[🇧🇩] Bangladesh History & Heritage

[Saif]

A Buriganga painting from 1861

One such painting was created in the year 1861, by Frederick William Alexander de Fabeck, a doctor who served as an assistant surgeon in Bengal during the British colonial era. Today (15 September) is his birthday!

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A Buriganga painting from 1861

Illustration: Ashif Ahmed Rudro; Painting: Frederick William Alexander de Fabeck/Wikimedia Commons

Oftentimes, a major city or civilisation is accompanied by a river. For Dhaka, it is the Buriganga. No matter how polluted or dirty, it is hard to imagine our city and its history without it. In the olden times, a few painters picked up the brush to capture it in the canvas.

One such painting was created in the year 1861, by Frederick William Alexander de Fabeck, a doctor who served as an assistant surgeon in Bengal during the British colonial era. Today (15 September) is his birthday!

Fabeck is now long gone, but his creation is in the collections of the Victoria and Albert Museum in the UK. The watercolour looks splendid! It also feels nostalgic, perhaps because of the all-too-familiar boats plying about in the river and the domed buildings (quite possibly mosques) in the background.

There are a number of other artworks on Dhaka by the same artist and doctor. We will feature them in the future episodes of our "Did You Know" series. So stay tuned!​

 

[Saif]

Steps taken to preserve CJ’s residence as protected heritage site

The government has taken steps to preserve the chief justice’s residence at the city’s Hare Road area as a protected heritage site. Under the initiative of chief justice Syed Refaat Ahmed, the Department of Archaeology has began the process to declare the 'Residence of the Honorable Chief...

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Steps taken to preserve CJ’s residence as protected heritage site
BSS
Published: 10 Oct 2024, 22: 42

Residence of the chief justice of Bangladesh’ at 19 Hare Road in the city BSS

The government has taken steps to preserve the chief justice’s residence at the city’s Hare Road area as a protected heritage site.

Under the initiative of chief justice Syed Refaat Ahmed, the Department of Archaeology has began the process to declare the 'Residence of the Honorable Chief Justice of Bangladesh’ at 19 Hare Road in the city as a restricted heritage site, said a Supreme Court press release today, Thursday.

Following the unexpected damages to the chief justice’s residence on 5 August during the student led uprising, the 25th chief justice of Bangladesh Syed Refaat Ahmed took the initiative to preserve the building permanently as a historically important structure.

The press release said if this eye-catching and important structure is preserved keeping the ownership and rights of use in favor of Bangladesh Supreme Court under the Antiquities Act-1968, it will be considered as a national resource that will make the future generations aware about the rich history of this establishment.

Earlier, the decision of preserving the chief justice’s residence, which was built in 1908, as a protected heritage site site was taken at a meeting between chief justice and the officials of the Department of Archeology on 25 September.​

 

[Saif]

Negligence in conserving heritage sites unacceptable

A PROFIT-SEEKING group of landowners and property developers have demolished buildings of archaeological significance in Old Town of Dhaka in breach of a High Court order.

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Negligence in conserving heritage sites unacceptable
24 October, 2024, 00:00

A PROFIT-SEEKING group of landowners and property developers have demolished buildings of archaeological significance in Old Town of Dhaka in breach of a High Court order. The Urban Study Group, a non-profit organisation campaigning for the conservation of heritage sites, on October 22 expressed concern about the continued demolition of heritage sites protected by the law and specific High Court orders. The most significant heritage structure on Dinanath Sen road erected 1898 in the neo-classical architectural style is now demolished. The demolition has been going on for weeks until the group filed a general diary with the Gandaria police on October 22. But the demolition soon resumed as no authorities concerned took steps to protect the site. In 2022, Bara Katra, another heritage structure built in 1644–1646, was partially dismantled. The remaining structure is also illegally occupied with little care for its preservation. In Dhaka, as Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha says, there are 74 heritage sites, but only a handful of them are protected. Many of the privately owned sites are partially or fully demolished by owners.

The allegations that successive governments have been negligent in protecting cultural heritage are, therefore, not wrong. The Antiquities Act 1968 stipulates the government will recognise century-old buildings, monuments and sites with historic, architectural and cultural significance as heritage sites and will preserve them. Bangladesh, a signatory to the World Heritage Convention 1972, is also obliged to conserve the sites. In addition, there are High Court directives that ask the authorities to update the lists and submit periodic reports to the court. The government, more specifically the archaeology department and Rajdhani Unnayan Kartipakkha, has failed to perform its legally defined responsibilities. Heritage conservation experts blame corruption, lack of expertise, owner’s unwillingness and business interests of politically influential quarters for the failure. Dhaka’s detailed area plan does not allow any construction within 250 metres of protected areas, but in reality, many structures are there. The amendment to the National Building Code that has reduced the buffer zone of heritage sites and relaxed the height limits has created scope for real estate development near heritage sites. The archaeology department or the city development authorities has no comprehensive list of heritage sites.

The preservation of cultural and natural heritage sites is not only foundational in shaping the philosophical vision of a nation, it could also be an economically beneficial way of positively impacting the tourism industry. The archaeology department should, therefore, take early steps to protect the heritage structure on Dinanath Sen Road and other similar sites. The government should introduce the transfer of development rights as recommended by conservation experts so that private owners are adequately compensated to co-operate with the restoration initiatives. The government should also strictly enforce laws and regulations.​

 

[Saif]

From Sultanate to Mughal: The Architectural Legacy of Bengal

The Daily Star (TDS): You have extensively researched the architecture of the Sultanate period. Could you share your thoughts on Bengal’s pre-Sultanate architecture?

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From Sultanate to Mughal: The Architectural Legacy of Bengal

Shait Gambuz Mosque, Bagerhat

The Daily Star (TDS): You have extensively researched the architecture of the Sultanate period. Could you share your thoughts on Bengal's pre-Sultanate architecture?

Perween Hasan (PH): The existing ruins from Paharpur and Mainamati speak of a rich architectural heritage from pre-Sultanate times. These viharas for resident Buddhist monks corresponding to present day student dormitories were built around a central monumental temple. Recent excavations have also uncovered new evidence of smaller temples which served the Hindu, Buddhist and Jain population of the area. The National Museum of Bangladesh in Dhaka has stone sculptures and architectural members of stone and wood that give us an idea of what some of these temples looked like. There are also illustrated Buddhist manuscripts in museums around the world that have depictions of temples in various sites in Bengal. Externally there was little difference to mark the denominations of Hindu/Buddhist/or Jain temples, the icon inside being the identifying factor.

Usually temples comprised of a small square chamber which housed the deity and had a roof that was either tiered, or had one or multiple tall towers, or a combination of both. The sanctuary was not very large because the space was meant to accommodate just the deity and the officiating priest. Sometimes there would be a porch in front from where the devotees followed the rites performed by the priest inside. There were also various folk religions which must have had their own places of worship, but whose architectural forms remain unclear. Extant and excavated temples indicate that the primary building material was brick although the manuscript illustrations as well as the architectural members in the National Museum suggest that wood was also used. Stone columns , lintels, as well as blocks to sculpt icons were obtained from Bihar, as there was no stone available in Bengal. Apart from brick or wooden examples, there must have been others--small, informally built temples made of mud, bamboo and thatch that resembled the residential huts of much of the rural population.

The primary difference between temple and mosque is dictated by its function. Whereas in a temple the central chamber housing the deity is designed to accommodate only the officiating priest, a mosque must accommodate people for the five daily prayers--collective performance of which is not mandatory but preferred. A congregation is mandatory for the Friday afternoon prayer which requires the collective participation of all male Muslims. To accommodate the Friday prayer a larger space is required and that is provided by the Jami mosque.

Although there is evidence of Muslim presence in Bengal before the Turkish conquest of 1204, the earliest architectural record dates back to 1221 to an inscription of a khanqah (hostel for pious mem) in Birbhum district of West Bengal. The earliest extant monument is the Mosque at Tribeni in Hughly, West Bengal, India built in 1298. This is a typical large mosque enclosing a rectangular space with a row of arched niches (mihrabs) in the west which indicate the qibla or direction of Mecca. As historically and strategically this is a very important building its plinth, piers and parts of the external surface are faced with stone.

Most village mosques were single chambers made of mud, bamboo and thatch as in temples, perhaps larger in size, but much like the rural homes of the villagers; the only distinctive feature of the mosque being the projection of the mihrab on the west (qibla) side. Such mosques exist even today, although their numbers are diminishing, as there is a preference to build with more permanent material.

Most of the extant brick mosques built during the Independent Sultanate, early 14th till the middle of the 16th century, were small square structures made of brick commissioned by prominent or wealthy individuals. Among their distinguishing features was a dome, arched entrances in front, and a curved cornice which resembled the curved cornices of the bamboo framed eaves of the rural huts. Arches and domes were largely absent from the architectural vocabulary of Bengal before the Turkish conquest. As traveling was not easy and usually involved the navigation of numerous waterways, small mosques sufficed for people living in small village communities. Extra efforts were made to attend the larger Jami mosques on Fridays and religious festivals. Contemporary temples, of which there are no extant examples here but several in Myanmar, were likely also constructed following the basic residential hut form.

TDS: What is the significance of the arches?

PH: Although the arch form was common, arches built in the keystone and voussoir technique, also known as the 'true' arch was a rare architectural technique in India before the arrival of the Turks. In Bengal, the indigenous construction depended on a trabeate system which used posts and lintels or beams to span openings such as doors and windows in walls. The arcuate method popularized by the Turks is technically more advanced and allows the spanning of larger wall openings as well as the construction of vaults and dome. This new technique may account for the survival of some of the mosques from the Sultanate period, although their vaults and domes were the first to fall.

TDS: You mentioned in your book that the presence of a large number of rivers in Bengal had not been a barrier to communication but rather facilitated connectivity. How did geographical features like heavy rainfall and the distinctive climate impact its architecture?

PH: In this riverine terrain the villages are like small islands, specially during monsoons, and travelling by country boat was the only way to travel long distances. A natural mode of communication was in place, but as a mode of transport it was slow, specially when long distances had to be negotiated. So it was more practical to have small mosques to service small rural communities. Perhaps on Fridays and on religious festivals people would make the extra effort to travel to the nearest Jami mosque.

Central Prayer Hall, Adina Mosque, Pandua, Malda District

The distinct architectural style of Bengal was shaped by its unique geographical features. Clay found most abundantly in the delta was formed and fired to make brick, the primary building material. The curved cornice of Sultanate brick buildings was a distinctive feature that was derived from the curvature of the bamboo frames that roofed the indigenous huts made of more temporal material such as bamboo, thatch and mud. Although many mosques were built, the hot, humid climate largely contributed to their deterioration. The thick brick walls had a veneer of dressed brick with lime mortar, while the inside was filled with brickbat masonry and mud mortar. These could not withstand the heavy rainfall and humidity of the region specially during the monsoon season. In some sites underground salinity has resulted in mossy floors and structural deterioration as can be seen in the Shait Gombuj Mosque in Bagerhat. Human actions also contributed to the ruin. For instance, it is believed that the city of Malda in West Bengal, India built during British rule used bricks from the ruins of Gaur, unearthed through excavations. Thus, the combination of climate, human activity, and construction methods led to the limited number of surviving temples and mosques in Bengal.

As I have elaborated in my book, Sultans and Mosques (paperback edition now available, Bloomsbury, I.B. Tauris, 2024), the domes of mosques and other buildings were low, lacking a drum, and minarets were largely absent. While minarets can be seen in structures like the Shait Gombuj Mosque, they were not as tall as those in Delhi, partly because limited communication meant that the call to prayer (azan) could not be heard over long distances. Minarets also symbolised the presence of Muslims in an area; their scarcity in this region also seems to be influenced by geographical factors. Villages, often accessible only by boat are almost invisible from the rivers due to the dense vegetation that surrounds them and seem isolated from each other specially when there are floods. Constructing tall minarets are unnecessary if they are not visible or if the azan cannot be heard from afar.

TDS: What is the historical significance of the mosques commissioned by the kings in this region, and what materials were typically used in their construction?

PH: Mosques built by kings or high ranking officials are usually larger, better built, and use higher quality or more expensive material. They are usually dated and therefore serve as a primary source of history. Their inscriptions and styles are also keys to the taste of the elite and often a clue to the particular identity that the patron chose to highlight. The Adina Mosque (1375) in Pandua, Malda district of West Bengal, India is a good example to illustrate this point. This mosque was constructed in the capital city by Sultan Sikandar Shah, an early independent sultan after he had twice defeated Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq of Delhi in battle. In the mosque inscription, Sikander Shah proudly referred to himself as the greatest ruler among the Arabs and Persians, with no mention of Bengal or India, making it clear that he sought to draw legitimacy from the central Islamic lands.

We know that brick was the traditional building material in Bengal. The massive structures at Paharpur and Mainamati were constructed with brick. As the region lacked natural stone, mosques built entirely of stone are rare. The Adina Mosque is the largest mosque in India and uniquely follows the classical Islamic architectural mosque plan of Western Asia. It is notable for its lavish stone facing. This uniqueness and identification with the well known style of West Asia was deliberate and the logic for choosing this style is borne out by the historical events of that time.

It is important to acknowledge that, in the early years, temple destruction was almost a consequential act following the conquest. As prominent religious symbols of a conquered people temples were the primary targets. This practice was not unique to Muslim rulers; destruction of temples of rival kingdoms and carrying away of images of patron gods as trophies was also know in pre-Muslim times in India. In the Adina Mosque, one notices how the external stone veneer has been sourced from Hindu structures. Similarly, many images of deities can be seen around the plinth of the Tribeni Mosque mentioned earlier.

Construction of mosques, specially a jami mosque was a very significant act for a Muslim king after the conquest of a new region. It symbolized a new presence and an authority which was established by reading the khutba (Friday sermon) in the new ruler's name. In many instances the king also served as the imam or prayer leader. Another significant act of a new ruler was the minting of new coinage bearing the king's name. The khutba also served to announce new laws and regulations, making the mosque a central place for public gatherings. Initial mosques were therefore often built using materials from destroyed temples, which not only provided ready material, but also reinforced the idea of the new building as a symbol of conquest.

A distinct feature of mosques in Bengal is the presence of multiple mihrabs, uncommon in other regions. The mihrab or niche indicating the qibla, is perhaps the only indispensable or key element in a mosque. Interestingly the earliest mosques in Islam from the time of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) did not have mihrabs. They were introduced into later mosques to indicate the place where the imam stood to lead the prayers. Even today it is often considered a specially sacred place as devotees place candles and incense inside the niche, although theoretically, in the absence of an icon every place in the mosque is of equal merit. The idea of multiple mihrabs in Bengal often placed opposite entrance doorways may have been a carryover from the structural element of niches in temples, where the sacred idol was placed inside a niche and was always opposite a doorway.

Over time, these foreign rulers recognized the importance of compromise and coexistence with the local population. From the fifteenth century onwards, this shift became evident as many non-Muslims were appointed to high-ranking positions in the royal cabinet. As foreign rulers, the sultans could not rely solely on the military force and officials from their native country as their numbers were limited, so collaboration with the local population became essential. Bengal, being geographically isolated and politically independent, faced repeated invasions from Delhi, and this constant threat significantly influenced the region's architecture and political dynamics.

Maintaining independence was vital for the rulers of Bengal, as was the establishment of a distinct identity. Later Sultans actively patronized the Bangla language, leading to the translation of Sanskrit texts like the Ramayana and Mahabharata, as well as the writing of Mangal-Kavyas, the latter being highly integrative texts. Muslim writers who authored Islamic texts such as Rasul Charita and Nabi Vangsha (stories on the life and lineage of the Prophet) presented their works in ways that were deeply influenced by local culture. They narrated stories of the Arab world, including those of Fatema, Hazrat Ali, and the battles of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), but told them in a setting that was familiar to Bengal, an environment replete with storms, cyclones, and tigers. For example at Hazrat Ali and Fatema's wedding feast people chew betel leaves as is customary in Bengal, and at the news of her husband's death, Fatema removed the vermilion from her forehead and broke her bracelets, traditional mourning practices in Bengal. Syed Sultan, who knew the original stories well, deliberately adapted them for the local audience. He explained that native Muslims were familiar with the Ramayana and Mahabharata but knew little about their own religious stories. To bridge this gap, he wrote these stories in Bangla, hoping that the Almighty would forgive him for his modifications. This mission became his life's work, with Nabi Vangsha being a very significant text of the punthi genre. We might not have known about these texts had it not been for the meticulous editing of the punthi manuscripts by the late Professor Dr. Ahmad Sharif published by the Bangla Academy, Dhaka.

To be continued.....................​

 

[Saif]

TDS: Islamic civilisation is typically seen as city-centric, yet in Bengal, it has been predominantly rural. How has this been possible?

PH: The census of 1872, the first official one conducted under British rule shockingly disclosed that Muslims were more numerous in Bengal compared to other parts of India and that even within Bengal, its eastern part, the more rural one held the majority of the Muslim population. Richard M. Eaton ties this phenomenon to the predominance of agriculture in the eastern region; this in turn being related to the gradual eastward shift of the Ganges River. The creation of a fertile new delta made it more suitable for agriculture, while the western part where the capitals of Gaur and Pandua were located became relatively less productive agriculturally.

Eaton also attributes the large scale conversion to Islam in the east to the influence of pirs or spiritual leaders, described as "charismatic individuals" rather than strictly religious figures who came and settled among the rural agricultural communities. Many of them also spearheaded agricultural efforts, clearing forests or settling of land. For example, Khan Jahan Ali (d. 1459), the famous saint of Bagerhat is described in his tomb inscription as a military officer who defeated local Hindu kings, cleared the jungle, and constructed mosques. Subsequently he became venerated as a pir, pushing his original military identity as indicated by his inscription title of ulugh, to the background. These leaders inspired the local population to pursue agriculture and facilitated their conversion to Islam. Conversion was easier as the rigid caste system of Brahmanism was less prevalent in this region and there were many who followed cults of local deities. These individuals, already engaged in various agricultural activities, had more fluid religious practices and were more receptive to converting to Islam. Conversion too, was more of a 'cultural adaptation' than a radical change to a different and foreign religious order.

TDS: How did the architectural landscape in Bengal change during the Mughal period compared to the Sultanate period?

PH: While the Sultans were fiercely independent and fought every effort of take-over by the powers that ruled from Delhi, they patronized an architecture with a distinct regional identity. Contrarily, the Mughals, themselves an imperial power ruled the provinces from their north Indian capitals of Delhi, Lahore or Agra. Bengal under the Mughals was just another province or subah of the Mughal empire, albeit one that yielded the highest revenue to the imperial coffer. From an independent sultanate, it was reduced to provincial status. The marked difference in architectural styles between the Sultanate and Mughal eras springs from this change in status. The extant monuments of Dhaka, the Mughal provincial capital clearly bears allegiance to the architectural style of the capitals.

During the Mughal period brick continued to be the predominant construction material. This was in contrast to north India, where the the monuments were in a grand scale and the material, stone, red sandstone and marble. As an imperial power governing all of India from their capitals in the north, the Mughals maintained a consistent architectural style across their empire. So Mughal buildings everywhere even from the exterior are easily identifiable because of their plastered surfaces often broken into rectangular panels, high domes and imposing entrances. The lime plaster used in Bengal used to be polished to a shine to resemble the marble surfaces of imperial prototypes. It is significant that while mosques and other official architecture sponsored by the ruling Muslim elite followed the imperial Mughal style, contemporary temples opted for the Sultanate mode of the preceding period. So that the brick temples of this period stand in sharp contrast to Mughal mosques, palaces, gates and caravansaries. The brick and terracotta temples of Bengal have arched entrances, curved cornices and their exteriors are encrusted with terracotta panels depicting tales of the Ramayana and Mahabharata. Some continue to have the chala ceilings of Sultanate times, now covering the entire building instead of a particular part, while others have spires which usually hide a dome below.

TDS: Beyond royal and religious structures, what was the general housing situation for people in Bengal during the Middle Ages?

PH: Bengal was and still is primarily an agricultural society, with most people living in rural areas. Landownership was limited, and urban centres were few. Majority of the people resided in simple huts, and as noted by Niharranjan Ray in his seminal work Bangalir Itihas: Adiparba. the living conditions for the general population in Bengal remains largely unchanged over time. People lived hand-to-mouth, and their houses of clay were often vulnerable to decay from rain and wind. The architectural structures we have cited were exceptions as they were built with care and commissioned by influential individuals. While royal residences have not survived, historical accounts from foreign travellers describe some Nawabs (provincial rulers) residing in tents and wooden houses, which have not endured. In contrast, mosques and temples, constructed as places of veneration and with meticulous care, have lasted longer.

The interview was taken by Priyam Paul​

 

[Saif]

Neglected heritage: A historic gate in ruins

You may have visited Ahsan Manzil — or at least know of it — but did you ever encounter this dilapidated gateway?

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Neglected heritage: A historic gate in ruins

Illustration: Ashif Ahmed Rudro; Photo: Shadab Shahrokh Hai

When we think of Puran Dhaka's Islampur, the first thing that often comes to mind is the numerous clothes shops this bustling area is home to. But amidst the busy streets swarmed with customers and sellers, there is a piece of heritage which mostly goes unnoticed.

We are talking about an old gate in ruins, referred to as Nawab Bari's gate and believed to be the original entrance to the famous and iconic Ahsan Manzil!

You may have visited Ahsan Manzil — or at least know of it — but did you ever encounter this dilapidated gateway?

It is shrouded in wires, banners, signboards, and modern buildings — downgrading the beauty and importance of this structure. So much so, that it is extremely challenging to even get a good photo of it!

Hopefully, the next time you visit Islampur, you will stop by for a moment to appreciate this underrated heritage. And if we are hoping for things, with any luck the authorities will take initiatives to preserve and protect this old gate!
​

 

[Saif]

Diversification of Shital Pati: Tangail craftsmen preserve ancestral profession

Shital Pati, woven from the fibres of a specific type of cane (pati bet), is prized for its smooth texture and natural cooling properties, offering comfort during Bengal's sweltering summers

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Diversification of Shital Pati: Tangail craftsmen preserve ancestral profession

 

[Saif]

Crown jewels of Bengal

Scattered across Bangladesh are countless archaeological treasures that reveal its prosperous past. While time has erased some, many remain hidden beneath the earth, awaiting discovery. Among the surviving remnants are ancient fortresses, temples, mosques, monasteries and so on -- testaments to...

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Crown jewels of Bengal​

 

[Saif]

Madhur Canteen: The story of an eatery and Bangladesh

If one says Madhur Canteen and Bangladesh’s history is inextricably interlinked, will it be an exaggeration?

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Madhur Canteen: The story of an eatery and Bangladesh
Dhaka University Madhur Canteen

If one says Madhur Canteen and Bangladesh's history is inextricably interlinked, will it be an exaggeration?

The eatery has etched its place in Bangladesh's national politics due to its association with various political movements that originated from Dhaka University.

Since 1921, the year Dhaka University was founded, and particularly from 1948 onwards, many national movements had their origins in Madhur Canteen, as noted in Dhaka: Smriti Bismritir Nagari by Professor Muntassir Mamoon.

The canteen, named after Madhusudan Dey, lovingly called Modhu da, played a key role in shaping Bangladesh's history. Over the decades, the canteen has witnessed countless historic events.

It was the starting point for significant events such as the Language Movements of 1948 and 1952, the 1949 protests by fourth-class university employees, the student revolt against the university's "black laws" (kala kanoon), and the 1969 mass uprising. During these times, it served as a hub for student leaders and activists, the architects of these historic movements.

The canteen's significance was underscored during Operation Searchlight on March 25, 1971, when it became one of the first targets of the Pakistani military.

After the Liberation War, the canteen played a vital role as the "melting pot" of all ideologies. It is in this canteen that student leaders, who later became national ones, of different ideologies met and greeted each other, paving a common ground for political harmony.

This harmony later came in handy during the anti-dictatorship movement against late president HM Ershad.

The canteen's role in all protests and movements since the restoration of democracy in the 90s -- from anti-government protests to Gonojagaran Mancha -- remained as important as ever.

In 2013, the first protest rally against a court verdict that sentenced war criminal Abdul Quader Mollah to life imprisonment (instead of the capital punishment) came out of this canteen, according to Gonojagaran Mancha activists.

Indeed, the cafeteria has been a popular starting point for processions.

Madhusudan Dey legacy

In the July mass uprising against the Sheikh Hasina-led regime, several press conferences were held at Madhur Canteen.

However, it is not just a political venue. It is a cultural melting pot too. Renowned writers, cultural icons, political leaders, and social activists have frequented it.

Eminent scholar Professor Ahmed Sharif, known for his free-thought movement, described it as the birthplace of national ideas and aspirations.

"For nearly half a century, all forms of youthful thought, consciousness, resolve, and struggle in our national life have emerged -- and continue to emerge -- here at Madhur Canteen.

"Initiatives, enterprises, and movements have taken shape . Everything began here. For this reason, Madhur Canteen deserves recognition … as a centre for the nation's political, cultural, and literary thoughts, ideas, and aspirations. It is sure to hold a significant, permanent place in our national history as the birthplace of many movements," he was quoted in the book Dhaka: Smriti Bismritir Nagari.

The book also included several recollections of Madhur Canteen by other notable individuals.

The famous poet Buddhadeb Basu, a student of DU when the canteen was run by Aditya Chandra Dey, the father of Madhusudan Dey, also reminisced about the canteen.

"At one end of the university compound was a tin-roofed building. Inside, beside worn-out tables, there were long, bar stools. This is where we would quench our hunger and thirst, as there wasn't another tea shop in the entire area. Aditya's menu was very limited; on most days, he couldn't offer anything with the tea except for the sweets he made by hand. But that didn't matter to us.

"We would call out one order after another to Aditya. 'Put it on the tab' was all we used to hear," the book quoted him.

"I left Dhaka without fully paying off my debt to Aditya," Basu's reminiscence reads.

Beyond politics, Madhur Canteen has been a vibrant centre for cultural activities. Students gathered here to share ideas, organise social events, practise songs and poetry, and enjoy lively addas (informal gatherings).

Sometimes people like Zainul Abedin, Kamrul Hasan, Abdul Ahad, Nazir Ahmed, Fateh Lohani, Sikandar Abu Zafar, Shamsuddin Abul Kalam, and Syed Waliullah would visit the Madhur Canteen. Muneer Chowdhury, Shahidullah Kaiser, and Akhlakur Rahman would occasionally pop up there too. Up until 1949, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Tajuddin Ahmad also frequented the canteen.

Eating on credit became a tradition at Madhur Canteen. Students would accumulate debts, but Madhusudan Dey, affectionately known as Madhuda, never pressured them for payment, said students and people who knew him.

Many repaid their debts after establishing themselves in life, and Madhuda even supported needy students financially.

Mujahudul Islam Selim, a former student of Dhaka University and former president of the Communist Party of Bangladesh, said that Madhur Canteen is more than just a canteen; it has become an institution.

"It exemplified the coexistence of student bodies, regardless of their political ideologies," he said, adding that the significance of Madhur Canteen in his political career has been immense.

Selim, who was also the vice-president of the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) from 1972-73, said, "If we want to discuss the history of Dhaka University and Bangladesh, we must examine the role of Madhur Canteen."

Reminiscing about Madhusudan Dey, the veteran leader said he had last met Madhusudan on March 25, 1971.

"The following day, Madhuda was killed by the Pakistani military. I could never have imagined that …. We didn't speak much on that day, but sometimes, when I close my eyes, I can still hear Madhuda saying, 'Selim Shaheb kemon achen [How are you doing Mr Selim]'," he recalled.

Raisul Zilani, a current student at DU, said that the Canteen is one of the best places for adda as it feels special considering its rich history.

Arun Kumar Dey, Madhusudan's son, took over the responsibility of running the canteen after the Liberation War.

Recalling the massacre of his family, Arun said his father and other family members were killed in front of him.

"I was in the fifth grade then. In 1972, I took charge of the canteen," Arun said.

On March 26, 1971, the Pakistani military stormed Madhusudan's house in the early hours and killed his wife, son, and daughter-in-law. Madhusudan was injured, arrested, and taken to the Jagannath Hall playground, where he was executed along with many students.

Recalling the days after the Liberation War, Arun shared, "Many people came to me to settle their dues. While paying, they would say, 'I had some dues to Modhuda, but I couldn't pay them at the time.'"

Some even came from abroad to clear their dues, he said.

"I can still recall my father discussing political issues with student leaders. My father had a wonderful relationship with them, and I have continued to maintain that connection with the current students," he said.

In 1995, Toufiq Hosen Khan, a student of fine arts, created a sculpture of Madhusudan Dey, which still stands in front of Madhur Canteen today.

The renowned poet Shamsur Rahman also wrote a long poem titled 'Madhusmriti,' which is engraved near Madhusudan's sculpture.​

 

[Saif]

History of Madhur Canteen

The canteen was founded in 1921 by Aditya Chandra Dey, Madhuda’s father, who received permission from the university authorities to open a food business on the university grounds when Dhaka University was established.

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History of Madhur Canteen

The canteen was founded in 1921 by Aditya Chandra Dey, Madhuda's father, who received permission from the university authorities to open a food business on the university grounds when Dhaka University was established.

At that time, the present-day Medical College was part of the Dhaka University campus. When the police barracks near Palashi were vacated, Aditya purchased two thatched houses from the British police for Tk 20-30.

One house was used as a shop, while the other served as his residence.

In 1934-35, when Madhuda was around 14-15 years old, he began helping his father in the canteen.

The canteen later moved to its current location after the arts faculty was shifted to its present location near the Nilkhet area.

Photo: wikipedia

The canteen's location used to serve as the Durbar Hall of the Dhaka Nawabs. In addition to being used for formal and informal meetings, the hall was a skating rink and ballroom for the Nawabs' enjoyment.

Construction of the building began in 1873 and continued over several years. In 1906, a conference sponsored by Nawab Bahadur Sir Khwaja Salimullah of Dhaka was held in the building, which led to the formation of the All-India Muslim League.

After the death of Madhusudan, his son Arun Kumar Dey took over the responsibility of running the canteen.​