[đŸ‡§đŸ‡©] Victory Day

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Short Summary: Commemorating the victory day.
G Bangladesh Defense Forum

Saif

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Victory day today: The day a nation cried tears of joy

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Joy in Dhaka street after Pakistan surrenders. Photo: Iranian Photographer Abbas Attar

From the first week of December 1971, freedom was already in the air. Pakistan was losing ground across Bangladesh to the joint forces, composed of the Mukti Bahini and the allied Indian forces. One by one, different regions were being liberated from the occupation forces.

By the second week of December, guerrilla fighters of the Mukti Bahini infiltrated various parts of Dhaka city. On Dhaka's outskirts, Manikganj and Narayanganj were freed from enemy occupation on December 13.

In a desperate effort to manage the deteriorating situation, the then governor of East Pakistan Dr MA Malik convened a cabinet meeting at the Governor's House in Dhaka at 12:00pm on December 14. However, by 9:30 that morning, the news of the meeting had already reached Major General JFR Jacob, chief of staff of the Indian eastern command, through signal intelligence. A plan to foil the meeting was soon underway.

In his book Surrender at Dacca: Birth of a Nation, Jacob himself wrote about this plan: "I immediately telephoned Air Vice Marshal Devasher the very competent Senior Air Staff Officer at Eastern Air Command in Shillong. We felt that a disruption of the meeting would spur the Governor to accept the surrender calls."

The Indian Air Force launched its first airstrike on the Governor's House at 11:15am.

Shortly after the strike, British journalist Gavin Young of The Observer visited the Governor's House to meet John Kelly, a representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In his book Worlds Apart, Young wrote that a panic-stricken Malik asked Kelly for advice on what to do at that critical moment. Kelly avoided the question as he was not willing to involve the UN in the matter.

When the airstrikes resumed, Dr Malik resigned from his position as governor and moved to the Intercontinental Hotel.

Amid this edgy situation in Dhaka, at 1:30pm, Pakistan's President Yahya Khan instructed Lt Gen AAK Niazi, the chief of staff of the eastern command, to take necessary steps to save lives. The message reached Dhaka at 3:00pm and by the evening, Niazi began the process of initiating a ceasefire.

A detailed account of how Niazi moved towards the ceasefire is documented in Siddiq Salik's book, Witness to Surrender. During the Liberation War, Salik served in Dhaka as the chief public relations officer under Tikka Khan and Niazi.

According to Salik's account, while drafting the ceasefire agreement, Niazi initially considered involving China and the Soviet Union as mediators. However, he eventually chose US Consul General Herbert Daniel Spivack in Dhaka as the intermediary.

Maj Gen Rao Farman Ali, the governor's adviser, accompanied Niazi to meet Spivack. Initially, Niazi held a private meeting with Spivack and requested Spivack to mediate a ceasefire agreement with India. However, Spivack declined to act as a mediator.

"I cannot negotiate a cease fire on your behalf. I can only send a message if you like," Spivack said.

At this point, Rao Farman Ali was summoned to draft the ceasefire message to be sent to Indian Army Chief General Sam Manekshaw.

Once the draft was finalised, Spivack remarked, "It will be transmitted in twenty minutes."

However, that night, Spivack did not send the draft to India; instead, he forwarded it to Washington.

In Witness to Surrender, Siddiq Salik wrote, "At that time, the US government tried to contact President Yahya Khan, but he was unreachable."

General Jacob in Surrender at Dacca noted that apparently Spivack had sent the message to their ambassador in Islamabad who in turn sent it to the State Department in Washington.

On December 15, just a day before the final victory, Pakistan sent a ceasefire proposal to Manekshaw. Both sides agreed to a ceasefire from 5:00pm on December 15 to 9:00am on December 16, which was later extended to 3:00pm.

Also on December 15, Poland proposed a 72-hour ceasefire at the United Nations Security Council, and called for the transfer of power to the elected representatives of East Pakistan.

Pakistan's representative at the UN, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, reacted angrily.

In a report titled "Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Denouncing U.N. Security Council" published in The New York Times on December 16, Bhutto is quoted as saying: "I do not want to return with a surrender document
The Security Council has completely failed
They are only bringing up proposals for surrender in Dhaka. But why? Because their objective is the fall of Dhaka. But what will happen if Dhaka falls? What will happen if all of East Pakistan falls?"

Towards the end of his speech, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto tore up the ceasefire proposal document while declaring the intention to continue the war, and then walked out of the session.

On the same day, the presence of 20 Soviet naval ships in the Indian Ocean, supported by the Indian Navy, forced the US Seventh Fleet to change course. This destroyed the last hope of the Pakistanis. Earlier, on December 10, the US fleet had departed from Saigon towards the Indian Ocean, crossing the Malacca Strait on the night of December 13/14.

At 10:00am on December 15, India informed the Bangladesh government of Pakistan's imminent surrender. Colonel Das, an Indian liaison officer, conveyed the message to Faruq Aziz Khan, the personal secretary of the prime minister of Bangladesh.

In his book Basanta 1971, Faruq Aziz Khan writes that General Aurora spoke to Tajuddin Ahmad that night. Aurora stated that General Jacob would arrive in Dhaka at 10:00am the next day to implement the remaining decisions based on the ground situation.

The following morning, at 9:15am, General Manekshaw instructed General Jacob to ensure the surrender was completed by evening.

The entire nation awaited the final victory. By December 15, Gazipur was liberated from the occupation forces, leaving the Pakistani army effectively encircled in Dhaka.

According to General Jacob's book Surrender at Dacca, Major General Gandharv Singh Nagra reached the outskirts of Dhaka at 9:00am on December 16. From the end of Mirpur Bridge, General Nagra sent a message to the Pakistani outpost: "Dear Abdullah [Niazi], I am at Mirpur bridge. Send your representative."

At that time, Niazi was at the East Pakistan army headquarters in Dhaka cantonment. Upon receiving the message, he became utterly bewildered. He had been expecting General Jacob. Eventually, Pakistani Major General Jamshed welcomed General Nagra and escorted him to the cantonment.

Meanwhile, around 1:00pm, General Jacob and Colonel MS Khara, an intelligence officer, arrived at Tejgaon Airport by helicopter, carrying the surrender documents. They were received by Pakistani Brigadier Bakar Siddiqui and John Kelly, the UN representative in Dhaka. From there, Jacob proceeded to the East Pakistan army headquarters to discuss the surrender. He was greeted by General Niazi, Rao Farman Ali, and Major General Jamshed, commander of 36 Division of the Pakistan Army.

At one point, General Jacob and Colonel Khara entered Niazi's office to discuss the terms of surrender. General Nagra was already present there. The Pakistanis still believed they would be signing a ceasefire agreement rather than a surrender document.

Inside Niazi's office, discussions on the surrender began. The room fell silent as Colonel Khara read out the terms of surrender one by one. Tears rolled down Niazi's cheeks.

Eventually, Niazi agreed to surrender but expressed his desire to complete the process at his office. Jacob informed him that the Indian Army had planned for a public surrender ceremony at the Racecourse Maidan.

This finalised the arrangements for the formal surrender.

"Dhaka fell silently, like a heart patient succumbing to death," Siddiq Salik wrote describing the surrender negotiations in his book.

Later that afternoon, senior officials from the Allied Forces and the Mukti Bahini arrived in Dhaka from India by helicopter. Among them were General Aurora and Deputy Chief of Staff of the Mukti Bahini, A K Khandker.

Since Colonel Osmani was stationed in the liberated areas of Sylhet, A K Khandker was selected to represent the Mukti Bahini at the surrender ceremony in his absence.

In his book 1971: Bhitore Baire, AK Khandker writes, "On a late afternoon, we landed at Tejgaon Airport in a helicopter. As we descended, we saw thousands of people standing along the roads. We boarded a jeep and headed towards the Racecourse Ground. On our way, we witnessed people brimming with joy, their faces lit with smiles and an aura of relief."

From December 15, radio broadcasts about the impending surrender had already signalled Dhaka's residents that the event would take place post-noon. The city streets were charged with an electric atmosphere. By midday, the Racecourse Ground had transformed into a sea of people, with hundreds of thousands gathering in jubilant anticipation.

Amid the chants and slogans of the crowd, General Aurora and General Niazi, along with other generals, entered the Racecourse Ground.

In Witness to Surrender, Siddiq Salik describes the scene, "The vast ground bubbled with emotional Bengali crowds. They were all keen to witness the public humiliation of a West Pakistani General. The occasion was also to formalise the birth of Bangla desh."

Amid this fervour, the surrender ceremony commenced. First, a joint contingent of Pakistani and Indian forces presented a Guard of Honour to General Aurora. The surrender document was then placed on the table. General Niazi signed first, followed by General Aurora. As per the tradition of surrender, Niazi handed over his revolver to General Aurora.

Bangladesh burst into celebration. Some were speechless with joy, while others took to the streets in victory processions across the country.

Recalling the victorious moment, 77-year-old Abdal Hossain from the Rahmatganj area of Old Dhaka told The Daily Star, "We knew from the radio that the surrender would happen that day. By afternoon, the streets of Dhaka were packed with people. Some even started dancing in the streets. After hearing the news of the surrender, hundreds of people marched with flags. At that moment, everyone forgot who was friend and who was foe."

Overcome with emotion, he added, "That day was the only time in my life I saw my father cry."​
 

A tribute long overdue
We must promptly complete the martyred intellectuals’ list


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As we observe Martyred Intellectuals' Day today, honouring the bright minds of this land who were brutally murdered by the Pakistani occupation forces with the help of their local collaborators before our liberation in 1971, it is deeply disappointing that we have yet to finalise a complete list of these martyred intellectuals. Reportedly, the Ministry of Liberation War Affairs initiated efforts in 2020 to prepare a comprehensive list, as no complete record has been compiled even after five decades of the country's independence. Although the work was supposed to be completed by December 16 this year, it has remained suspended since July, casting uncertainty over its progress.

Over the past four years, the ministry published four gazettes listing the names of 560 intellectuals based on recommendations from a national committee, which also had a sub-committee to scrutinise the list. However, the sub-committee held its last meeting on July 1, and there have been no updates on the project since then. It appears that the political transition in the country might have created a vacuum in the committees, stalling progress. Some committee members have anonymously suggested that the work was postponed to avoid potential debates over the number of martyred intellectuals. Nevertheless, we believe that transparency and efficiency in the enlisting process can prevent any such controversy.

There should be no controversy or disagreement about the invaluable roles these intellectuals played in shaping the course of our history. These luminaries—academics, journalists, politicians, artists, litterateurs, philosophers, scientists, physicians, and engineers—played a pivotal role in the mass movements against the widespread inequality and oppression of the Pakistani regime, culminating in our Liberation War. Beginning on the night of March 25, 1971, the Pakistani army, aided by local collaborators, started abducting and killing these intellectual leaders. As their defeat became imminent, they intensified efforts to eliminate these prominent figures in the lead-up to December 16, 1971, to intellectually paralyse the emerging nation. Their loss has left an irreplaceable void in the intellectual sphere of the country.

Compiling a complete list of these national icons and learning from their lives and contributions is more critical now than ever, as we endeavour to build a nation free from discrimination following the ouster of a 15-year autocratic regime. Numerous sources exist from which information about the martyred intellectuals can be collected. For example, their names can be found in Shaheed Buddhijibi Koshgrantha, the 1972 documentary Bangladesh, Banglapedia, postal stamps, and various books and research works. These sources should be properly verified to ensure accuracy and inclusivity, avoiding any disputes.

We, therefore, urge the interim government to promptly resume the initiative to create a comprehensive list of martyred intellectuals and complete this vital project without further delay.​
 

Victory Day today
Solamain Salman 16 December, 2024, 00:27

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Dhaka University students make a flag in the TSC compound on Sunday on the eve of Victory Day. | Sony Ramani

The nation today celebrates the 54th Victory Day, remembering the heroic freedom fighters’ supreme sacrifices to free the country from the marauding Pakistani military in the War of Independence.

This year, Victory Day arrives with a call to build a new Bangladesh with renewed vigour and zeal as mass people led by undaunted students brought the downfall of the autocratic Awami League regime on August 5.

The nation would take a renewed pledge to translate into reality the hopes and aspirations of the War of Independence in 1971 and the mass uprising in 2024.

People from all walks of life from dawn will visit the National Memorial at Savar and other memorials across the country to pay tribute to the martyrs of 1971, who sacrificed their lives for the nation.

Law enforcement agencies, including Dhaka Metropolitan Police, took measures to ensure foolproof security, alongside maintaining law and order and enforcing proper traffic management enabling peaceful observance of Victory Day.

On the night of March 25, 1971, the Pakistani

occupation forces launched an onslaught on the Bangalee community and committed genocide on the unsuspecting and unarmed people.

The War of Independence was preceded by 23 years of intense political struggle for democracy and national identity.

The commander of 92,000 marauding troops of the Pakistan military, Lieutenant General AAK Niazi, surrendered at Ramna Race Course, now Suhrawardy Udyan, in Dhaka on December 16, 1971.

On the eve of the 54th Victory Day, President Mohammed Shahabuddin in a message greeted the nation.

‘Contribute more to build a country free of corruption, implement the goals of the Liberation War and establish a society free from exploitation,’ he said.

He put emphasis on institutionalising the country’s democracy that was earned through the sacrifice of millions of martyred lives.

The head of the state also said that the country’s political parties would have to nurture the culture of mutual respect and of tolerance of others’ opinion in this connection to take the nation towards building a prosperous ‘New Bangladesh’.

The dream to build a Bangladesh free from discrimination and corruption that people envisioned through the student-mass uprising in July-August this year, will be realised soon, he also hoped.

In a separate message given on the eve of Victory Day, chief adviser to the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus vowed to work together to build a prosperous and well-governed Bangladesh as his government was formed through the mass uprising in which students, workers and people took part as a united force.

Remembering with due respect the brave martyrs’ supreme sacrifices in the War of Independence, the chief adviser said, ‘The “Victory Day” is not only our source of pride, but our oath day, too.’

The oath was to remain united, protect the country’s sovereignty and uphold the spirit of the War of Independence, he added.

President Mohammed Shahabuddin and chief adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus will pay homage to the martyrs of the War of Independence by placing wreaths at the National Memorial at Savar on the outskirts of the capital at dawn today.

Political parties, socio-cultural and professional organisations and academic institutions are expected to follow them to place wreaths at the memorial.

The national flag will be hoisted atop government, semi-government and private offices and autonomous bodies across the country. The day would be welcomed with 31 gun salutes at sunrise in the capital, districts, and upazilas.

Political parties, socio-cultural and professional organisations as well as educational institutions, have taken elaborate programmes to celebrate Victory Day.

Improved diet will be served in prisons, hospitals, elderly people’s homes and orphanages across the country marking the day which is a public holiday.

Victory day programmes also include decorating city streets with miniature national flags and illuminating important public establishments, roads and street islands.

Newspapers will publish special supplements, and television channels and radio stations will air special programmes.

On the occasion, Bangladesh Nationalist Party and its affiliate organisations will hold discussion meetings and rallies across the country.

The party will hoist the national and party flags at all party offices in the early hours Monday, pay homage at the National Memorial in Savar at 7:30am, lay wreaths at the grave of BNP founder and former president Ziaur Rahman at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar in the capital.

Marking the day, ‘Bangladesh First’, a BNP affiliate, will organise a ‘public concert’ at Manik Mia Avenue about 2:00pm.

The Communist Party of Bangladesh, Workers Party of Bangladesh, Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal factions, Revolutionary Workers Party of Bangladesh, Gono Forum, Ganosamhati Andolan, Bhashani Oikyajot, Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy, Bangla Academy, Liberation War Museum, National Press Club, Dhaka Reporters Unity, Dhaka Club, among other organisations, have also taken elaborate programmes to mark the day.​
 

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Politicians want country built on liberation war, uprising spirits
Solamain Salman and Moloy Saha 16 December, 2024, 00:30

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Politicians and academics want a new Bangladesh built on the spirit of the War of Independence and the July-August student-led mass uprising with the aim of establishing equality, human dignity, and social justice, as pledged in the proclamation of independence.

Political landscape of Bangladesh faces a new reality after the ouster of Sheikh Hasina regime with renewed calls to build a society free of discrimination, restore democracy giving people back their right to vote through necessary institutional reforms, they said.

The politicians and academics came up with the observations while talking with New Age ahead of the country’s 54th Victory Day, to be observed today.

They also called for ensuring effective participation of the people in all decision-making processes and taking measures to prevent the rise of fascists.

They blamed successive governments’ policies, political instability, derailment from the spirit of the War of Independence, and opportunism and self-satisfaction of the ruling class for the nonfulfilment of the pledges that made the proclamation of the independence despite some development in economic, education, health and some other sectors.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party standing committee member Nazrul Islam Khan told New Age, ‘We are celebrating this Victory Day in a different manner as it would be held in a fascism-free atmosphere.’

He said, ‘The people were expecting a change for a long time, the BNP also fought for 16 years to bring the change while many leaders and activists fell victims to murder, enforced disappearance and torture.’

Finally the fascist government was deposed in a student-worker-led mass uprising, he added.

‘We fought for 16 years to restore democracy and free the country from fascism, and we partially achieved it as the chief of the fascist government and its ministers fled the country.’ Now, the restoration of democracy is a must and that it is possible through a free, fair and impartial election, he said.

Nazrul hoped that the interim government would make necessary reforms as soon as possible to hold a free, fair and impartial national election to restore democracy.

Noting that on Victory Day in 1971, people had expected equality, human dignity, human rights, social justice, and financial freedom, he also said that the responsibilities of the government to be formed through the next election would be to fulfil these exceptions of the people.

Former Communist Party of Bangladesh president and freedom fighter Mujahiul Islam Selim said that the nation failed to implement the spirit of the War of Independence even after 53 years of victory.

‘After the fall of fascist Hasina’s rule on August 5, we want to build a democratic Bangladesh where the spirit of the War of Independence would be implemented and rights of the people would be established.’ he said.

The left political parties should form a united front for the implementation of programmes for the establishment of a democratic country, Selim added.

Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal–JSD president ASM Abdur Rob said the emergence of a new reality in national politics through the student-led mass uprising also created a great opportunity for the nation to overthrow the old oppressive system.

He said that participatory democracy must be established by further expanding the limited and narrow democracy t0 ensure effective participation of the people in decision-making and implementation processes.

Rob also sought clear guidelines for preventing any kind of fascism, maintaining a balance of power between the executive, the legislature and the judiciary, decentralising power and ensuring the independence and autonomy of state and constitutional institutions.

Socialist Party of Bangladesh adviser Khalequzzaman said that it was the failure of politicians that a democratic country could and rights of the people could not be established in 53 years.

‘We want a democratic transition of the country and the interim government must ensure free, fair and credible elections as early as possible.’ Khalequzzaman said.

Ganosamhati Andolan chief coordinator Zonayed Saki said that after the fall of the fascist Awami League government, the nation wanted to establish an inclusive, democratic and dignified Bangladesh.

‘To achieve this goal, we need a new political settlement,’ Saki added.

Former Jahangirnagar University professor Anu Muhammad said that the main goal of the War of Independence was to establish a democratic, non-communal and discrimination-free democratic Bangladesh, but it was not fulfilled in the past 53 years.

The student-led mass uprising in 2024 happened in the country to establish a new democratic Bangladesh, removing all inequalities from the society, he said.

He said that Bangladesh saw military and non-military autocratic rules repeatedly, but the past 15 years of autocratic rules were violent and anti-people with incidents of enforced disappearance, killing, and torture.

‘Big political parties failed to play a proper role as true political parties; as a result, the change came through the uprising led by students instead of political parties.​
 

Victory Day: time for reflections of all concerned
16 December, 2024, 00:00

BANGLADESH practically emerged independent this day, 53 years ago, after a nine-month war of national liberation against the occupation forces of Pakistan. The Bangladesh war, politically presided over by the Awami League with the help of neighbouring India, was won when the Pakistan forces surrendered to the joint forces of Bangladesh and India in Dhaka on December 16, 1971.

Nevertheless, when the people of Bangladesh happily celebrate the 53rd anniversary of its national victory today, the League that politically led the liberation war is nowhere on the scene and India that helped earn the country’s independence is disliked by most of its people. Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League that had retained power through rigged elections particularly since 2014 and had autocratically ruled the country for 15 years since 2008, was overthrown amid a democratically oriented student-mass uprising on August 5 this year, forcing Hasina to flee Dhaka and take refuge in Delhi. Delhi, after all, provided continuous political and diplomatic support for Hasina’s authoritarian regime for the past 15 years, obviously in exchange for many an undue privilege granted by Dhaka. Leaders of Indian political and diplomatic establishments would do well to have some reflections on whether they did pursue the right path, in terms of doing justice to the potential of mutually beneficial relationship between the two countries, in continuously supporting the League’s authoritarian regime against the collective interests of the people of Bangladesh. The League is also free to reflect on whether the party has done justice even to itself, let alone the whole country, by distorting the liberation war narrative, repressing political opponents and intellectual dissenters, destroying various state institutions for partisan gains, weakening the economy by plunders and capital flights, committing crimes against humanity by conducting enforced disappearances and, finally, brutally killing more than a thousand political protesters before being overthrown from power.

Meanwhile, the interim government of Muhammad Yunus, installed on the victory of a bloodied student-mass uprising against the League’s autocratic regime, needs to reflect on the hopes and aspirations that the democratically oriented people had fought for in the July-August period. The slogans, written on the wall during the mass uprising, some of those are still visible in the cities, clearly suggest that the people fought to pave the way for implementing certain democratic ideals in society that the people had fought the country’s liberation war for — equality, social justice and human dignity. The interim government, which is not an elected one but derives legitimacy from the victory of the people’s movement, is not expected to solve all the problems that Bangladesh is confronting now. However, it is expected to carry out some democratic reforms that would, on the one hand, pave the way for holding genuinely free and fair national elections as soon as possible and, on the other hand, force the next elected government to run affairs of the state under the dictates of the democratic spirit of the country’s great liberation war.​
 

Chief Adviser renews oath of independence on Victory Day
UNB
Published :
Dec 15, 2024 21:37
Updated :
Dec 15, 2024 21:37

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Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus on Sunday said the Victory Day, to be celebrated on December 16, is not only their source of pride but also oath day.

“The oath is to remain united, protect the sovereignty of the country, and uphold the spirit of the Liberation War,” he said in a message on the occasion of Victory Day.

On this day, Dr Yunus remembered the brave martyrs of the freedom struggle with respect and honoured their sacrifices.

“We promise to work together to build a developed, prosperous, and well-governed Bangladesh by the interim government formed through the mass uprising of the students, workers, and people,” he said.

Dr Yunus said they are determined to further develop and strengthen the country and enjoy the full benefits of freedom.

“Today is 16th December, Victory Day. This day is a very glorious and memorable day in Bangladesh’s history,” he said.

On December 16, 1971, Dr Yunus said Bangladesh gained the taste of freedom and self-identity as a nation through the victory in the War of Independence.

“We get our desired freedom in exchange for the blood and sacrifice of millions of martyrs,” he said, adding that “I wish Victory Day 2024 a great success.”​
 

Undying spirit of Victory Day
Editorial
Published :
Dec 16, 2024 00:42
Updated :
Dec 16, 2024 00:42

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The ethos of the Bangalees was at its most effervescent on this day 53 years ago. This could not be otherwise because for the first time in modern history, the dream of a sovereign country the people of this land has long aspired for materialised on this day with their victory over the occupation forces of Pakistan. Blessed were those who lived to take part in or witnessed the victory celebration. On this day the nation stood tall and those who stayed back home in constant fear for their lives and future as well as suffered physical and mental trauma broke free from the mental circumspection. They were now a people liberated from the inhibition imposed on them by the dictatorial Pakistani rulers and their marauding military. Although the declaration of independence came on March 26, the following nine months were one of the bloodiest episodes in human history with the Pakistani armed forces carrying out genocide and what they codenamed 'scorched earth' policy.

So, to arrive at the dream destination, the nation had to embark on a tortuous course of defence against one of the fiercest, brutal and immoral armies in the world. Three million Bangalees mostly unarmed were massacred and 300,000 girls and women were subjected to rape and sexual repression. More than 10 million people had to flee the country and take shelter in refugee camps in India. Finally, on the eve of their surrender when they were sure of their defeat to the allied Indian army and Muktibahini, the Pakistani debased forces in collusion with their local collaborators Al-Shams and Razakars went on a vicious annihilation plan of the Bangalee intellectuals and highly talented professionals. It was a sinister blueprint executed meticulously aimed at making the emerging nation devoid of talent and intellect. They were picked up only to be killed and dumped in the killing fields of Rayerbazar and Mirpur.

Clearly, the people of this land achieved the victory on December 16, 1971 at a heavy price — well beyond it could afford. So the jubilation on such an occasion was somewhat tempered by the tragedy suffered. Many families were haunted by the untimely loss of their brave sons and daughters who had sacrificed their lives either in fight on the war front or in other unusual circumstances. The bitter-sweet memory of the time is still fresh in the minds of all who survived the war.

The Liberation War of this order should have made the nation humble and reflective in order to decide its post-liberation course of action and journey as judiciously as possible. But apart from rhetoric the meaning of victory in such an extensive war started fading. Winning independence is one thing and rebuilding the country and structuring society are quite another. On that count, the power wielders and the privileged have failed the nation time and again. It is exactly for this reason, there were military coups, counter-coups and uprisings against anti-people rulers who have bred corruption, abused power and perpetuated lawlessness and injustice in the system of dispensation and in society. Yet again, the country finds itself on a crossroads. Options before the nation are not many---either it will sanctify the spirit of unity that earned victory against all odds in 1971 or if it fails there is no knowing how and where things will end up. The Victory Day serves as a fountainhead of encapsulated national ethos. Let it be the guiding force behind this nation's fresh journey.​
 

Message of 54th Victory Day
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Dec 16, 2024 00:40
Updated :
Dec 16, 2024 00:40

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Muktijuddho' by Zainul Abedin (Ink and wash painting) - Collected

The 54th Victory Day of Bangladesh will go down in history as one that followed yet another unique revolution, the student-led mass uprising of August 5 that has changed the course of the nation's history. The Victory Day of Bangladesh is itself unique in that there is no other nation in the world whose declaration of independence from the shackles of occupying power and the day when it celebrated its deliverance from the forces of occupation is separated by about nine months. Indeed, Bangladesh has a chequered history when it comes to its revolutions. But why has Bangladesh experienced so many revolutions? Because, just freeing the nation from the clutches of colonial powers did not bring the complete freedom from exploitation and oppression that the people fought and made supreme sacrifices for. In fact, the nation's independence proved to be as good as changing hands from the foreign colonisers to the domestic exploiters and oppressors of the common people. The party politics that represented the social elites hijacked the people's victory in achieving national liberation and claimed it to be their own. Small wonder that the heroic war the people from all sections of the population fought in the battle field and the all-out support that the masses extended to them found no place, except in lip service, in the history of the liberation war. As expected, that history, too, was written by the official historians representing the political elite. So, what can the nation expect from those so-called historians who reduced the independence war to a mere family history of the elitist nationalists and their imagined exploits in the movements that led to the independence war? Evidently, the common people were disillusioned with the political leadership of the post-liberation Bangladesh. The popular movements the official historians narrate as the work of their chosen heroes are actually the struggles of the masses. But stories of their achievements, again, are attributed in the same way to the demagogy of some rabble-rousers serving the interests of elite class. To be frank, the nationalistic narrative of the liberation war so proudly described in the literary works, arts, songs and dramas is purely about the supremacy of one ethnic group of people over another to justify the domination of the majority ethnic or religious group over the rest of the people, who are the minorities, in a country. Needless to say, nationalism is a powerful divisive force that champions of the nationalistic narratives in power use to divide people and brand popular struggles as anti-national. Since independence, the ruling class of Bangladesh under different party names claiming that they were the real standard-bearers of nationhood born of the nationalism the war of indendepence stood for. During the last fifty-three years that the country has been celebrating its victory from foreign oppressors, the ruling class has been telling the story of how the non-Bengali foreigners had exploited them and how cruel they were. But the truth is the post-independence rulers were no angels either given their records of own records of cruelty in crushing popular dissent by brute force and looting whatever the common people could achieve through their hard work. Why is that history drenched in blood of the common people has no place in literature and works of art of the post-independence champions of nationalism, secularism, etc.? The truth is they have already become the apologists of the domestic colonisers of the common people. The new generation of young people who are free from any hangover from the pre-and-early post-independence days are not ready to be impressed by the hackneyed stories of 'glorious past'. They want a radical change of the existing order. So, they stood up unarmed against the power of the ruthless, fascistic state run by the exponents of the old order.

Some intellectuals belonging to the so-called progressive class often express their unhappiness, frustration and fear over the fact that the new generation might be losing its connection with what they believe to be the nation's glorious history. But there is no reason to think that the members of new generation are unaware of that history. On the contrary, they are better informed. The only difference is that unlike the older generation, the new generation sees the past as it was in an unbiased manner and not through the prism of idealism that basically rests on a false premise. The failure of the past governments to be true to whatever idealisms they professed has opened the new generation's eyes to the truth. So, there is hardly any point lecturing the modern-day youths about any imagined history to take inspiration from.

This is not only in Bangladesh. Wherever across the globe the new generation is standing up against the old order, they are proving to be iconoclastic. They were so when the Soviet Russia collapsed in December 1991. They were equally heretical during the so-called colour revolutions in the Middle East. Though most of those revolutions failed in that the old order in most cases remained in place, it does not mean that the new generation's appetite for change has no point. In fact, the struggles for breaking the old order are mostly experimental in nature. Since the present time is pregnant with the potential for radical change, similar revolutions will continue to take place until the real change occurs somewhere. In that case, there should be no room for complacency on the part of the old guard. Seeing that everywhere, the flagbearers of the status quo are behaving desperately to protect or even further advance their revivalist agenda, the new generation is not going to surrender their dream to the forces of reaction. Rather it is only further cementing their resolve to overthrow the bastion of reaction and build a new society. This is the message of the 54th Victory Day of Bangladesh.​
 

The Bijoy Dibosh and its various dimensions
Muhammad Zamir
Published :
Dec 16, 2024 00:21
Updated :
Dec 16, 2024 00:32

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Pakistani Army Comander in the Eastern Command, Lt General A. A. K. Niazi (R) signing the Instrument of Surrender in front of General Officer Commanding in Chief of India and Bangladesh Forces in the Eastern Theatre, Lt General Jagjit Singh Aurora (L) on December 16, 1971 in Dhaka —Collected Photo

December 16 is a national holiday in Bangladesh and celebrated to commemorate the defeat of the Pakistan armed forces in the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971 and the emergence of an independent Bangladesh. It commemorates the Instrument of Surrender wherein the Commander of the Pakistani forces surrendered to the Commander of the joint forces of Mukti Bahini and the Indian army, thereby ending the nine-month Bangladesh Liberation War.

This whole process, to a great extent, was taken forward through a statement made by Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in the Indian Parliament on December 6, 1971 acknowledging Bangladesh as a free and sovereign State. She said, "I am glad to inform the House that in the light of the existing situation and in response to the repeated requests of the Government of Bangladesh, the Government of India has, after most careful consideration, decided to grant recognition to the Gonoprojatontri Bangladesh." Following this declaration Pakistan untied all ties with India and the Pakistan Election Commission suspended the by-polls in "East Pakistan" due to the start of the Indo-Pakistan war. The election had been scheduled to be held on December 7, 1971. On the same day Bhutan also gave recognition to Bangladesh.

It also marked the official secession of East Pakistan to become the new State of Bangladesh. This day and event are also commemorated across India as the "Vijay Diwas."

The surrender took place at the Ramna Race Course in Dhaka. Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, General Officer Commanding in Chief of India and Bangladesh Forces in the Eastern Theatre, also signed the instrument amid thousands of cheering crowds at the racecourse. Air Commodore A.K. Khandker Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Bangladesh Armed Forces and Lieutenant General J.F.R. Jacob of the Indian Eastern Command, acted as witnesses to the surrender. Also present were Vice Admiral Mohammad Shariff, Commander of the Pakistani Naval Eastern Command and Air Vice Marshal Patrick D. Callaghan of the Pakistan Air Forces Eastern Air Force Command.

It would be worthwhile for the readers to go through the text of the Instrument of Surrender: "The Pakistan Eastern Command agree to surrender all Pakistan Armed Forces in Bangla Desh to Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora, General Officer Commanding-in- Chief of the India and BanglaDesh joint forces in the Eastern Theatre. This surrender includes all Pakistan land, air and naval forces as also all para-military forces and civil armed forces. These forces will lay down their arms and surrender at the places where they are currently located to the nearest regular troops under the command of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora.

The Pakistan Eastern Command shall come under the orders of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora as soon as this instrument has been signed. Disobedience of orders will be regarded as a breach of the surrender terms and will be dealt with in accordance with the accepted laws and usages of war. The decision of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora will be final- should any doubt arise as to the meaning or interpretation of the surrender terms.

Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora gives a solemn assurance that personnel who surrender shall be treated with dignity and respect that soldiers are entitled to in accordance with the provisions of the Geneva Convention and guarantees the safety and well-being of all Pakistan military and para-military forces who surrender. Protection will be provided to foreign nationals, ethnic minorities and personnel of West Pakistan origin by the forces under the command of Lieutenant-General Jagjit Singh Aurora.

The Pakistani Instrument of Surrender was a legal document signed between India (alongside the Provisional Government of Bangladesh) and Pakistan to end the Bangladesh Liberation War and the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971. Consistent with the Trilateral Agreement, the Pakistani government surrendered the Armed Forces to Eastern Command, thereby enabling the establishment of the People's Republic of Bangladesh over the territory of East Pakistan. The document also corroborated the surrender of 93,000 Pakistani soldiers - the world's largest surrender in terms of number of personnel since World War II.

No reference to Bijoy Dibosh can be concluded without reference to the onslaught carried out by the Pakistan armed forces and their collaborators on the intelligentsia of Bangladesh during the Liberation War in 1971. Educationists, scientists, intellectuals, litterateurs, journalists, artists, lawyers, doctors, political leaders-- none could escape the cruel clutch of the Pakistani forces and their local collaborators. The list of those who were killed include: Professors- A.N.M. Munier Choudhury, Dr. G.C. Dev, Jyotirmoy Guha Thakurata, Ghiasuddin Ahmed; Journalists- Sirajuddin Hossain, Shahidulla Kaiser, A.N.M. Ghulam Mustafa, Abul Bashar, Selina Akhter; Physicians- Md. Fazle Rabbi, Abdul Alim Chowdhury, Mrs. Ayesha Bedoura Chowdhury, R.C. Das, Lt. Ziaur Rahman, Major Rezaur Rahman, Lt. Col. Jahangir, Asadul Haq and also Cultural persons like-Zahir Raihan, Ferdous Dowla, Altaf Mahmud and Dhirendra Nath Dutta,

Few nations have ever made so great a sacrifice in so short a time in terms of blood and loss of human lives. In this context one must also remember the colossal destruction wrought and the heavy damages caused to property. There are few parallels of this in history. Such instance of perpetrating inhuman torture on innocent and unarmed people, especially women, have rarely taken place in history.

However, the historic December 16 on which the country was delivered from tyrannical army rule, was forgotten for a time by the oppressed and downtrodden people through the success of the great victory. The Bangladeshis, on that day, saw their success as a step towards the creation of a Golden Bengal as dreamt by Bangabandhu.

In this regard, one also needs to recall how the Pakistan government tried to exterminate Bengali language and script. This design reached its culmination towards the early part of 1952. The intellectuals and students voiced their protest against each of the unjust moves that had been undertaken and expressed their resentment through strikes and demonstrations. The end result was that the soil of Bangladesh, was stained with blood on 21st February on the question of establishing their cultural rights.

With the liberation of Bangladesh on December 16, 1971, the country stepped into the next phase of her national life-- the struggle for survival, which can only be described as dramatic and challenging. In the few months that was to follow, Bangladesh had to coordinate herself into one compact unit to overcome the staggering problems that arose in the aftermath of 1971. Her first test came on the question of rehabilitation of the more than ten million refugees who had sought shelter in India during the period of turmoil. They had to be provided with ration and basic transportations to go back to where they belonged in the different areas of Bangladesh. Depleted granaries had to be replenished with overnight imports, and the disrupted communications network restored for flow of people and materials. Tools of production whether in the fields, factories or homestead had to be repaired and raw materials had to be contracted for, and rushed in to feed the productive efforts. Food and clothing had to be procured in bulk to meet the daily exigencies-- each one as serious as the other. Efforts were also undertaken to restore port facilities immediately, develop water transport, repair railway network and also civil aviation.

It is creditable that the newly constituted government in the newly independent country, took on the entire question of reconstruction and rehabilitation with complete sincerity. Despite overwhelming odds, we created a recovery programme that saved the entire population.

Muhammad Zamir, a former Ambassador, is an analyst specialised in foreign affairs, right to information and good governance.​
 

How our red and green came to be


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The fluttering red and green never fails to inspire pride and joy.

A crimson disc against a dark green background to signify our verdant plains and blazing sun, the national flag's meaning reaches much deeper than just the circle and rectangle on the surface.

The crimson is also to signify the blood of martyrs and the green, the vitality of our people.

Come every national celebration, there is a deluge of red and green that has come to represent Bangladesh.

The flag is a symbol of unity and patriotism, it is a symbol of defiance and resistance uniting the people in their fight against exploitation, injustice and discriminations.

The first flag, however, was slightly different than today's one: inside the crimson disc was a map of Bangladesh in the colour gold.

The history of this flag dates way back from the Liberation War. It was conceptualised, with green and gold, back in 1966, as those who designed it had a liberated Bangladesh on their mind.


HOW IT WAS CONCEIVED

The Agartala Conspiracy Case, which was framed by the Pakistan government in 1968 during the Ayub Khan regime, was filed against 35 people, including Awami League chief Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, some in-service and ex-service army personnel, and high government officials.

According to the charge sheet, Moazzem Hossain, a lieutenant commander of the Pakistan navy and number two accused in the case, convened a meeting at his Nasirabad Housing Society residence in Chattogram in June 1966. There, he showed the attendees a diary that contained some guidelines for the formation of the proposed independent country "Bangladesh".

The charge sheet also claimed a flag of green and gold was also shown at that meeting. (Agartala sharajantra mamla: prasangik dalilpatra by Shahida Begum)

That was the first known concept and primary draft of the flag.

A second draft was done by the students in 1970. It was done in one night.

The idea was generated by the Shadhin Bangla Nucleus, a secret organisation formed in 1962 that played a crucial role in taking the independence struggle to its zenith.

Chhatra League and Jatiyo Sramik Jote (National Workers Unity) decided to hold a reception for Sheikh Mujib at the Paltan Maidan on June 7, 1970. Chhatra League later decided to form a special force (Joy Bangla Bahini) and give Mujib a guard of honour. (Bangalir Jatio Rastro: Kazi Aref Ahmed)

Following the decision, the Nucleus gave its leader Kazi Aref Ahmed the responsibility to organise the guard of honour, and the then Dhaka University Central Students' Union vice president ASM Abdur Rab was made commander of the "Joy Bangla Bahini".

The Nucleus decided that a "battalion flag" would be presented to Mujib at the parade. The main responsibility for preparing that flag was then given to Kazi Aref Ahmed. (Swadhinata Soshostro Songram Ebong Agamir Bangladesh by Sirajul Alam Khan)

On the evening of June 6, a day before the parade, Kazi Aref informed student leaders Monirul Islam, Shahjahan Siraj and ASM Abdur Rab about the Nucleus's decision to make a flag. He spoke to them in room 116 of the then Iqbal Hall (now Shahid Sergeant Zahurul Huq Hall).

Aref further said this battalion flag would be the national flag of a liberated Bangladesh.

Monirul and Rab suggested the dark green background of the flag, while Siraj proposed adding the red.

Aref then drew a dark green flag with a red sun right at its centre and showed it to everyone. The Nucleus's high-command Sirajul Alam Khan endorsed the design.

The Pakistan government, meanwhile, was spreading a propaganda that there was a plot afoot to create "United States of Bengal". So, Aref then proposed adding a golden map of Bangladesh in the centre of the red sun.

As his reasoning, he said Pakistan often spread propaganda saying Bangladesh's logical movement was supported by or had the involvement of India or Indian infiltrators and agents.

The Pakistan administration used to distribute an imaginary map of "United States of Bengal", which contained India's West Bengal, Assam, and Tripura along with East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and Myanmar's Arakan. This was done to undermine the Bangalees' demand for autonomy.

To ensure the flag was protected from such propaganda, the map of Bangladesh was then placed on the red disc and the colour golden was chosen to signify jute and ripe paddy.

Once it was decided upon, Kamrul Alam Khan Khasru was sent to buy the fabric -- he picked out dark green and red fabric from one Apollo Shop in New Market.

He then had the flag sewn at Pak Fashion on the third floor of Balaka Building. A Pakistani tailor Abdul Khalek sewed the Bangladesh flag.

Once the green and red flag was sewn, the challenge was to paint the map of golden Bengal on it. Shib Narayan Das, a member of secret students' organisation Swadhin Bangla Biplobi Parishad, was called to Iqbal Hall for this purpose.

However, Shib Narayan said he could only colour the map but not draw it. Hasanul Haque Inu and Yusuf Salauddin Ahmed then went to Enamul Haque, a student of East Pakistan University of Engineering and Technology (now Buet), who drew the map of East Pakistan on tracing paper.

Shib Narayan then used a matchstick to trace the map and used golden paint to colour it in.

Thus, the design of the flag of a liberated Bangladesh was complete.

That very night, it was approved at a meeting in room 116 of Iqbal Hall and the next morning, Sheikh Mujib presented the "battalion flag" to the "Joy Bangla Bahini". Commander ASM Abdur Rab received it.

The process of making the flag involved 22 student leaders, who did the entire work in secrecy.

THE FIRST HOISTING

The flag was hoisted for the first time on March 2, 1971, by members of the Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad, an alliance established in 1969 in Dhaka University.

It comprised the main student organisations, whose objective was to wage a movement for the autonomy of East Pakistan and putting an end to the autocratic rule of Ayub Khan.

On behalf of the students, DUCSU VP ASM Rab hoisted the flag at a rally called by the Parishad to protest General Yahya Khan's sudden postponement of the national assembly session scheduled for March 3.

The rally was conducted at Bot Tola but Rab hoisted the flag at the rooftop at the southwest side of the Fine Arts building to ensure it was high enough for all to see.

Recalling the memories of that day, ASM Rab told The Daily Star that he only discharged the historical duty as it was unanimous decision by the Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad.

"There was no specific flag and anthem in any country before liberation. Bangladesh is a rare example where a decision was made finalising a flag and an anthem before the country was even liberated," he said, adding that hoisting the flag inspired freedom-loving students and people and sparked in them the hunger for liberation.

"We had no alternative to an armed revolution then, and hoisting the flag became the emblem of the patriotic spirit of the Bangalees."

On the Republic Day of Pakistan (March 23), the Joy Bangla Bahini burned the Pakistan flag and hoisted the red and green one in its stead.

The flag was later taken to Sheikh Mujib's Dhanmondi-32 residence and he hoisted it there.

The first post-liberation cabinet meeting was held on January 13, 1972. There, Bangabandhu, who chaired the meeting, adopted the first 10 lines of Rabindranath Tagore's "Amar Shonar Bangla" as the national anthem and Kazi Nazrul Islam's "Chol chol chol" as the national marching song.

It was there that the decision to drop the map from the flag was taken and later, Patua Kamrul Hasan gave the national flag its current look.

This flag, a red disc on a green background, then officially became the national flag when the first constitution of Bangladesh was drafted and adopted on November 4, 1972.​
 

The nation celebrates Victory Day
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Photo: Star

The nation today celebrated the 54th Victory Day, the most precious day of the nation, by paying glowing tributes to 1971 Liberation War martyrs and recalling the glorious history, the nation scripted 53 years back by freeing the soil from long subjugation.

On December 16, 1971, Bangladesh was born as an independent state at the cost of the supreme sacrifices of three million people and the honour of nearly half a million women.

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As she holds onto her balloon, this little girl’s smile and the sparkle in her eyes embodies the spirit of Victory Day. In red and green, she was out with her parents to celebrate the occassion in Dhaka’s Dhanmondi area yesterday. Photo: Prabir Das

Marking the day, President Mohammed Shahabuddin and Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus paid homage to the martyrs by placing wreaths at the National Memorial at Savar this morning.

The president laid the wreath at the altar of the National Memorial with the rise of the sun at 6:34am followed by Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus.

He was accompanied by his Timor-Leste counterpart who also paid rich tributes to the martyrs by placing wreaths at the National Memorial.

A contingent drawn from the Bangladesh Army, Navy and Air Force presented the state salute on the occasion.

Injured valiant freedom fighters and their family members, advisers to the interim government, foreign diplomats, invited guests and high-ranking civil and military officials were present on the occasion.

After paying tributes to the war heroes, the president, also a valiant freedom fighter, exchanged greetings with the injured freedom fighters and their family members.

When the president and the chief adviser left the National Memorial premises, people of all strata were allowed to pay their tributes to the 1971 martyrs by placing wreaths.​
 

Contribution of Bir Shrestha will forever be remembered: president

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Photo: PID

A grand reception was held for the family members of the Bir Shrestha (the most valiant heroes) at Bangabhaban this afternoon on the occasion of Victory Day.

It is the highest military award of Bangladesh which was awarded to seven freedom fighters who showed utmost bravery and died in action for their nation.

President Mohammed Shahabuddin extended his greetings to the members of the Bir Shrestha families on the occasion of Victory Day during the reception.

President Mohammed Shahabuddin and First Lady Dr Rebeka Sultana hosted the reception at Bangabhaban today, marking Bangladesh's 54th Victory Day.

"The contributions of Bir Shrestha in the great Liberation War will forever be remembered by the nation," said Shahabuddin.

The president exchanged greetings with the members of the Bir Shrestha families.

Liberation War Affairs Adviser and freedom fighter Bir Protik Faruk-e-Azam was present as a special guest at the ceremony.

Senior Secretary of the President's Office Nasimul Gani and Secretary to the Ministry of Liberation War Affairs Israt Chowdhury presented gifts to the members of the Bir Shrestha families at the event.

President's Military Secretary Maj Gen Mohammad Adil Choudhury and Press Secretary Joynal Abedin were also present.​
 

Our Victory Day and the questions of equality, justice, and human dignity

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VISUAL: SALMAN SAKIB SHAHRYAR

My friend, this is the age-old story:
The people win the fight, the king is sung for victory.
—Kazi Nazrul Islam (translation mine)

Those who wax lyrical about and shed tears over oppression and injustice in the country and the world—while at the same time remaining silent about the questions of capital, empire, state, and class—may appear to be sympathetic to the oppressed, but they actually side with the oppressor and the unjust in the final instance.—Maulana Bhasani (translation mine)

Our Independence Day and Victory Day are organically interconnected, involving the historical vectors and valences that enacted the very becoming-and-being of Bangladesh as a distinct, sovereign state in the hardest political sense of the term. The Italian Marxist revolutionary Antonio Gramsci's famous formulation that "events are the real dialectics of history" aptly captures this relationship. Our Victory Day, celebrated on December 16, derives its significance from the Liberation War of 1971. It is impossible to contemplate the meaning of Victory Day without recognising its roots in the struggle to create an independent Bangladesh. In this reflection—both historical and conjunctural—I set aside the run-of-the-mill military details of the Pakistan army's surrender to explore broader, even unresolved questions surrounding independence and victory.

The emergence of Bangladesh as an independent state followed a victory against the neo-colonial regime of Pakistan and its military oligarchy. This hard-won independence—achieved through the Liberation War—remains the most defining political event in our history. It created conditions, at least initially, for shaping a future free from colonial and neo-colonial domination. Bangladesh's liberation holds a singular place in South Asian history: unlike other nations in the region that achieved independence through ruling-class negotiations with colonial powers, Bangladesh was born of a bloody Liberation War, marked as it was by one of the most horrific genocides in human history.

This war was decisively a people's war, fought predominantly—if not exclusively—through guerrilla tactics and fuelled by the overwhelming participation of the poor. These men, women, and even children bore the brunt of the struggle, suffering the heaviest losses. Women—as freedom fighters—played a pivotal role at multiple levels, including those from ethnic minority communities whose contributions are often elided and erased in mainstream narratives dominated by our national ruling classes, particularly the Awami League. While middle-class Bangalee leaders figure flagrantly in these accounts, how many of us know freedom fighters like Kaket Heninchita, a courageous Khasia woman, or Princha Khen, a young Rakhine girl (just to cite two names, among many others)? What kind of victory did they achieve? What did the poor—who made up the majority of the fighters—truly gain, both then and now? These questions resonate while remaining urgent and unresolved on our Victory Day even today.

Yet, the history of Bangladesh has already been written in blood, even if it remains consigned to a massive blank in the narratives of those who claim the title of "historians" in the professional or disciplinary sense. Mainstream historians often unabashedly apotheosise their so-called "heroes," celebrated as extraordinary individuals; but there are other—and othered—historians and her-storians: peasants, workers, women, minorities, and the oppressed. These people not only make history but also keep it alive through the telling and retelling of their own stories of struggle, shared in solidarity with one another. Their voices challenge us to confront whose stories are remembered, whose victories are honoured, and whose sacrifices are forgotten.

Indeed, the Liberation War of Bangladesh was fought by both ordinary Bangalees and non-Bangalees at immense cost, driven by the hope of building a true "people's republic" predicated on the promises of equality, social justice, and human dignity—the three core principles enshrined in the Proclamation of Independence on April 10, 1971. However, immediately after independence, the middle-class leadership—including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the unparalleled leader of the Liberation War, despite being in jail at the time—perpetrated violence on the very core principles of our liberation movement that his own party initially endorsed. Freedom fighters from poor backgrounds were disarmed and sent back to poverty, while a state was constructed to serve the interests of the rising Bangalee bourgeoisie.

Moreover, it was none other than Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who—his historic contributions and stature notwithstanding—sowed the seeds of fascism (I'm fully aware of how the term "fascism" gets loosely used, but the term has its nationally and historically determinate register and resonance in Bangladesh) by establishing a one-party authoritarian rule. This move also created conditions for the extrajudicial killings—with some estimates pointing to at least 30,000 deaths—as already demonstrated in the superbly researched historiographical work of Badruddin Umar, among others.

Indeed, anti-people ruling-class politicians, their followers, and subservient intellectuals forged and mobilised a proto-fascist tradition of hero-worship and cult-fetishism in the name of Muktijuddher chetona (the spirit of the Liberation War). In doing so, they erased the poor majority from the history of the Liberation War, effectively excluding them from the political, economic, and cultural policies of the new state. Despite subsequent changes in government—whether civil or military—the ruling class has remained unchanged, perpetuating inequality, injustice, and indignity in stark contrast to the core principles of our independence movement. A poignant example is Nagendranath, a courageous freedom fighter from Moulvibazar, who was reduced to begging on the streets of post-independence Bangladesh. His plight singularly serves as a stark reminder of the betrayal faced by those who sacrificed everything for liberation. Indeed, the rise of proto-fascist political and cultural practices during the Mujib era laid the groundwork for the full-blown fascist regime of Sheikh Hasina to which, of course, the 2024 July Mass Movement was nothing short of a powerful response, among other things.

In fact, the July Mass Movement emerged as the largest uprising in the history of Bangladesh. Marked by the sacrifice of over 1,500 martyrs, the movement inaugurated an unprecedented moment in the country's history. For the first time, a politically unaffiliated, student-led mass movement toppled an entrenched fascist autocracy, forcing Sheikh Hasina to flee. This movement's own victory resided not only in its outcome but in its rejection of conventional leadership in favour of a decentralised, almost non-hierarchical model, attesting to the youthful creativity and determination of the students. This truth must be recognised, no matter how the current situation with the interim government appears. Also, the immediate victory of the July uprising was deeply rooted in 15 years of socio-political struggles—often unsuccessful—that, however, fostered discontent and rage—accompanied by political awareness—ultimately culminating in the movement that toppled Sheikh Hasina.

Moreover, a significant triumph of this movement lay in its challenge to the Awami League's fascist-style commodification and idolisation of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In its place, the movement advanced a people-centred narrative of the 1971 Liberation War, accentuating the stubborn historical fact that ordinary individuals—not singular idols—are the true protagonists of this historic struggle. The 2024 mass movement—in which I myself was a direct participant in July and August—repeatedly called attention to the three core principles of our Liberation Movement of 1971—equality, human dignity, and justice—principles erased and violated by the Awami regime but reclaimed through the students' platform. Furthermore, the uprising exemplarily deconstructed the Awami League's long-exploited identitarian binary of "freedom fighter" versus "razakar," revealing its manipulative, authoritarian, and vindictive deployment over decades.

Indeed, the July uprising was a powerful act of resistance against decades of systemic oppression and the betrayal of the Liberation War's core principles. It's not for nothing that the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement platform recurrently declared, "A new Bangladesh will be built through the student-citizen uprising—one where equality, justice, and human dignity will prevail. A political settlement will ensure that dictatorship and fascism can never return."

Let us not forget this ardent declaration amidst the current turmoil created by the remnants of Awami fascism in Bangladesh. To remember is to resist; forgetting is defeat—victory lives in memory! So, let's remember then, you and I, the blood of the July uprising—the children, the youth, the elders brutally killed in their fight against Hasina's fascist regime. Let us reject the divisive rhetoric—in fact, the blatant falsehood—that pits 1971 against 2024, recognising instead their shared battle cry for equality, justice, and human dignity. In the words of the African Marxist revolutionary Amilcar Cabral, "Claim no easy victory!"

Indeed, every progressive mass movement in human history is simultaneously incomplete and paradoxical: it's never entirely victorious, yet never fully vanquished. The struggle for justice persists; while, of course, there are attempts—both inside and outside the country—to discredit and even besmirch the hard-won gains of the July Mass Movement. And yet, a truth looms large and remains undeniable: there can be no justice without bringing Sheikh Hasina and her collaborators themselves to justice. Equally imperative is the creation of a comprehensive record of the martyrs and the injured—a testament to their sacrifice—and the extension of necessary support to them and their families. This, at the very least, is the demand of history and the duty of our collective conscience, I reckon.

Dr Azfar Hussain is director of the graduate programme in social innovation and professor of integrative/interdisciplinary studies at Grand Valley State University in Michigan, US. He is also a summer distinguished professor of English and Humanities at the University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB) and vice-president of the US-based Global Center for Advanced Studies.​
 

Time to fulfil the dreams of 1971
This Victory Day, we must pledge to create a fair and just Bangladesh

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Victory Day marks one of the brightest moments in our history—a time to honour the sacrifices of our freedom fighters, martyred intellectuals, and countless brave men, women, and children who contributed in various ways to liberate this country from decades of oppression under the Pakistani regime. It is a day of gratitude and reflection, reminding us of the resilience of our people and inspiring a vision of a stronger, united Bangladesh. This year's Victory Day is particularly special, as, after 15 years of authoritarian rule by the Awami League, we now stand in a free country following the student-led mass uprising that led to the regime's ouster. This moment presents an opportunity to correct the wrongs of the past and begin anew, building a Bangladesh founded on the principles of equity, justice, the rule of law, and human rights.

Unfortunately, in the 53 years since our victory on December 16, 1971, Bangladesh has yet to become a successful democracy. While the country has held four free and fair elections under caretaker governments, the elected administrations have largely failed to fulfil the people's aspirations. Over the past 15 years of Awami League rule, the situation deteriorated further. The economic condition worsened, and people's freedom of expression and right to dissent were suppressed through draconian laws like the Cyber Security Act (recently repealed). With the interim government taking charge after the fall of Sheikh Hasina's administration on August 5, there is renewed hope that the long-unfulfilled dreams of 1971 can finally be realised. On this Victory Day, we must pledge to overcome divisions and unite in our efforts to make Bangladesh a success story on the world stage.

To achieve this, we must address the major challenges currently facing the country. Stabilising the economy is an urgent priority. According to a government-commissioned white paper, an estimated $234 billion was syphoned out of Bangladesh between 2009 and 2023 during the Awami League's tenure. Recovering this stolen money is essential to revitalise the economy. Additionally, the lower- and lower-middle-income groups are struggling due to rising inflation, necessitating immediate government action. Another critical issue is the high unemployment rate, which must be addressed promptly.

Moreover, the government must work to improve the living standards of workers, especially those in the ready-made garment sector, who form the backbone of our economy. Ensuring the rights of marginalised groups is equally important. Environmental protection must also be prioritised, with a particular focus on improving air quality, which has become a significant concern for public health recently. These are just some of the key priorities that demand immediate attention.

Let this Victory Day be a moment for reflection, recalibration, and decisive action to guide our nation in the right direction.​
 

Dec 17: Freedom came a day later in Khulna

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While Bangladesh officially emerged as an independent nation on December 16, 1971, the people of Khulna tasted freedom on December 17, when freedom fighters finally took control of the city after fierce battles.

Despite the Pakistani forces' surrender in Dhaka, Khulna remained under siege, with Pakistani troops and their collaborators, including Razakar, Al-Badr, and Al-Shams, holding a firm grip on the city.

"Jamaat-e-Islami leader AKM Yusuf, who led the Peace Committee in Khulna, established the Razakar force at an Ansar camp on Khan Jahan Ali Road in the city," said Alamgir Kabir, a freedom fighter. This gave the occupying forces a stranglehold on Khulna, leading to mass killings, destruction, and relentless repression.

In response, the Mukti Bahini launched guerrilla attacks to weaken enemy forces and disrupt their supply chains. Between December 11 and 16, freedom fighters captured several camps of the Pakistani army and their collaborators, including those in Gallamari, Badamtala, and Chuknagar. However, major camps in Khulna city, such as those in Shiromoni, Khulna Shipyard, and PMG Colony, remained under enemy control.

On December 17, freedom fighters entered Khulna city through multiple routes, including Gallamari, Rupsha Ghat, and Crescent Jute Mill, targeting remaining strongholds.

"This day evokes mixed emotions for the people of Khulna," said SM Babar Ali, 75, a freedom fighter and former lawmaker. "There was joy over Bangladesh's independence but despair knowing Khulna was still not free."

Freedom fighters, led by Major Joynul Abedin, launched attacks in Gallamari on the night of December 16 and early December 17, dispersing enemy forces.

"Two significant battles in Shiromoni and Khulna Shipyard ensured the city's liberation," added Babar Ali.

Alamgir Kabir recalled the intense battle in Shiromoni, where Pakistani forces had deployed several regiments supported by six tanks.

"Local support was crucial in this tank battle, which has since become a case study at military academies like Dehradun and Sandhurst," said Kabir. Eventually, 200 Pakistani soldiers surrendered with their weapons, while collaborators fled.

In another battle at Khulna Shipyard, freedom fighters overcame an ambush by the Pakistani forces. One fighter was martyred, and 16 others were injured.

After seizing control of Khulna, the freedom fighters hoisted the flag of independent Bangladesh at Khulna Circuit House and Shaheed Hadis Park. Major (retd) Joynul Abedin and Gazi Rahmatulla Dadu raised the flag at the Circuit House at around 10:30am.

Later, Sector-9 commander MA Jalil handed over several hundred prisoners of war, including Pakistani commander Brig Hayat Ali Khan, to General Dalbir Singh of the Indian forces in Khalishpur.

Khulna's liberation stands as a testament to the resilience and bravery of the freedom fighters and the local people who refused to surrender their dream of independence.​
 

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