[🇧🇩] New President For Bangladesh

[Saif]

Date of Event: Aug 10, 2026

Source: https://www.thedailystar.net/news/politics/news/mirza-fakhrul-likely-be-bnps-presidential-nominee-party-sources-say-4244081

Mirza Fakhrul likely to be BNP’s presidential nominee, party sources say

His possible move to Bangabhaban could trigger cabinet reshuffle and BNP leadership changes

Sajjad Hossain
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Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir. File photo

BNP Secretary General and LGRD Minister Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir is likely to be the party’s nominee for president, according to multiple party sources.

Party insiders said the nomination would be a reward for his long contributions to the BNP.

Fakhrul has also signed the consent form for the presidential nomination. The party may formally announce him as its presidential candidate on Wednesday or Thursday, said party sources.

The BNP collected two nomination papers for the presidential election Sunday morning, further setting the process in motion.

Party sources said a final decision on the candidate is expected before the deadline for submitting nomination papers.

If Fakhrul is formally nominated and subsequently elected president, his departure from both the cabinet and the BNP secretary general's post would require simultaneous changes in the government and the party leadership, they said.

Under an arrangement now being discussed, Home Minister Salahuddin Ahmed is likely to take charge of the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives, currently headed by Fakhrul.

Water Resources Minister Md Shahiduddin Chowdhury Anee, meanwhile, is being considered to succeed Salahuddin as home minister, according to the sources.

They stressed that these changes have not yet been formally approved and would depend on Fakhrul eventually becoming president.

Adjustments could still be made before any final announcement.

Senior Joint Secretary General and prime minister's adviser Ruhul Kabir Rizvi is expected to serve as acting secretary general if Fakhrul leaves the post, the sources said.

Rizvi is likely to remain in charge until the BNP holds its next national council, where the party would make a longer-term decision on the secretary general's position.

The possible elevation of Fakhrul would mark a major change in the BNP's leadership structure, as he has served at the centre of the party's organisational and political decision-making for more than a decade.

He became acting secretary general on March 20, 2011, before being made full secretary general on March 30, 2016. Earlier, he was named senior joint secretary general at the BNP's fifth national council on December 8, 2009.

Born in Thakurgaon on January 26, 1948, Fakhrul entered politics after careers in teaching and government service.

He was elected chairman of Thakurgaon municipality in 1988 as an independent candidate and joined the BNP in the early 1990s during the anti-Ershad movement. He became president of the Thakurgaon district BNP in 1992.

Fakhrul was elected an MP from Thakurgaon-1 in the 2001 parliamentary election and served as state minister for agriculture and later for civil aviation and tourism during the BNP-led government from 2001 to 2006.

Possible reshuffle

Salahuddin, a member of the BNP Standing Committee, is among the party's senior policymakers and currently heads the home ministry.

During the BNP-led four-party alliance government beginning in 2001, he served as state minister for communications. Earlier, he worked as an assistant private secretary to then prime minister Khaleda Zia between 1991 and 1996.

If the proposed reshuffle goes ahead, his transfer to LGRD would place another senior BNP leader in charge of a ministry closely linked to local government institutions and development activities across the country.

Anee, meanwhile, is a senior BNP leader and three-time MP from Lakshmipur-3.

He was elected to parliament in 2001 and 2008 and returned to the Jatiya Sangsad in the 2026 national election before being appointed water resources minister.

Anee also has a long background in party politics. During his years at Dhaka University, he held several positions in student politics and later served as president of Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal from 1996 to 1998.

He became a member of the BNP Central Executive Committee in 1999 and later served in a number of party positions, including joint secretary general and convener of the Lakshmipur district BNP.

His possible appointment to the home ministry would represent a significant elevation within the cabinet, given the ministry's central role in law enforcement and internal security.

Bangladesh will elect its president on August 20, with voting scheduled from 2:00pm to 5:00pm, according to the Election Commission's announcement on August 6.

EC said nomination papers can be submitted from 10:00am to 4:00pm on August 13. The nomination papers will be scrutinised on August 16. The deadline for withdrawal of candidature is 4:00pm on August 18.

The office of president became vacant after Mohammed Shahabuddin resigned on July 24. Following his resignation, Speaker Hafiz Uddin Ahmad has been discharging the duties as acting president.​

 

[Saif]

From teaching to politics, Mirza Fakhrul set to become President

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir entered into politics during his student days at the University of Dhaka. He was also jailed for political reasons during the 1969 mass uprising. After independence, he began his professional career as a teacher. He later left teaching to enter politics. Over his long...

en.prothomalo.com

From teaching to politics, Mirza Fakhrul set to become President

 

[Saif]

A presidential election, or another coronation?

On August 20, for only the second time in our history, parliamentarians will have the opportunity to elect the president of the republic.

www.thedailystar.net

A presidential election, or another coronation?

Kamal Ahmed

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

On August 20, for only the second time in our history, parliamentarians will have the opportunity to elect the president of the republic. If the ruling party sticks to its decision not to allow its MPs to vote freely, however, the entire exercise is poised to be anything but an election. It could instead be described as the beginning of the new president’s coronation.

Like the first presidential vote 35 years ago, this one too follows another pro-democracy uprising. The first uprising forced out the military dictator, General HM Ershad; the second overthrew the civilian but increasingly dictatorial regime of Sheikh Hasina. In between these upheavals, we had seven presidential elections, all won unopposed by nominees of the then ruling parties. Interestingly, in both post-uprising parliaments, BNP would play a decisive role in determining the country’s democratic future.

The second mass uprising, known as the July Uprising, was, in many ways, a very different political upheaval. It was largely initiated and steered by young people, particularly the Gen Z. Their aspirations were also far more radical, seeking deep and wide-ranging reforms of the state and its institutions. Nearly two decades of mass disenfranchisement and the systematic persecution of dissent and opposition under a civilian authoritarian regime created the conditions for broader national unity to bring an end to tyranny and “reconstruct the state on the foundation of democracy and human dignity.”

This was the premise on which all the major active political parties, after painstaking negotiations lasting more than a year, agreed to a broad reform agenda known as the July National Charter. The charter’s signatories, including the ruling BNP and the opposition 11-party alliance, declared that it “aims to reform the constitution, electoral system, judiciary, public administration, police administration, and mechanisms for combating corruption.”

The document arguably represents the second major expression in our history—after the all-party declaration of 1990—of a broad national consensus on political reform. Much of it could, and should, have been implemented without great difficulty had that unity been preserved instead of being undermined by disputes over procedural issues.

The July Charter is particularly significant because, under its proposed reforms, the presidency would acquire a degree of independence in appointing key officials to several state institutions—powers that previous presidents did not enjoy. In 1991, constitutional reform transformed the presidency into a largely ceremonial office. Over the following decades, we witnessed the gradual concentration of almost all state power in the hands of the prime minister, eventually producing what became a textbook example of electoral autocracy under Sheikh Hasina’s leadership.

The July Charter seeks to restore a degree of balance between the president and the prime minister by empowering the presidency to make appointments to the National Human Rights Commission, Information Commission, Law Commission, Press Council, Energy Regulatory Commission, and the governor of the central bank. The BNP agreed to these provisions but registered a note of dissent over the inclusion of the Bangladesh Bank governor as well as the chair and members of the Energy Regulatory Commission.

The charter also provides a conditional exemption from some of its provisions, stating that “if any political party or alliance secures a public mandate based on explicit mention in their election manifesto, they may proceed accordingly with necessary measures.”

As a signatory to the charter, BNP is expected to empower the country’s 23rd president accordingly. Its manifesto, known as the 31-point plan, remains silent on the presidency and its powers, thereby making the charter’s proposals effectively binding on the party. Although implementation of the charter remains stalled amid an ongoing dispute between the ruling BNP and the opposition 11-party alliance over procedural questions, it is widely expected that even limited constitutional changes would eventually result in a significant enhancement of the president’s powers. The president’s role also assumes particular significance in appointing a caretaker government to oversee national elections if political parties fail to agree on selecting the head of a caretaker administration.

The national consensus reached after the July Uprising also prescribes that the president should be elected through a secret ballot. Article 10 of the July Charter, under the heading “Presidential Election Procedure,” states: “The Constitution shall stipulate that Bangladesh shall have a President elected by majority vote through secret ballot by members of both houses of Parliament (lower and upper).”

Because the constitutional amendments have yet to be made, the forthcoming election will take place without an upper house. The election has also been necessitated by the premature resignation of Mohammed Shahabuddin from the presidency. The absence of an upper house makes the contest even less competitive, particularly because the current single-chamber parliament gives the ruling party a two-thirds majority. The outcome, therefore, appears to be a foregone conclusion in favour of the ruling party’s nominee Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir.

The election could, at least theoretically, still produce a different outcome if BNP lifted the Article 70 restriction on its MPs. On August 11, Chief Whip Nurul Islam Moni told the media that Article 70 of the Constitution would remain in force during the presidential election, meaning that any lawmaker voting against the party’s decision would risk losing their parliamentary membership. This is clearly at odds with what BNP promised the nation when it signed the July Charter. BNP’s note of dissent on amending Article 70 reserves only two additional areas, beyond confidence votes and finance bills, where the restriction would apply: constitutional amendments and national security. Article 70, when incorporated into the constitution, was not intended to prevent MPs from exercising their freedom of choice—perhaps only once in a parliamentary term—to vote for the person who would hold the country’s highest constitutional office.

Taking away MPs’ freedom to choose the new president obviously raises the question of whether the party lacks confidence in the MPs elected on its ticket to support its nominee. More fundamentally, does the very principle of a secret ballot not strengthen the independence and stature of the office of the president? Ostensibly, as a co-signatory of the charter, presumed winner Mirza Fakhrul would command greater respect, although he may understandably have had no part in the decision to block a free vote.

Undoubtedly, the delay in implementing the July Charter over persistent procedural disputes is not only making the reform agenda uncertain; it is also taking us back towards the very system that we fought, and paid such a huge price, to overthrow.

Kamal Ahmed is consulting editor at The Daily Star. He led the Media Reform Commission under the interim government.​

 

[Saif]

Fakhrul seeks lawmakers’ votes for presidential election

Presidential candidate of BNP Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir on Wednesday made an emotional appeal to party lawmakers to vote for him in tomorrow’s presidential election. Recalling the party’s late chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia and its founder Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman, Fakhrul expre

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Fakhrul seeks lawmakers’ votes for presidential election

Presidential candidate of BNP Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir on Wednesday made an emotional appeal to party lawmakers to vote for him in tomorrow’s presidential election.

Recalling the party’s late chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia and its founder Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman, Fakhrul expressed gratitude to them for their contributions to the BNP and also thanked BNP Chairman and Prime Minister Tarique Rahman for his confidence in him and for giving him responsibilities over the years.

He sought prayers from party lawmakers and urged them to cast their votes in his favour in the presidential election.

The BNP parliamentary party meeting, chaired by Prime Minister Tarique Rahman, was held at the ruling party meeting room of Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban this afternoon. The meeting began at 2pm and continued for around one and a half hours.

Several lawmakers present at the meeting said Fakhrul became emotional at the beginning of his speech and broke down in tears several times within a few minutes, creating an emotional atmosphere in the meeting. The Prime Minister was also moved.

Recalling his long political journey with the BNP, Fakhrul said he had served the party as Senior Joint Secretary General, Acting Secretary General and Secretary General.

“If I have made any mistake or unintentionally hurt anyone during my tenure, I seek forgiveness,” he said.

Fakhrul said the party had given him immense honour and responsibilities and that he would uphold that honour throughout his life.

He also pledged that he would never compromise on the country’s independence and sovereignty.

Referring to his possible move to Bangabhaban if elected president, Fakhrul said he would miss his colleagues and sought their prayers.

He then appealed to the BNP lawmakers to vote for him in tomorrow’s presidential election.

Earlier, Chief Whip Md. Nurul Islam Moni welcomed the participants and briefed the lawmakers about the voting procedure for the presidential election. He also sought their votes for Fakhrul.

The Chief Whip informed the meeting that the presidential election would be held tomorrow, Thursday, and that Fakhrul himself would cast his vote. If elected president and subsequently assumes office, his Thakurgaon-3 parliamentary seat will fall vacant.

Addressing the meeting, Prime Minister Tarique Rahman also urged the BNP lawmakers to vote for Fakhrul.

The meeting was attended by BNP Standing Committee members Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain, Gayeshwar Chandra Roy, Abdul Moyeen Khan, Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury, Salahuddin Ahmed, Iqbal Hasan Mahmud, Selima Rahman and AZM Zahid Hossain, among other lawmakers.

The presidential election will be held tomorrow, August 20. If elected, Fakhrul will assume the office of president, and today’s parliamentary party meeting will be his last meeting as a lawmaker.​

 

[Saif]

Mirza Fakhrul sworn in as President

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir was Friday sworn in as Bangladesh's 23rd President to formally assume the country's highest constitutional office amid the presence of Prime Minister Tarique Rahman and dignitaries. Senior political leaders, judges, diplomats and military officials were among the

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

A long trek from campus politics to presidency

Mirza Fakhrul sworn in as President

Jatiya Sangsad Acting Speaker Kayser Kamal administers the oath of office to veteran politician Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir as the 23rd President of Bangladesh at the Darbar Hall of Bangabhaban in the capital on Friday. — Focus Bangla


Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir was Friday sworn in as Bangladesh's 23rd President to formally assume the country's highest constitutional office amid the presence of Prime Minister Tarique Rahman and dignitaries.

Senior political leaders, judges, diplomats and military officials were among the attendees at the evening swearing-in ceremony at the Durbar Hall of Bangabhaban, the presidential palace.

Acting Speaker Barrister Kaiser Kamal administered the oath to the President, who later administered the oath office and secrecy to four ministers and two ministers of state.

The ceremony was attended by Prime Minister Tarique Rahman, acting President Hafiz Uddin Ahmed Bir Bikram, Chief Justice Zubayer Rahman Chowdhury, cabinet members, MPs, foreign diplomats and senior officials from the civil administration and armed forces.

Fakhrul's elevation to the presidency follows Thursday's presidential election, in which he secured 255 of the 343 valid votes cast by Members of Parliament. His only rival, retired Colonel Oli Ahmed, the candidate of an 11-party alliance led by Jamaat-e-Islami, received 88 votes.

His swearing in marks the formal transfer of the presidency to Fakhrul and brings to an end the process that began after former president Mohammed Shahabuddin resigned on July 24.

Earlier in the day (Friday), before taking the oath, Fakhrul paid tributes to the late president Ziaur Rahman and former prime minister Khaleda Zia, the founders and central figures of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) with which he has spent much of his political career.

After Friday prayers, Fakhrul went to Zia Udyan in Sher-e-Bangla Nagar, where he laid wreaths at their graves and recited verses from the Quran.

Fakhrul, a former teacher who entered politics after a career in education, has served as the BNP's secretary-general and has been one of the party's most prominent political figures for years. His move from the opposition's front ranks to the presidency marks a significant shift in his political career.

His election was notable because it was the first contested presidential election in more than three decades. Bangladesh returned to a parliamentary system in 1991, after which presidential elections were generally uncontested. The last contested presidential election was held in 1991, when candidates from the BNP and Awami League faced each other.

His election, therefore, marks a return to parliamentary voting for the presidency after the lapse of about 35 years.

The presidency in Bangladesh is largely ceremonial under the country's parliamentary system, with executive authority resting principally with the prime minister. But the office remains a key constitutional position, with the president serving as the head of state and exercising a range of formal powers under the constitution.

Born on 26 January 1948, Fakhrul grew up in the Kalibari area of Thakurgaon town. His father, Mirza Ruhul Amin, was elected to parliament several times from Thakurgaon and later served as a minister in the Ershad government. His mother was Mirza Fatema Amin.

Fakhrul attended Thakurgaon Government Boys' High School before completing his higher secondary education at Dhaka College. He went on to earn bachelor's and master's degrees in Economics from the University of Dhaka.

His political involvement began while he was a student. He was a member of the then East Pakistan Chhatra Union and became general secretary of the organisation's SM Hall unit at Dhaka University. During the 1969 mass uprising, he served as president of the university unit and was imprisoned for political activities.

After Bangladesh became independent, Fakhrul began his professional career as a lecturer at Dhaka College in 1972 as a member of the BCS Education cadre.

During the presidency of Ziaur Rahman, he served as private secretary to then deputy prime minister S A Bari. After Bari resigned in 1982, Fakhrul returned to teaching. While working at Thakurgaon Government College, he also served as deputy director of the government's Directorate of Inspection and Audit and worked with the Bangladesh National Commission for Unesco.

In 1988, Fakhrul was elected chairman of Thakurgaon municipality as an independent candidate. After the anti-autocracy movement, he joined the BNP and contested the 1991 parliamentary election. In 1992, he became president of the Thakurgaon district BNP.

He was elected MP from Thakurgaon-1 in the 2001 general election and subsequently served as state minister for agriculture and later as state minister for civil aviation and tourism in the BNP government.

At the BNP's fifth national council in 2009, Fakhrul was elected senior joint secretary-general. During the Awami League government that followed, he became one of BNP's principal public faces and a prominent opposition spokesman.

After the death of BNP secretary-general Khandaker Delwar Hossain in March 2011, then party chair Khaleda Zia appointed Fakhrul acting secretary-general. He formally became secretary-general at the party's sixth national council on 19 March 2016.

After the BNP won the 13th parliamentary election in 2026 and formed the government, Fakhrul was appointed minister for local government, rural development and cooperatives.​