[🇧🇩] New Government (BNP) in Bangladesh

[Saif]

Govt lays foundation for democratic Bangladesh in first 150 days: PMO

The government has laid a strong foundation for building a democratic, discrimination-free and prosperous Bangladesh during its first 150 days in office by restoring public confidence, rebuilding institutions, stabilising the economy and delivering on key election pledges, Prime Minister's Office (

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Govt lays foundation for democratic Bangladesh in first 150 days: PMO

The government has laid a strong foundation for building a democratic, discrimination-free and prosperous Bangladesh during its first 150 days in office by restoring public confidence, rebuilding institutions, stabilising the economy and delivering on key election pledges, Prime Minister's Office (PMO) Spokesperson Mahdi Amin said on Saturday.

Addressing a press conference at the PMO to mark the government's first five months in office, he said the administration, led by Prime Minister Tarique Rahman had achieved "multi-dimensional and unprecedented successes" despite inheriting what he described as a devastated economy, weakened institutions and a dysfunctional governance system.

"The government's achievements over the past five months have opened a new chapter in Bangladesh's political history and paved the way for building a humane, discrimination-free, secure, merit-based, prosperous and self-reliant Bangladesh," Mahdi said.

He said after assuming office through a direct mandate from the people, the government gave top priority to rebuilding democratic institutions, restoring economic stability and strengthening good governance.

The spokesperson said the government's achievements can broadly be grouped into five areas: earning people's trust and confidence, protecting the interests of all sections of society in line with the election manifesto, successfully addressing immediate challenges, safeguarding national sovereignty and democratic freedoms, and providing statesmanlike leadership.

He said effective measures to control inflation, restore discipline in the financial sector, recover laundered money and ensure transparent, cost-effective implementation of development projects had reinforced the government's commitment to good governance.

The PMO spokesperson also highlighted ongoing efforts to rehabilitate flood victims and rebuild the health and education sectors, which he said had been severely damaged over the previous 17 years.

Among the major achievements, he said, were the swift disposal of several high-profile criminal cases, including the verdict in the Ramisa rape and murder case within 19 days and another child rape case in Meherpur within 29 working days.

Mahdi said courts had also delivered verdicts in 10 death reference and appeal cases under the Women and Children Repression Prevention Act within a month on a priority basis.

He said law enforcement agencies arrested Mozzaffar Hossain, a convicted killer in the assassination case of former President Ziaur Rahman, after he had remained absconding for 45 years.

Mahdi said initiatives had also been taken to bring back several other fugitives, including former Inspector General of Police Benazir Ahmed, through Interpol.

The spokesperson said Parliament passed 94 reform-related bills within its first 25 working days, transforming ordinances promulgated by the interim government into law, while legislation relating to the July-August mass uprising and counter-terrorism had also been enacted.

Highlighting economic indicators, Mahadi said inflation had fallen to 8.71 percent while foreign exchange reserves stood at US$36.58 billion.

He said remittance inflows had reached record levels, including US$3.75 billion in March, reflecting growing confidence among overseas Bangladeshis.

The spokesperson said the government had withdrawn monthly charges on prepaid electricity meters to provide relief to consumers and announced plans to upgrade upazila hospitals to 101-bed facilities alongside establishing primary healthcare units in every union and urban ward.

He said the government planned to expand ICU services, pathology facilities and emergency care at upazila hospitals while launching door-to-door health screening programmes.

Mahdi said a nationwide programme to plant 25 crore trees over the next five years had been launched, while 250 environment-friendly electric buses would initially be introduced in Dhaka.

He also noted the introduction of AI-based traffic management in key areas of the capital, automated cargo release at Chattogram Port and plans to relocate four inter-district bus terminals outside Dhaka to ease traffic congestion.

The spokesperson said implementation of the government's election pledges had already begun through the rollout of Family Cards, Farmers' Cards and Sports Cards, while a pilot Probashi Card programme would be launched soon.

He said the government had also declared 2026-27 as the Nazrul Year, banned the use of the Prime Minister's photographs on government banners and festoons, expanded scholarships for students and introduced several education and youth-focused initiatives, including a nationwide primary school football tournament involving 22 lakh students and startup competitions for secondary and higher secondary students.

Mahdi said the government had also prioritised strengthening the armed forces, noting that Prime Minister Tarique Rahman regularly attended military exercises, shared meals with soldiers at field camps and worked to boost their morale.

Describing the Prime Minister's leadership style as people-centred, Mahdi said Tarique Rahman had deliberately rejected a lavish lifestyle and excessive protocol.

"He has shown through his actions that he represents people of every profession, religion, ethnicity and community. He is truly the Prime Minister of the people," he said.

Mahdi said the government's first 150 days had demonstrated that even after inheriting a "devastated state", meaningful reforms and visible progress were possible with public support and political commitment.

"Over the past 150 days, the government has not only addressed immediate challenges but also laid a solid foundation for a democratic, discrimination-free and prosperous Bangladesh," he said.

Mahdi said the government took office at a difficult time following what he called years of authoritarian rule, inherited a weakened state structure and fragile economy, and immediately prioritised rebuilding democratic institutions, restoring public confidence and improving economic stability.

Recalling the July 2024 mass uprising, he paid tribute to those killed during the anti-government movement, including Abu Sayed, Wasim Akram and Farhan Faiyaz, and said their sacrifices paved the way for democratic change.

The spokesperson also remembered BNP leaders and activists who, he said, had suffered enforced disappearances, killings and political persecution over the previous 16 years.

He said the government considers public confidence its greatest strength and remains committed to ensuring transparency, accountability, freedom of expression, protection of human rights and the rule of law.

The spokesperson also announced measures to improve education and social welfare, including free education for female students up to honours level, plans to provide free school uniforms and environmentally friendly jute school bags to disadvantaged students, expansion of smart classrooms and free Wi-Fi in educational institutions, nutritious mid-day meals, and four new textbooks focusing on sports, culture, vocational education and joyful learning from the 2027 academic year.

He said the government had also initiated a Tk 500 crore startup fund for young entrepreneurs, planned to establish sports villages in all 64 districts and announced support for students seeking higher education abroad through bank-backed education loans.

Reviewing the government's response to immediate challenges, the spokesperson said effective market monitoring had kept prices of essential commodities stable during Ramadan and Eid, while illegal cattle imports during Eid-ul-Azha had been prevented, ensuring fair prices for local farmers.

He said the government unveiled a Tk 9.38 lakh crore national budget within three months and 13 days of taking office based on a "Recovery, Restoration and Reconstruction (3R)" strategy, with increased allocations for education, healthcare and social protection.

According to Mahdi, the government also established a Tk 40,000 crore bank recapitalisation fund, initiated efforts to reopen closed industries, passed the Gambling Prevention Act 2026 to curb online betting and crypto-based gambling, and intensified efforts to recover assets allegedly laundered abroad.

On foreign policy, he said the government adopted a balanced diplomatic approach centred on "Bangladesh First", while restoring Bangladesh's standing internationally.

He said Prime Minister Tarique Rahman's visits to Malaysia and China had strengthened bilateral ties and attracted significant investment commitments.

Mahdi said India resumed visa services for Bangladeshi citizens following diplomatic engagement, while the government restored the "Except Israel" endorsement on Bangladeshi passports as part of its independent foreign policy.

Describing Prime Minister Tarique Rahman's leadership style as people-centred, he said he had broken with traditional VIP culture by reducing protocol, interacting directly with ordinary citizens during district visits and insisting on following normal traffic rules.

He said the Prime Minister had prohibited the use of his personal photographs on government banners and festoons, encouraged children to visit Parliament to learn about democracy, expanded scholarships for students and personally promoted sports, innovation competitions and primary education programmes.

Mahdi also cited the government's disaster response during recent floods, saying relief, rehabilitation and financial support had been provided promptly to affected families, farmers, women entrepreneurs and fishermen.

He said the Prime Minister believes governance must reflect the aspirations of the people and described the government's first five months as laying the foundation for "a democratic, humane, discrimination-free and prosperous Bangladesh."

"Over the past 150 days, the government has not only addressed immediate challenges but also laid a strong foundation for the Bangladesh envisioned by the people," Mahadi said.

Prime Minister's Press Secretary Saleh Shibly also addressed the press conference and said the government is working to decentralise information flow to ensure easier public access to government information from the grassroots to the Prime Minister's Office.

He said district information officers are being further empowered and made more active so that journalists across the country can obtain official information on local developments more quickly and efficiently.

Shibly said the government is gradually implementing its election manifesto as well as the July National Charter signed at the South Plaza of Parliament, adding that the media has been playing a key role in informing people about those initiatives.

He said Prime Minister Tarique Rahman has prioritised improving people's quality of life alongside restoring social and family values, stressing that the Prime Minister believes meaningful governance should be reflected through action rather than rhetoric.

The Press Secretary also urged journalists to give greater prominence to positive social issues that contribute to building a prosperous, value-based and inclusive Bangladesh.

Prime Minister's Additional Press Secretary Atikur Rahman Rumon, Speechwriter Mahfuzur Rahman, Deputy Press Secretaries Jahidul Islam Rony, Suzauddhowla (Suzon Mahmood) and Shahadat Shadhin, Assistant Press Secretaries KM Nazmul Haque, Asrofa Emdad and Abdullah Al Mahmud Shahriar Pamir, among others, were present at the press conference.​

 

[Saif]

PM Tarique Rahman drives through Dhaka to inspect city cleanliness

Prime Minister has repeatedly stated that he wants to see Dhaka as a clean city. That is why he was personally touring the city roads to inspect the cleanliness situation.

en.prothomalo.com

PM Tarique Rahman drives through Dhaka to inspect city cleanliness

Prothom Alo English Desk

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman drives himself through different parts of Dhaka to inspect city management operations in Dhaka on 31 July 2026. Prime Minister's Press Wing

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman today, Friday personally drove through different roads under the Dhaka North City Corporation (DNCC) to inspect the city’s cleanliness as part of his government efforts to make Dhaka a cleaner capital, news agency BSS report.

“The Prime Minister personally drove through different roads in the northern part of the capital this afternoon to see the cleanliness situation on the ground. His vehicle crossed Shyamoli around 6:10 pm,” said PM’s Deputy Press Secretary Jahidul Islam Rony.

The Prime Minister left his Gulshan residence at 4:05 pm and drove the vehicle himself, Rony added.

Rony said the Prime Minister has repeatedly stated that he wants to see Dhaka as a clean city. That is why he was personally touring the city roads to inspect the cleanliness situation, he added.

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman spoke at a meeting with the leaders of the National Editors' Council at his office in the Cabinet Division of the Bangladesh Secretariat in Dhaka on 27 July 2026.PMO

Our correspondent reports: During the inspection, the prime minister's motorcade travelled through ECB Chattar, Mirpur DOHS, Diabari, Uttara Sectors 3, 4, 5 and 6, Airport Road, Kakoli intersection, Mohakhali, Farmgate, Manik Mia Avenue, Asad Gate, Salimullah Road, Iqbal Road, Tajmahal Road and Japan Garden City in Mohammadpur, Shyamoli intersection, Ganabhaban intersection, Zia Udyan, Shewrapara, Kazipara, Mirpur-10, Kachukhet, Cantonment, Sainik Club, Kakoli and Banani. After completing the inspection, he returned to his residence on Gulshan Avenue in the evening.

According to BSS, State Minister for LGRD and Cooperatives Mir Shahe Alam, DNCC Administrator Md. Safiqul Islam Khan Milton, BNP Special Secretary Belayet Hossain, PM’s Private Secretary Md. Mehedul Islam and Assistant Private Secretary Abdur Rahman Suny accompanied the Prime Minister in the vehicle.​

 

[Saif]

What are the Prime Minister’s challenges in changing the political culture?

In post-July Bangladesh, public expectations were not limited to a change in government; people also hoped for a transformation in the country's political culture. After years of conflict, polarisation, and a style of politics that treated opponents as enemies, they wanted a more restrained...

en.prothomalo.com

What are the Prime Minister’s challenges in changing the political culture?

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman's personal restraint and modest lifestyle will become part of the country's political culture only if the same values are reflected in the conduct of others within the government. Mohammad Jalal Uddin Sikdar writes about the challenges facing the Prime Minister in transforming the political culture.

Mohammad Jalal Uddin Sikder

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman File Photo

In post-July Bangladesh, public expectations were not limited to a change in government; people also hoped for a transformation in the country's political culture. After years of conflict, polarisation, and a style of politics that treated opponents as enemies, they wanted a more restrained, accountable, and people-centered approach to governance.

Against this backdrop, recent images of Prime Minister Tarique Rahman have naturally drawn public attention. He is seen carrying his own bag, his own umbrella in the rain, waiting in compliance with traffic rules, posing for photos with children, or interacting with the common people in a cordial and unassuming manner.

For many, these are more than simply the personal habits of a political leader. They are seen as symbolic signals of a new political culture. Yet the question remains: can the public conduct of one single leader bring about an overall transformation in a country's political culture?

Can political culture change people too?

Political scientists Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba argued in their book ''The Civic Culture'' that political culture shapes not only the way a state is governed but also people's thinking, tolerance, and willingness to accept differing opinions. When a society becomes accustomed over many years to conflict, polarisation, and a style of politics that treats opponents as enemies, those habits inevitably influence everyday life. People begin to value party or faction over reason. Differences of opinion easily turn into personal conflicts, and patience for listening to opposing views gradually declines.

Bangladesh is no exception to this reality. Long-standing political divisions have not remained confined to political parties alone. Their effects have spread to the language used on social media, relationships in the workplace, and even interactions within families and among friends. In many cases, identity, party affiliation, or political allegiance has come to matter more than reasoned argument.

People judge a leader by the decisions made by their government, the conduct of the administration, the actions taken during times of crisis, and the leader's willingness to stand up against the abuse of power
This is where a leader's conduct becomes significant. If political culture can shape people's behaviour, then a leader's personal example can also serve as the starting point for change. Prime Minister Tarique Rahman's recent actions can be viewed from this perspective. However, such change will become meaningful only if the same values are reflected in the conduct of the cabinet, political parties, the civil service, and other state institutions.

Do public images tell the whole story?

When behaviour itself carries a political message, another question naturally arises: does the conduct we observe from a leader in public fully define that leader''s style of leadership, or is it merely one element of political presentation?

To explore this question, it is useful to recall the work of Canadian sociologist Erving Goffman. In his influential book ''The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life,'' Goffman argued that social life resembles a theatrical performance. The version of a person that we see on stage is the "front stage." Behind the scenes, however, lies another world where decisions are made, strategies are formulated, and genuine patterns of behavior emerge. This is the "backstage."

This idea is equally relevant to politics. What a leader wears, what they say, how they interact with common citizens, and how they present themselves in public all matter. Such behaviour conveys important messages to the public.

Yet these are only one aspect of leadership. Ultimately, people judge a leader by the decisions made by their government, the conduct of the administration, the actions taken during times of crisis, and the leader's willingness to stand up against the abuse of power.

Do people forget the past easily?

People do not judge a political leader solely by what they see in the present. They also carry with them the weight of past experience. French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs argued in his book ''On Collective Memory'' that every society possesses a collective memory. When new events occur, people do not view them in isolation; instead, they interpret them through the lens of familiar experiences from the past.

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman speaks in parliament BSS

Bangladesh's political landscape reflects this reality. People may hold differing views about the many political developments of the past two decades. Yet certain symbols, phrases, and memories continue to shape political perceptions. Whether those memories are entirely accurate or not is not the central issue. What matters is that they remain vivid in the public consciousness.

This is why the term "Hawa Bhaban" continues to resurface in political discussions. It is not merely the name of a building; for many people, it has become a political symbol. As a result, whenever a new controversy emerges, people often interpret it through the lens of those earlier experiences.

Where is a government's true character revealed?

Leaving theoretical discussion aside, let us return to the reality of Bangladesh. The common citizens do not evaluate the prime minister, cabinet ministers, members of parliament, or senior government officials in isolation. Rather, it is the combined effect of their words, conduct, and decisions that shapes the public''s overall perception of the government.
In recent months, several remarks made by senior government officials have attracted public discussion and criticism. These may be isolated incidents. However, the political reality is that even a single careless comment by a person in a position of responsibility can affect the image of the entire government.

Political history bears this out. Major crises do not always begin with major events. At times, a single remark or a seemingly minor decision becomes the symbol of long-standing public frustration. When that happens, the reaction is no longer limited to the immediate incident; it is amplified by accumulated grievances and memories of the past.

The recent response from sections of the student community to a comment made by a senior government official serves as a reminder of this reality. Similarly, an administrative decision relating to local government was revised after facing widespread criticism. The government's swift correction sent a positive signal. Together, these two incidents make one point clear: a government's public image is shaped not only by the prime minister's conduct but also by the language, behaviour, and decisions of its other senior officials.

A similar pattern has recently been observed in neighbouring India. Following a controversial remark by India's Chief Justice, some students and young people began using the phrase "Cockroach Janata Party" as a satirical symbol of protest. Over time, however, the protest expanded beyond that single comment. It became associated with broader grievances, including examination paper leaks, weaknesses in the education system, unemployment, and demands for greater accountability, and evolved into an expression of wider youth discontent.

There is an important parallel between the developments in Bangladesh and India. In both cases, a single word or remark became the catalyst for students to express frustrations that had been building over a long period. Those frustrations then became connected to broader political and social demands. These experiences illustrate that the words of individuals holding high public office are rarely perceived as merely personal opinions. A single phrase can come to symbolise the government's broader attitude, while also providing an outlet for long-standing public dissatisfaction.

The same lesson can be drawn from the United Kingdom's "Partygate" controversy. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government urged the public to comply with lockdown restrictions. It later emerged that social gatherings had taken place at the Prime Minister's office during the same period. The revelation triggered a strong public backlash because people judge governments not only by what they say, but also by what they do.

The Prime Minister’s biggest challenge

In this context, the most important question is: to what extent is the Prime Minister’s personal political message becoming part of the culture of his entire government? Prime Minister Tarique Rahman spent many years in the United Kingdom, where he had the opportunity to closely observe a different political culture, the language of public leadership, and democratic practices. Many people see reflections of that experience in his recent conduct.

However, no government is ever run by one person alone. A prime minister works alongside the cabinet, political party, members of parliament, the administration, and numerous institutions. Therefore, the Prime Minister’s personal restraint and modest lifestyle will become part of the country’s political culture only when the same values are reflected in the conduct of others within the government.

This is where his greatest challenge lies. Will he limit the example of a new political culture to his own personal conduct, or will he turn it into a standard for the entire government? Leadership is not simply about setting a good example personally; it also means bringing others in the team into alignment with those values, correcting mistakes when they occur, and ensuring that everyone in government operates within a shared ethical and political framework.

In many democratic countries around the world, ministers and members of parliament receive regular training on leadership, ethics, media communication, and public service. The purpose is not to belittle anyone; rather, it is to ensure that people holding important positions remain aware of the political impact of their words and actions.

Bangladesh could also consider similar initiatives. Institutional training could be introduced for newly appointed ministers and officials entrusted with significant responsibilities, covering political conduct, parliamentary etiquette, public communication, media engagement, and crisis management.

The decision now lies with the Prime Minister

One of the major lessons of history is that new governments are often challenged not primarily because of the opposition, but because of their own decisions, their own language, and the people around them. After coming to power, many governments assume that public support will remain unchanged for a long time. But reality is different. Public expectations change quickly, and when those expectations are not met, disappointment also emerges rapidly.

The younger generation of today, in particular, is not like previous generations. They receive information instantly, can organise quickly, and judge not only promises but also behaviour and outcomes. In recent years, developments in different countries around the world have shown that a small decision, a careless remark, or a failure to take ordinary people''s concerns seriously can sometimes become the starting point of major political movements. In modern politics, therefore, there is no such thing as a “small mistake.”

Bangladesh is also part of this changing reality. July created expectations among people not only for political change but also for a new standard of governance. Whether those expectations will be fulfilled is the biggest political test of the days ahead.

Perhaps this is why the Prime Minister’s greatest challenge is not how he will deal with the opposition. Rather, the bigger challenge is whether his government, administration, and political colleagues can truly embrace and reflect the message he is projecting. And so the question remains: will the change visible on the “front stage” also be reflected on the “backstage”?

* Mohammad Jalal Uddin Sikdar is a teacher and researcher, Department of Political Science and Sociology, North South University.​

 

[Saif]

BNP authorises Tarique Rahman to pick party's presidential nominee

The BNP on Saturday entrusted party Chairman and Prime Minister Tarique Rahman with the authority to finalise the party's candidate for the upcoming presidential election. The decision was taken at a meeting of the party's National Standing Committee held at the BNP Chairman’s Gulshan office

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

BNP authorises Tarique Rahman to pick party's presidential nominee

The BNP on Saturday entrusted party Chairman and Prime Minister Tarique Rahman with the authority to finalise the party's candidate for the upcoming presidential election.

The decision was taken at a meeting of the party's National Standing Committee held at the BNP Chairman’s Gulshan office in the evening.

Speaking to reporters after the meeting, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said the Standing Committee authorised Tarique Rahman to make all decisions regarding the party's presidential nominee and the election process.

"On behalf of the party, we have entrusted all responsibilities relating to the selection of the presidential candidate and the election to our Chairman and Prime Minister Tarique Rahman," Fakhrul said.

He said the Standing Committee also discussed the government's development activities, the upcoming local government elections and organisational matters.

The meeting, which began at 8pm, was chaired by Tarique Rahman.

Fakhrul, BNP Standing Committee members Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain, Gayeshwar Chandra Roy, Nazrul Islam Khan, Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury, Salahuddin Ahmed, Selima Rahman, Iqbal Hassan Mahmood Tuku and Prof Dr AZM Zahid Hossain were present at the meeting.

Speaking after the meeting, Salahuddin said the Election Commission is legally required to hold the presidential election within 90 days and has already indicated its readiness to conduct the polls.

"Once the Election Commission announces the election schedule, our party chairman will finalise the candidate. The Standing Committee has entrusted him with that responsibility," he said.

Asked whether the party discussed any specific names for the presidency, Salahuddin replied, "No, no names were discussed."

On July 24 last, Mohammed Shahabuddin resigned as President and Speaker Hafiz Uddin Ahmad took charge as the acting President.

According to Article 123(2) of the Constitution, an election to fill the vacant office of the President must be held within 90 days of the post becoming vacant due to resignation.

The President shall be elected by members of Parliament for a five-year term. A person shall not be qualified for election as President if he (a) is less than thirty-five years of age; or (b) is not qualified for election as a Member of Parliament; or (c) has been removed from the office of President by impeachment under this Constitution.​

 

[Saif]

‘Those in power benefitted most from July’: Porwar on BNP rule and unmet expectations

Speaking to The Daily Star, Jamaat-e-Islami secretary general alleges partisan appointments and broken promises while discussing reforms, campus politics and the future of the Awami League

www.thedailystar.net

‘Those in power benefitted most from July’: Porwar on BNP rule and unmet expectations

Speaking to The Daily Star, Jamaat-e-Islami secretary general alleges partisan appointments and broken promises while discussing reforms, campus politics and the future of the Awami League

Mamunur Rashid

Jamaat-e-Islami Secretary General Mia Golam Porwar. Photo: Md Ibrahim/Star

Jamaat-e-Islami Secretary General Mia Golam Porwar has said that, two years after the July Uprising, its core aspirations remained unfulfilled because the government had ignored the reform agenda endorsed by the people through the referendum and the July Charter.

In an exclusive interview with The Daily Star at the party’s central office in Dhaka’s Moghbazar, Porwar said the government was pursuing constitutional amendments instead of fundamental reforms -- a course he said was pushing the country back towards authoritarianism.

The Daily Star (TDS): On the second anniversary of the July Uprising, what do you consider its greatest achievement? And what, in your view, is the main reason why many of the people's expectations remain unfulfilled?

Porwar: The July Uprising of 2024 was an unprecedented event in the history of popular uprisings and revolutions anywhere in the world. People from all walks of life in the country know what the aspirations of this movement were. Those aspirations centred on fundamentally transforming the existing state system and constitutional framework and building a humane and discrimination-free state.

It was with this goal that the student-led uprising took place. Following the uprising, the political situation that emerged and the interim government that was formed sought a path toward state reform. To bring various reform proposals under a common framework, the National Consensus Commission was established.

The commission worked for nearly nine months. It sent 166 reform proposals and questions to 33 political parties. Through subsequent discussions and reviews, consensus was reached on 84 issues. On October 17, 2025, we signed the July Charter at the South Plaza of parliament, which reflected the aspirations of the July Uprising.

We believe that the aspirations of the country's 180 million people are reflected in this charter.

If you ask what the greatest achievement was, I would say that a national unity emerged against authoritarianism, fascism, repression, corruption, and money laundering. Over the past 17 to 18 years, people's ownership of the state had been undermined. People united in the struggle to restore sovereignty. This national unity was the greatest success of the July Uprising.

Unfortunately, however, those expectations have yet to be fulfilled.

I still remember that on July 18, 2024, I held a press conference announcing Jamaat's support for the student movement. The next day, Detective Branch police arrested me from my residence. As a result, I spent the most intense period of the movement in prison. The day after Sheikh Hasina fled the country, on August 6, I was released from Keraniganj Central Jail.

Although I could not be outside, I was receiving news every day from inside prison. I spoke with prison authorities and read newspapers. We understood that something major was about to happen. We heard that the police were no longer resisting as before and that Rab and the army were not on the streets; the situation was changing.

From the morning of August 5, we were hearing that the army chief would deliver a speech. We waited in front of the television. Around noon, we learned that Sheikh Hasina and her sister had fled the country by helicopter.

But the core aspiration of the July Uprising -- the implementation of the July Charter -- has not been realised.

Based on the recommendations of the Consensus Commission, a presidential order was issued on November 13, 2025. It stated that a Constitutional Reform Council would be formed and that the national election and referendum would be held on the same day.

However, after coming to power through the national election, the BNP-led government effectively ignored the verdict of the referendum. It did not follow the directives regarding the Constitutional Reform Council, and its members were never sworn in.

Yet nearly 70 percent of voters supported the 84 reform proposals in the referendum. Prime Minister Tarique Rahman, the home minister, and the law minister all took part in that referendum. If they now deny it, that would amount to denying the people's verdict.

In my view, the current government is responsible for the failure to fulfil the people's expectations.

TDS: What was Jamaat's role in the anti-discrimination student movement? Was there any coordination or strategic understanding with student leaders or other political parties?

Porwar: First and foremost, the movement belonged to the students. You, too, know it as the anti-discrimination student movement. But when the movement began moving toward the one-point demand and public participation increased, I formally declared support for it on July 18 and called on people to stand beside the students.

At that time, we were in contact with various political parties. There were also discussions with the BNP on different occasions about how to move the movement forward and what programmes could be carried out jointly.

However, there were shortcomings in coordination in some cases. We learned that some leaders had said there would be joint programmes after discussions with Jamaat, but no further communication followed. Incidents like that did occur.

Later, we decided that, since we were part of this movement as a democratic and patriotic force, we would remain on the ground with students, workers, and ordinary people according to our capabilities.

Many of our leaders and activists were injured, martyred, and imprisoned. I myself was arrested on July 19.

TDS: After Sheikh Hasina left the country, what was Jamaat's position regarding the formation of a new government and the administration of the state? Were you in favour of a national government?

Porwar: For several days after Sheikh Hasina left, there was effectively no government in the country. Discussions took place at various levels over who would head the interim government and who would serve as advisers.

Leaders of the anti-discrimination student movement came to our office, and there were also discussions over the phone. We exchanged views in various ways regarding the head of the interim government and the advisers. Not all of our suggestions were accepted, but at one stage there was regular communication and discussion with us.

TDS: How do you evaluate the current progress in political reform, judicial reform, and the restructuring of state institutions? What is the biggest obstacle to implementing the spirit of the uprising?

Porwar: Commissions were formed to reform various sectors, including the constitution, the electoral system, the civil administration, the police administration, and the Anti-Corruption Commission. If the recommendations of those commissions had been implemented on the basis of the July Charter, it would have been possible to do so within a specific legal framework.

But after coming to power, the BNP did not make use of that opportunity. It ignored the mandate that people had given through the referendum.

The BNP says the constitution does not allow for these measures. But the question is: this election itself was not supposed to be held under the existing constitution. The election was supposed to take place five years later, in 2029. So under what provision did they hold the election?

The presidential order of November 13 clearly stated that the national election and referendum would be held on the same day after the gazette notification. The BNP participated in that election, accepted its results, and formed the government, but at the same time refused to accept the result of the referendum that was held alongside it.

Two votes took place on the same day -- one was accepted, while the other was rejected. It is like acknowledging one of two children born from the same mother while denying the other.

We believe that the current government is responsible for the failure to implement the July Charter. However, we are not disappointed. Even the leader of the opposition in parliament has said that the July Charter and the verdict of the referendum must be implemented.

We do not consider the special committee formed by the government to be sufficient for constitutional reform. We are saying that what is needed is not merely amendment but genuine reform.

Amendment means minor changes, whereas reform means fundamental changes to the constitutional structure, philosophy, and balance of power.

The proposed Reform Council was the appropriate constitutional framework for this purpose. Otherwise, any amendment passed in parliament could later be struck down by the courts. In the past, Bangladeshi courts have annulled multiple constitutional amendments.

We believe that if a body formed on the basis of referendum carries out the reform process, its legal foundation will be much stronger.

But the BNP is not taking that path. It essentially wants to preserve the structure of the previous constitution. It is not interested in limiting the vast powers currently vested in the prime minister.

The BNP expressed dissent on 10 important issues in the July Charter. But we argue that, since there was no scope for dissent in the referendum, the entire verdict must be accepted.

TDS: The government has formed a special parliamentary committee on constitutional amendment and asked your party to nominate five members. Jamaat did not participate...

Porwar: From the very beginning, we said that the question of nominating members does not arise, because conceptually we oppose this kind of amendment.

We told the government that it must move away from amendment and go toward reform.

According to the law, the Reform Council was supposed to convene within 30 days. That did not happen. If the government now acknowledges that it failed to do so on time and wishes to take fresh initiatives toward genuine reform, then the opposition parties may consider the matter.

But the government is not moving toward reform; it is proceeding with amendment. That means it wants to bring an amendment after excluding the issues to which the BNP objects.

In this way, the fascist character of the constitution will not disappear. We do not want another Sheikh Hasina to emerge from this state structure in the future.

For this reason, we have clearly said that there is still time. If the government brings a proposal for genuine reform in parliament and takes the initiative to form the Reform Council, opposition parties can discuss it.

Otherwise, we cannot betray the mandate of the 70 percent of people who supported the referendum.

Parliament is a place for debate and resolution. If there is no resolution there, then we will have no option but to go to the people.

TDS: How do you assess the current political situation? As an opposition party, you have accused the government of moving toward fascism. How justified is such an allegation after only a few months?

Porwar: As I said earlier, deviating from the implementation of the July Charter is the first sign of a slide toward fascism.

The very first point of the BNP's 31-point agenda stated that it would reform the constitution if it came to power. But now it says it will not pursue reform, only amendment. In other words, it has retreated even from its own commitment.

The prime minister himself participated in the referendum. Voting "yes" in the referendum meant endorsing the 84 reform proposals. If he now denies them, that amounts to reneging on his commitment to the people.

We are saying that the powers of the prime minister must be curtailed. The same person should not simultaneously serve as head of government and head of the party. But if the fundamental issues on which the BNP dissented are excluded, the character of the constitution will remain unchanged.

Therefore, retreating from commitments made to the people is itself a manifestation of authoritarian tendencies.

TDS: BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir recently said that opposition leaders are speaking the language of the Awami League. How do you view his remarks?

Porwar: There is a saying in the villages: "People belch what they eat."

We are not speaking the language of the Awami League. We are criticising the government because it is ignoring the July Charter, pursuing partisanisation, and appointing its own people to important state institutions.

Look at the district councils, city corporations, and other local government bodies. Administrators have been appointed instead of holding elections. If elections are not held, where is the people's representation?

Ours is not the language of the Awami League; it is the language of democracy and responsible opposition politics.

TDS: What is Jamaat's position on the political future of the Awami League?

Porwar: Ultimately, that will be determined by the government and the people.

The political activities of the Awami League have been suspended through a legal process. The government believes that its activities were terrorist in nature, and action has therefore been taken in accordance with the law.

But the final verdict will come from the people. Whether the party will be able to continue in politics after the allegations of brutality and human rights violations during the July Uprising is something only time will tell.

TDS: Many young people feel that political parties have benefitted the most from the uprising, not ordinary citizens. How do you assess this frustration?

Porwar: I would say that it is not political parties but rather those who are now in power who have benefitted the most.

They are enjoying state privileges, placing their own people in various positions, and building syndicates. They have failed to keep the promises made to the people.

We are still continuing our movement and struggle to realise those commitments.

TDS:Since Jamaat moved into the opposition, several of its leaders and MPs have been involved in controversies. How does the party view these incidents?

Porwar: Human beings are bound to make mistakes. Apart from the prophets of Allah, there is no one in this world who is above error.

Jamaat is also an organisation of human beings. Therefore, individuals may make mistakes or succumb to temptation. However, within our organisation there is a continuous emphasis on character, morality, and self-purification.

If an exceptional incident occurs, we take swift organisational action. There are very few examples in Bangladesh where a three-time member of parliament has been expelled from a party within two days over allegations of wrongdoing.

We conducted our own investigation, found the allegations to be true, and took organisational action.

This proves that, for us, the organisation is greater than the individual. Individuals may make mistakes, but the organisation does not tolerate those mistakes.

Incidents of various kinds occur in other parties as well. Some become public, while others do not. In our case, one incident came to light, and we took immediate action.

TDS: There have been clashes involving Islami Chhatra Shibir, Chhatra Shakti, and Chhatra Dal at Begum Rokeya University and Jagannath University. Do you see this as a sign of renewed instability in campus politics?

Porwar: It is certainly a matter of concern.

We allege that the ruling party is using its student organisation. At Begum Rokeya University, we saw attacks on peaceful programmes. Similar incidents took place at Jagannath University.

Not only were programmes obstructed, but student leaders were also assaulted, and there were allegations of attacks even while they were receiving treatment in hospital.

An impartial investigation into these incidents will reveal the real picture.

TDS: What is your position on the controversy surrounding a banner about war criminals at Begum Rokeya University?

Porwar: We have no involvement in that matter.

Our position is that there was provocation and that the situation was pushed toward conflict. The entire incident should be investigated impartially.

TDS: Did you ever think that the Hasina government would fall? And were the events of August 5 faster than you had expected?

Porwar: We believed that a regime based on unlimited authoritarianism and repression could not last forever. Sooner or later, it was bound to collapse.

I spent a long time in prison. Even then, I believed that this rule would come to an end. But I never imagined that events would unfold so quickly and so dramatically.

The events of August 5 were truly astonishing.

The movement had reached a stage where it no longer belonged to any single party or individual. Children, students, workers, hawkers, businesspeople, teachers, professionals -- people from all walks of life had joined it.

Despite the support of the army, the administration, and various international forces, Sheikh Hasina ultimately had to leave the country. We regard this as the infinite mercy of Almighty Allah.

Perhaps, in exchange for the sacrifices, blood, and sufferings of thousands of people, Allah showed mercy to this nation.​