It sought institutional renewal and economic direction. Whether the BNP will refine its agenda into a coherent, measurable reform strategy remains uncertain. The coming months will reveal whether the promise of democratic transition translates into substantive economic change, or whether jobless growth continues under a different banner.Political party merchandise

Md Kamrul Bari is an adjunct faculty member at UCSI University Bangladesh Branch Campus, United International University and Canadian University of Bangladesh.​
 
Analyze

Analyze Post

Add your ideas here:
Highlight Cite Respond

Members Online

Back
 
G
O
 
H
O
M
E