[🇧🇩] Bangladesh Police and Rapid Action Battalion

[Saif]

New uniform won’t fix a broken force

New uniform won’t fix a broken force

www.thedailystar.net

New uniform won’t fix a broken force
Police must focus on substantive reforms instead

VISUAL: STAR

The decision to change the uniforms of Bangladesh Police, along with Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) and Ansar, reflects an attempt to distance these forces from the stigma attached to their current attire. After years of being used as political instruments by the Awami League government—most notably during the bloody July uprising—these uniforms have become symbols of fear, oppression, and corruption. A new dress represents a break from that past and also a fresh start. However, it does nothing to address the real issue at hand: the need for institutional reforms. It is no surprise then that the decision has left citizens unimpressed.

While uniform changes have historical precedents in this country, the timing of the move—amid a persistent economic crisis and ongoing discussions about police reform—raises questions. First, outfitting approximately 2.14 lakh police, 5,000 Rab, and around 51,000 Ansar and 17,000 Battalion Ansar personnel will come at a significant financial cost. These funds can be better spent on modernising their training, improving their investigative capacity, and equipping them to better serve citizens. Second, giving Rab a new uniform while its very existence is under review seems like a pre-emptive move. Third, can a simple change of colours erase the deep-seated public distrust associated with their uniforms or operations?

What our law enforcement agencies need is a shift in culture, not just in clothing. While announcing the decision, Home Adviser Jahangir Alam Chowdhury himself acknowledged that "the change in uniforms symbolises the need for a shift in law enforcers' mindset and behaviour." One of the first demands raised by police personnel after the August 5 changeover was to abandon their uniform and logo. However, restoring public trust will require much more than a makeover; it will require concrete proof of transformation through everyday action. Just recently, we saw how police used water cannons, sound grenades, and batons to disperse a protest against attacks on Indigenous rights activists. Such heavy-handed tactics echo the pre-uprising era when excessive force was routinely used against demonstrators.

Evidently, a mindset shift will not come through a uniform change. What the police need is a fundamental transformation in their operations, accountability mechanisms, and interactions with the public. The Police Reform Commission has already proposed a range of measures to the government. While these proposals await decisions based on stakeholder feedback, law enforcement agencies can, at the very least, adhere to established rules and regulations without succumbing to undue pressure. That is where their focus should be.​

 

[Saif]

Law and order situation still fragile across Bangladesh

The country has yet to see improvements in the overall state of law and order plummeting since Sheikh Hasina’s ouster in a mass uprising followed by the Professor Muhammad Yunus-led interim government taking over on August 8 past year...

www.newagebd.net

Law and order situation still fragile across Bangladesh
Tanzil Rahaman 23 January, 2025, 00:25

The country has yet to see improvements in the overall state of law and order plummeting since Sheikh Hasina’s ouster in a mass uprising followed by the Professor Muhammad Yunus-led interim government taking over on August 8 past year.

Incidents of violent crimes have seen an alarming rise amid a situation when the members of the law enforcement agencies have yet to recover their full capacity to perform after a period of turmoil they underwent, starting from the July student-mass uprising into the aftermath of Hasina’s overthrow.

While violent crimes, including robberies, political violence, murders, mob violence and extortions, have soared, law enforcement personnel are facing allegations that they are giving the cold shoulder to the victims and often remain indifferent to the rise of violent crimes.

Former police officials blamed the deeply eroded confidence among the law enforcers and a lack of promptness in taking policy measures to reorganise these agencies and restore the personnel’s confidence.

They said that after the changeover till now the police were not able to begin work even at 25 per cent of their capacity.

Robberies saw an increase as 1,412 cases were reported in 2024 against 1,227 in 2023, according to the Police Headquarters latest crime data.

The data shows 628 robbery incidents were reported between August and December in 2024 with 159 in December alone against 496 during the timeframe in 2023.

Former inspector general of police Nurul Huda, however, declined to call the situation alarming, while remarking that the actual number of violent crimes would be higher. He also put the current alleged lack of capacity of the force largely down to a massive reshuffle carried out following the interim government’s ascent to power.

‘A massive reshuffle in the police force occurred after August 5. Many of the personnel are still settling in their new postings with getting acquainted with their jurisdictions and local people. I also think that the number of crime is higher than the statistics, but we cannot call it alarming,’ Nurul added.

On January 19, the Dhaka Metropolitan Police suspended Gulshan police officer-in-charge Touhid Ahmed allegedly for delaying to record a robbery case.

Touhid Ahmed was suspended and attached to Rajarbagh Police Lines and Kadamtali police officer-in-charge Mahmudur Rahaman took charge of the Gulshan police.

Victim trader Jashim Uddin filed a case with the Gulshan police against 10–12 unnamed people on January 18 evening, alleging that they looted over Tk 2.74 crore valuables, including Tk 46.50 lakh cash, from his home in an impersonation incident.

The case documents showed that one of the robbers impersonated himself as a Bangladesh Army major named Mamun working in the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence.

On Tuesday, a Dhaka metropolitan magistrate court placed a trader named Saiful Islam, 42, on five-day police remand in the case.

Current Gulshan police officer-in-charge Mahmudur said that they were investigating into the case.

On January 13, Anowara Begum, a 55-year old woman was stabbed by masked robbers who broke in her home that evening in Savar township, on the outskirts of Dhaka city.

The robbers entered the house when Anowara was alone at home, swooped on her and looted four bhari of gold, Tk 2,00,000 and other belongings, said her family members.

Injured Anowara was taken to a nearby hospital for treatment with her family filed a complaint with the Savar Model Police.

‘My mother was alone when the incident took place. Robbers wearing masks entered our house and tied my mother’s hands and blindfolded her. They stabbed her on her head, hands and legs,’ victim’s daughter Taslima Akter told New Age on January 14.

She said that they filed a general diary in this connection hours after the incident.

On October 12 past year, 25–30 men in Bangladesh Army and Rapid Action Battalion uniforms looted Tk 75.50 lakh in cash, 70 bhari gold, two iPhones, and one android mobile phone on a third-floor apartment of a five-storey building in the Swapnanir Housing area of Mohammadpur from about 3:30am to about 4:10am.

At least 11 people, including five former members of law enforcement agencies and army, were arrested in the incident.

RAB legal and media wing director Lieutenant Colonel Munim Ferdous said that three former RAB members were involved in the robbery and they were now in jail.

A total of 1,565 murder cases were filed between August and December in 2024 against 1,199 cases during the timeframe in 2023.

Kidnapping also saw an increase as 642 incidents were recorded across the country in 2024 against 463 in 2023, said the police headquarters data, adding that at least 326 kidnapping cases were filed from August to December in 2024 with 74 in December alone against 229 kidnapping cases were filed in the last five months in 2023.

On the December 23, 2024 evening, an IX grader schoolgirl was kidnapped from her house at Hatibandha upazila in Lalmonirhat. Five days later the victim’s mother filed a case with the Hatibandha police.

On January 16, the RAB arrested Md Sohag Mian, 20, who absconded after being accused in previous cases, and rescued the kidnapped girl from the Kaliakoir upazila in Gazipur.

Hatibandha police officer-in-charge Md Mahamudunnabi told New Age that Md Sohag Mian and two others were accused in the case with prime accused Sohag detained in jail.

Rights group Ain O Salish Kendra data shows that 128 people were killed in mob beating in 2024. Of them 57 were killed in Dhaka city only. ASK reported 51 deaths from mob beating in 2023.

A total of 401 rape incidents were reported in 2024 while 34 were killed after being raped and seven committed suicide, according to the ASK data. The organisation reported 574 rape incidents in 2023.

The ASK data also shows that at least 100 people were killed and 6,190 were injured in political violence in 2024, while 45 people were killed and 6,978 were injured in political violence in 2023.

Police headquarters, however, reported fewer incidents of theft in 2024 with 8,655 cases being filed against 9,475 in 2023.

The force’s assistant inspector general of police for media and public relations Enamul Haque Sagar told New Age that they had taken action in most cases, admitting that some types of crimes were on the rise.

‘We have increased patrols and deployed more members to tackle crimes. Some crimes are increasing and some are decreasing. That’s the trend of crimes,’ Enamul added.

An 11-year-old girl, who used to live in the streets near the Shahbagh metro rail station in the capital, was raped on January 15 under the metro rail station.

Accused Rayhan, 19, was arrested in the case filed with the Shahbagh police after the incident, while the police rescued the victim in a bloody condition from the spot and took her to Dhaka Medical College Hospital.

On December 19, 2024, three youths were detained after law enforcers foiled a robbery attempt in broad daylight at the Jinjira branch of Rupali Bank in Keraniganj upazila of Dhaka.

On January 13, a sacked police member was arrested from a spot under the Hatirjheel police allegedly for mugging.

Police Headquarters officials said that 450 out of 664 police stations were attacked, vandalised and set on fire across the country, following the downfall of the Hasina government.

Around 1,000 vehicles were damaged, many among them completely destroyed.

Remarking that restoring law and order would take time, former inspector general of police Abdul Quiyium said that the force could not even restore 25 per cent of their capacity and operations.

‘Members of the police are still in trauma after killing people during the student- mass uprising. The government also lacks in policy in this regard. Restoring the law and order will take time,’ he said.​

 

[Saif]

A WOUNDED TRUST: Healing police-public relations

THE relationship between the police and the public has for long been marred by mistrust and conflict, rooted in colonial history and exacerbated by systemic abuse. The events of the student-led uprising in July-August 2024, when excessive police force, mass shooting and enforced disappearances...

www.newagebd.net

A WOUNDED TRUST: Healing police-public relations
Md Zarif Rahman 23 January, 2025, 00:00

Police personnel scuffle with people in Dhaka on July 31, 2024. | Agence France-Presse/Munir uz Zaman

THE relationship between the police and the public has for long been marred by mistrust and conflict, rooted in colonial history and exacerbated by systemic abuse. The events of the student-led uprising in July-August 2024, when excessive police force, mass shooting and enforced disappearances took place, marked a low point in this strained relationship. Healing this deep wound requires a comprehensive understanding of its origin and depth.

Understanding roots of brutality

THE brutality witnessed in the uprising, when unarmed students were mercilessly shot by law enforcers, raises uncomfortable questions about the conduct of the force. Why did police officers and even Border Guard Bangladesh personnel act with such disregard for human life? While the widespread politicisation of the police force is often cited as the root cause, it only tells part of the story. For 15 years, the police have increasingly acted as enforcers of political agendas rather than as public servants. The chain of command, heavily influenced by political masters, left little room for ethical discretion. Officers may have even viewed their brutality as a career move under the authoritarian regime, when allegiance to power was rewarded.

However, this explanation fails to address fundamental issues of humanity. What about empathy and humility? Did the students not even qualify as humans in the eyes of the people pulling the trigger? These acts demand a deep investigation of the psychological and structural factors at play. Interviews with the perpetrators could shed light on their motivation — whether they acted out of fear, indoctrination or simply the dehumanising pressure of their work environment. Were they more loyal to their political affiliation than to their roles as law enforcement officers? Or was their brutality a symptom of a toxic organisational culture, marked by poor working condition and immense mental stress? Understanding the dynamics is essential to prevent future atrocities.

Legacies and power centralisation

BEYOND the immediate action of individuals, structural issues must also be examined. The colonial roots of Bangladesh’s policing system, grounded in the Police Act 1861, have perpetuated a model of law enforcement designed to control and suppress rather than serve and protect. This paramilitary structure, inherited from the British colonial administration, prioritises obedience to authorities over building trust with the public. While the system has undergone some reforms, its fundamental spirit remains incompatible with the democratic ideals of modern society. At the same time, the legal structure is inadequate to address human rights issues and community engagement.

Compounding this legacy is the trend of increasing the centralisation of power within the police force, particularly over 15 years. Police statistics show a stark imbalance in resource allocation and structural priorities. While the number of constables — the rank most directly interacting with the public — increased by 47 per cent from 2009 to 2024, the ranks of senior officers saw a disproportionate growth. The number of subinspectors increased by 117 per cent, additional superintendents of police by 332 per cent and deputy inspectors general by a staggering 491 per cent. This extraordinary expansion of ranking positions, closer to the political core, highlights a trend towards centralisation and politicisation.

This centralisation has not only deepened the distance between the police and the public but also entrenched the force’s alignment with the political elite, particularly the Awami League leadership. Such a structure fosters distrust, alienates the police from the public and reduces their understanding of societal needs. Ultimately, this disconnect contributed to the events of July 2024, when the police acted less as protectors of people and more as enforcers of an authoritarian regime. The result is a police force perceived as an alien entity, existing in opposition to the public it is meant to serve — a dynamic that continues to intensify the wound in police-public relations.

Trust through community policing

HEALING the relationship between the police and the public requires not only systemic reforms but also a cultural shift towards mutual trust and respect. Community policing can serve as a critical tool in this endeavour. The concept, as seen in other countries, transforms police officers into guardians of their communities — roles rooted in empathy, understanding and service. For this vision to materialise, police officers must develop a deep connection with the communities that they serve while citizens must actively participate in keeping law and order. Article 21(1) of the constitution underscores this mutual responsibility, requiring citizens to observe laws, maintain discipline and protect public property. By embracing this reciprocal relationship, both parties can collaboratively address their shared challenges.

However, the current practice of community policing remains inadequate, often existing only on paper or hijacked by the local elite who fail to represent the broader community. To counter this, integrity and honesty must guide the formation of community policing bodies. Genuine representatives of the community — respected, impartial individuals — should lead such initiatives, fostering trust at the grass roots. This bottom-up approach can organically create a system of checks and balances where communities and police collaborate to prevent the misuse of power. Decentralising police services through empowered community policing can act as a counterbalance to the harmful centralisation trends of the past, ensuring that law enforcement reflects the needs and values of the people it serves.

Reforms for sustainable accountability

WHILE community policing lays the groundwork for decentralisation, institutional mechanism is essential for ensuring robust oversight and accountability. Updating laws to reflect modern societal needs while retaining effective provisions from existing frameworks is a critical first step. The feasibility of establishing a separate commission for police services also warrants careful consideration. Such a commission must be designed to enable comprehensive scrutiny of its decisions from multiple perspectives. Additionally, the appointment process for commission members must be transparent and subject to a thorough examination to ensure fairness and impartiality. Furthermore, the police commission can be held accountable through other constitutional or statutory institutions, such as the Human Rights Commission and the Anti-Corruption Commission, to establish a comprehensive system of checks and balances.

Decentralisation should also extend to the commission, with regional sub-commissions overseeing local policing affairs to address unique community needs effectively. Independent oversight mechanism such as a citizen oversight body can further enhance accountability by questioning decisions and ensuring transparency. The media, too, have a vital role in holding law enforcement accountable provided they act responsibly and avoid sensationalism. Additionally, rigorous research on policing practices, both domestic and international, can identify systemic loopholes and suggest ways to enhance efficiency and accountability. Access to comprehensive and reliable data across sectors is crucial for such research. By promoting transparency, fostering community involvement, and institutionalising oversight, Bangladesh can create a police force that is both effective and trusted — an essential foundation for national healing and progress.

The current reform commission has outlined short-, medium- and long-term recommendations aimed at making the police more accountable, trustworthy and accessible to the public. The recommendations emphasise rights protection, the reform of the use of force policy, increased accountability, legal framework reforms, capacity building through training, anti-corruption measures, police welfare and enhanced community engagement. The commission has incorporated public opinion surveys, consultations with stakeholders, and relevant documents in shaping these proposals. However, due to time constraints and other limitations, some aspects cannot be thoroughly examined.

The relationship between the police and the public has been deeply scarred and this rift reached its peak during the mass uprising in July-August. Healing this wound is not an overnight task. It is a long-term and continuous process that requires sustained efforts. Healing begins with the acknowledgment of one’s wrongdoings and offering sincere apologies. Important police leaders, including the inspector general of police and the Dhaka Metropolitan Police commissioner, have already taken this step with public apologies. The police reform commission has further facilitated dialogues with victims of police brutality, families affected by enforced disappearances and those impacted by the 2024 violence, offering them a platform to voice their grief and expectations. However, apologies alone are not enough.

No reform will succeed without identifying and holding accountable the people responsible for the mass shooting of unarmed students during the uprising and addressing past abuses under the fascist regime, including enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings and corruption. Justice is essential to rebuild public trust in the police and prevent the recurrence of such atrocities. Recent instances of unexplained police aggression further emphasise the need for swift judicial proceedings to hold officers and their commanders accountable.

Superficial changes, like altering uniforms, are meaningless without substantive action. Policy-makers and police leaders must demonstrate genuine commitment to justice and reforms. Strong political will and accountability are vital to implementing the commission’s recommendations, which aim at establishing a citizen-centric, efficient and impartial police force. With these reforms, we can create a law enforcement system rooted in justice, trust, and respect — one that genuinely serves people.

Md Zarif Rahman is working as a member of and student representative to the police reform commission.​

 

[Saif]

Fresh look won’t mask a flawed force

THE recent decision to change the uniforms of the Bangladesh Police, Rapid Action Battalion, and Ansar reflects a misguided effort to erase the stains of past abuses. While new uniforms might provide an outward sense of change, they do little to solve the underlying problems of institutional...

www.newagebd.net

Fresh look won’t mask a flawed force
MA Hossain 24 January, 2025, 00:00

New Age/Mehedi Haque

THE recent decision to change the uniforms of the Bangladesh Police, Rapid Action Battalion, and Ansar reflects a misguided effort to erase the stains of past abuses. While new uniforms might provide an outward sense of change, they do little to solve the underlying problems of institutional inefficiency, corruption and public distrust. Reform that tackles the core issues is desperately needed, not one that relies on cosmetic fixes.

The announcement of new uniforms for Bangladesh’s law enforcement agencies was framed as a step towards rebuilding trust and fostering a new identity. However, this approach overlooks the fundamental issues plaguing these forces. For years, the police, RAB and Ansar have been perceived as tools of political oppression, particularly under the Awami League government. The organisations have become symbols of fear, representing unchecked authority, extrajudicial killings and suppression of dissent.

A new uniform cannot erase history. It cannot address years of misuse, nor can it absolve the police of their role in perpetuating systemic injustices. Instead, the focus should be on fixing the institutional failures that have allowed such abuses to thrive. True reform requires a change in behaviour, mindset and accountability mechanisms — not just attire.

The decision to change uniforms for approximately 2.14 lakh police, 5,000 RAB members, and over 68,000 Ansar personnel comes at a steep financial cost. In a country grappling with an economic crisis, this move raises legitimate concerns about misplaced priorities. Instead of spending on uniforms, these funds could be invested in modernising training, improving investigative tools and fostering a culture of accountability.

Moreover, giving RAB a new uniform at a time when its very existence is under scrutiny seems like an attempt to distract from deeper issues. Can a change in colour and design erase public distrust or the stigma associated with past operations? The answer is a clear no. True reform requires addressing systemic corruption, abuse of power and the lack of transparency within these institutions.

Accountability is the cornerstone of effective governance. Yet, the timing of this uniform change raises questions about the interim government’s priorities. A focus on real reform would involve implementing mechanisms that make law enforcement agencies accountable to the people they serve. For instance, the establishment of an independent oversight body to investigate police misconduct could be a transformative step.

Currently, the absence of such mechanisms allows a culture of impunity to persist. The Police Reform Commission has already proposed several measures, including strengthening internal accountability systems and promoting community-oriented policing. These proposals should be prioritised and acted upon, rather than sidelined in favour of superficial changes.

Changing uniforms does nothing to address the heavy-handed tactics still employed by law enforcement agencies. Recent incidents, such as the use of water cannons, sound grenades and batons against indigenous rights activists, demonstrate that the mindset within the police remains unchanged. Public trust cannot be restored through cosmetic measures; it requires a demonstrated commitment to upholding human rights and the rule of law.

The government must explain why such tactics are still being used and take immediate steps to reform the culture of violence within the police. A change in uniforms may symbolise a shift, but actions speak louder than appearances.

A fundamental aspect of police reform involves limiting the use of lethal force and ensuring adherence to established rules and regulations. While the Police Reform Commission has proposed several measures, including de-escalation training and stricter guidelines on the use of force, these recommendations remain largely unimplemented.

The focus should be on creating a culture where law enforcement agencies prioritise the safety and rights of citizens. Without this shift, any attempt at reform will be superficial and ineffective.

The deficits in democratic policing in Bangladesh are glaring. Law enforcement agencies often operate with a top-down, authoritarian approach, serving the interests of political elites rather than the public. This dysfunction not only undermines public trust but also jeopardises public safety.

Democratic policing involves accountability, transparency and a commitment to protecting citizens’ rights. To achieve this, the government must review and implement the proposals of the Police Reform Commission, establish independent oversight mechanisms, and ensure that police officers are adequately trained to serve as protectors, not oppressors.

A functional and trustworthy police force is essential for maintaining law and order. However, continued dysfunction within the force — exacerbated by corruption, political interference and inadequate training — poses a serious risk to public safety.

Restoring the full capacity of the police requires more than a change in uniform. It demands a comprehensive approach to reform, including the enactment of a new police act, modernised training programmes and stricter accountability measures. Only then can the police truly serve as guardians of public security.

For police reform to be substantive, it must address the root causes of dysfunction within the force. This includes tackling corruption, ensuring impartiality in investigations and promoting a culture of professionalism and integrity.

The enactment of a new police act should be the first step in this process. This legislation must prioritise the rights of citizens, establish clear accountability mechanisms and provide a framework for democratic policing. Additionally, the government must foster a coalition of stakeholders — including civil society, human rights organisations and law enforcement officials — to ensure that reform efforts are inclusive and effective.

The interim government must also prioritise addressing corruption within law enforcement agencies. Allegations of graft and misuse of power have eroded public trust in the police. Independent oversight bodies should be established to investigate such crimes impartially and hold offenders accountable. By focusing on rooting out corruption and promoting transparency, the police can begin to rebuild their reputation and restore public confidence.

The interim government’s decision to change the uniforms of law enforcement agencies is a distraction from the substantive reforms that are urgently needed. While the new attire might symbolise a fresh start, it does nothing to address the systemic issues of corruption, inefficiency and public distrust.

True reform requires a comprehensive approach that prioritises accountability, transparency, and the protection of citizens’ rights. By implementing the proposals of the Police Reform Commission, enacting a new police act, and establishing independent oversight mechanisms, the government can lay the foundation for a truly reformed and democratic police force. Anything less is a disservice to the people of Bangladesh.

MA Hossain is a political and defence analyst.​

 

[Saif]

PRC for forming all-party committee to make police corruption-free

The Police Reform Commission (PRC) has made a set of recommendations, including the formation of an all-party committee, task force, policy for recruitment, transfer and promotion and taking action for delay in receiving any GD or proof of any corruption, to make the police force corruption-free an

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

PRC for forming all-party committee to make police corruption-free
BSS
Published :
Jan 25, 2025 16:44
Updated :
Jan 25, 2025 16:44

The Police Reform Commission (PRC) has made a set of recommendations, including the formation of an all-party committee, task force, policy for recruitment, transfer and promotion and taking action for delay in receiving any GD or proof of any corruption, to make the police force corruption-free and service-oriented.

"An 'all-party committee' can be formed in each police station or upazila, which will work as an 'oversight body' at the local level and take effective measures to prevent corruption," said a PRC report submitted to Chief Adviser Prof Muhammad Yunus on January 15 last.

Besides, a special task force can be formed, and this task force can be given the responsibility of formulating long-term recommendations by utilizing the experience of the 'all-party committee', it said.

A 'watchdog or oversight committee' can be formed as a short-term activity to prevent deliberate deviations or professional corruption in the work of the police.

It is absolutely necessary to establish transparency in the recruitment process, and it is absolutely necessary to involve the officers/employees involved in the recruitment process after being satisfied with the high standard of honesty and ethics, the PRC recommended.

It is necessary to give importance to honesty and integrity in posting, transfer and promotion, the report said.

"Clear policies should be formulated at different levels for posting, transfer and promotion and all concerned should be informed," it said.

The PRC report suggested that allegations/complaints of extortion against any officer of the police station through intimidation should be investigated immediately by the Superintendent of Police.

The current reward structure of the police needs to be re-evaluated as it does not have any specific criteria and the entire process is not free from influence.

Under the current system, various rewards (medals and allowances/BPM/PPM etc.) are given to encourage and motivate them for various works.

"There are allegations of misuse of this opportunity. It is necessary to properly scrutinize the rules and regulations related to this," it said.

Every police station needs to have adequate allocation in various sectors such as transportation of bodies, bringing and taking witnesses, funeral of unclaimed bodies, etc, it also said.

The PRC recommended that appropriate punishment should be ensured for delay/objection in receiving GD or proof of any kind of corruption.

Special allocation and allowance can be made in every police station for all activities related to GD and verification, including increasing the investigation cost of the case, it said.

The PRC also suggested that no mediation, arbitration, or Alternate Dispute Resolution (ADR) meeting or other arrangement can be made with the plaintiff/defendant at the police station.​

 

[Saif]

Police brutality: A repressive pattern that refuses to end

Rather than engaging in dialogue or addressing public concerns, the government often resorts to heavy-handed tactics to quell dissent, as seen in the treatment of these teachers

www.thedailystar.net

Police brutality: A repressive pattern that refuses to end

Photo: Palash Khan/Star

The police beating of independent Ebtedayee madrasa teachers at Shahbagh highlights a disturbing and recurring pattern of state repression in Bangladesh. This incident is emblematic of the government's longstanding reliance on violent force to suppress protests, reflecting the deeply entrenched nature of a "police state."

Rather than engaging in dialogue or addressing public concerns, the government often resorts to heavy-handed tactics to quell dissent, as seen in the treatment of these teachers.

A particularly chilling example of such repression is the July-August student movement of 2024 which began as a protest for quota reforms but quickly escalated into a broader anti-government movement. Fuelled by frustrations over job sector discrimination and fears about their future employment, students from across the country rallied for change.

Instead of engaging with their demands, the government unleashed police brutality, leading to 841 deaths and 12,312 injuries, according to government reports. Students were subjected to merciless beatings, gunfire, indiscriminate tear gas, and water cannons. The response to this largely peaceful protest was violent and disproportionate, highlighting the government's preference for control through violence rather than addressing the root causes of unrest.

No occurrence of police brutality in Bangladesh can be termed an isolated incident. The 2018 student protests for safer roads, sparked by the tragic deaths of two students in a traffic accident, saw similar police aggression. Rather than listening to the students' demands for safety, the government responded with excessive force, sending a chilling message to any group that dared challenge the status quo. In both 2018 and 2024, peaceful protests were met with overwhelming force, rather than the thoughtful dialogue and reform that was so desperately needed.

The consistent use of police brutality against peaceful protesters—whether they be students, madrasa teachers, or workers—reveals a troubling pattern. The government's reliance on force instead of engaging in constructive dialogue undermines democracy and the fundamental right to protest.

It is high time for the government to reconsider its approach and prioritise peaceful, open discussions to address public concerns. Only then can Bangladesh hope to build a more just and democratic society where the voices of its citizens are heard and respected.​

 

[Saif]

Police should be more proactive

The frequency of petty as well as serious crimes has registered a sharp rise recently. Increase in the number of petty crimes like stealing, mugging, snatching, etc., means that the police patrol at the crime-prone spots in the city or elsewhere in the country is either lax or absent. But whe

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Police should be more proactive
SYED FATTAHUL ALIM
Published :
Jan 26, 2025 22:17
Updated :
Jan 26, 2025 22:17

Police guarding barricade put up at the Shahbagh square on Sunday Photo : FE

The frequency of petty as well as serious crimes has registered a sharp rise recently. Increase in the number of petty crimes like stealing, mugging, snatching, etc., means that the police patrol at the crime-prone spots in the city or elsewhere in the country is either lax or absent. But when it comes to rising incidence of violent and organised crimes like robbery, murder, death threats, kidnapping and killing for ransom, it is a matter of serious concern. Most of the time, police response to these violent crimes is rather slow and sometimes quite absent. In response to inquiries from journalists, the answers are usually passive. The matter would be looked into after a case against the reported crime is lodged, the on-duty police officer would usually answer. But such kind of attitude of the law-enforcement agencies towards public security about six months after the current interim government has been in office is unacceptable. One may recall at this point that the Inspector General of Police, Moinul Islam, more than four and a half months ago, on September 10 last year instructed the police to adopt zero tolerance against criminal activities and militancy. But so far no sign of improvement is visible on the law and order front. Worse yet, things have now come to such a pass that at some places of the city, pedestrians are not safe even during daytime, let alone in the evening. Consider the recent case of students on Saturday (January 25) blocking the Dhaka-Mymensingh highway near the Tongi Station Road for 45 minutes between 11:30 am and 12:15 pm. They were protesting frequent incidents of mugging in which many of the victims were students. Demanding safety, students from different educational institutions of the area participated in the road blockade. It could be further learnt from the protesting students that every day on an average some 60 to 70 mugging incidents take place in the Gazipur Stationn Road area and some 20 students have, reportedly, already fallen victim to mugging.

This is the situation in only one spot of this sprawling metropolis of about 20 million residents. There are also places in the city which people consider dangerous. What are the police stations of those areas doing when people on the street are being attacked by thieves under their watch? This is about the safety of general public. Now, how are the business people faring? Alarming reports that members of some underworld criminal and terror gangs, who had since 2001 been in prison, have been released on bail following the political changeover in August last year. Among them are 43 well known top terrors. Some of them have been freed from prison while others have come out of hiding. The members of the business community are concerned as they have regularly been getting phone calls from those terrorists and their agents demanding large sums of extortion money. In this connection, some incidents of kidnapping and murder have already been reported in the media. It would be worthwhile to mention here the hacking of two computer traders in broad daylight in the Elephant Road area early this month. Around 20 assailants, some of them wearing masks, reportedly took part in the attack. Most importantly, the victims were not ordinary traders. As the reports go, they were respectively the president and secretary of the local traders' associations. Before the attack, the victims were learnt to have received phone call from an operative of one of the aforementioned underworld terror gangs demanding a large sum of toll money. As they refused to comply, the gang members made good on their threat.

Clearly, by attacking leaders of the trading community of the Elephant Road area in question, the terrorists were demonstrating their strength as well as sending signal to others that similar fate is awaiting them lest they are found disobliging to their demands. It appears, the criminal gangs in question have something to do with the political changeover. As the criminals who ran the show during the past regime have fled the scene, the vacuum thus created in the criminal underworld is being filled up by their rivals. Evidently, those underworld gangs are wielding their power. To all appearances, it is business as usual for the criminal underworld. Some gangs enjoy political patronage under a particular government while their rivals get similar protection under another political government. But following the August revolution, the public's expectation was that the age-old sick culture of different political parties providing shelter to different antisocial elements to meet their respective agenda would go. In its place a new culture of clean politics would emerge where hired goons and terrorists will have no place.

But the signs look ominous. It is believed the post-revolution police force would be different from their predecessors under previous governments. In those times, the police's job was to mainly do the bidding of their political bosses in the government rather than serving the people. An offshoot of that culture, on the part of the police, was to look the other way when serious crimes like murder was committed by the underworld gangs enjoying patronage of certain political leaders in power. This evil culture saw its extreme form during the previous autocratic regime. But should we allow those bad old days to return after so much blood of students and ordinary people spilled during the uprising? The police, too, had to pay a heavy price during the uprising as they turned purely into minions of the political thugs of the previous regime and, thus, went against the people they are supposed to serve. Now since the interim government is trying to restore an impartial, rule-based system in every branch of governance, the police are definitely not any exception to that. In the present circumstances, as they are not beholden to any political master, they should be able to exercise full independence in performing their duty. This question arises because it has recently been observed that the police's response to crime, including even the serious ones, is often found lethargic. They are as though waiting for a political master to lord it over them as in the past. No doubt, they are supposed to function under political governments. But that does not mean that they have to serve as a lackey of any political leader. The police need to understand their new role as servants of the state and demonstrate it by swinging into full action in combating crime.​

 

[Saif]

Dismissed police personnel urged not to block roads

Members of Bangladesh Police who were dismissed during the previous government are currently organising various programmes in hopes of being reinstated. In response, the Police Headquarters has urged the former police personnel not to engage in activities that cause public suffering, such as

thefinancialexpress.com.bd

Dismissed police personnel urged not to block roads
UNB
Published :
Jan 31, 2025 20:07
Updated :
Jan 31, 2025 20:07

Members of Bangladesh Police who were dismissed during the previous government are currently organising various programmes in hopes of being reinstated.

In response, the Police Headquarters has urged the former police personnel not to engage in activities that cause public suffering, such as blocking roads.

In a statement released on Friday, the Police Headquarters announced that it had already received 1,522 applications from dismissed police members seeking reinstatement. The applications include 1,025 constables, 79 naiks, 180 ASIs/ATSIs, 200 SIs/Sergeants/TSIs, 10 inspectors, and 28 non-police members.

The statement further said that a committee, led by the Deputy Inspector General (DIG), is reviewing the applications. The review process includes investigating whether the dismissals were politically motivated or if they were the result of criminal, financial, moral, or departmental violations.

The Police Headquarters emphasised that many of the applications are still pending under the Administrative Tribunal or Administrative Appellate Tribunal, and that efforts are being made to ensure these former officers get justice.

On January 29, 2025, dismissed police members formed a human chain in front of the Police Headquarters, and while a senior police officer spoke with the group to explain the situation, the protestors continued their activities, which led to road blockages and caused public sufferings.​

 

[Saif]

Police reform must break free from colonial legacy

Police reform must enable the force to function freely, fairly, justly, and independently.

www.thedailystar.net

Police reform must break free from colonial legacy

VISUAL: ANWAR SOHEL

The Police Reform Commission instituted by the interim government in October last year has come up with a set of recommendations for improving police efficiency and transforming the organisation into a people-friendly outfit. The reform proposals focus on various functional areas such as human rights, use of force, arrest, search and interrogation, criminal investigation, police corruption, training, changes of law, regulation, and procedure, among others.

While the recommendations don't show any novelty, they have demonstrably failed to indicate the rationale behind principal changes that need to be made in the Police Act, 1861, Police Regulation of Bengal, 1943, and also the procedural legislation of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898. It is now well-established that the 1861 law is an anachronism insofar as managing a 21st-century police organisation is concerned. Let me elaborate on the legislative deficiency and how that has affected the police performance, and what needs to be done.

The current Police Act was principally aimed to administer a static, immobile, and backward rural society living in villages and small towns in the 1800s. It envisaged exercise of authority without local accountability. It presupposed a society without constitution, basic and fundamental rights, organised public opinion, and mass media projecting and agitating the public interest.

The Police Commission, 1902-03 presided over by Sir Andrew Fraser reported that the 1861 system had completely failed to produce an efficient and professional police force in the region. One of the major causes of failure of the 1861 law, according to this commission, was undue interference with the police by the civilian authorities. However, it was strange that despite gathering compelling evidence to support, in addressing adequately the fundamental and chronic organisational deficiencies of the police organisation created under the Police Act, 1861, no action was taken.

A reasoned view in this regard is that the colonial rulers purposely designed the police organisation in such a manner so as not to attract better talent, thereby ensuring built-in subservience of the police to the executive, regardless of the resulting corruption, lack of professional excellence, police high-handedness, and police-public estrangement.

In the years that followed the Fraser Commission report, the mass political agitation for freedom threw up unprecedented challenges to the skills and strength of the police in the subcontinent. What we saw during those tumultuous years ending in 1947 was a hardening of the foreign rulers' attitude, enactment of draconian legislations, and making the police respond to the national struggle with fury and unbridled violence.

If the Bangladesh Police of today wishes to be a modern organisation, the solution lies in doing away with the illogical concept of dual control introduced under the Police Act and allowing necessary operational autonomy to the fractured police command and then holding it effectively accountable when things go wrong.

The principal reason the police commanders generally lack essential leadership qualities is that the existing police organisation was not meant to reward initiative, promote merit, or manage and sustain organisational change. It was in fact designed to promote and sustain a culture of status quo, with police hierarchy playing a second fiddle to their "bosses" outside the organisation.

In practical terms, the way forward is that the government leaders proactively give up their long-held powers of "superintendence" over the police in favour of apolitical public safety commissions charged with the responsibility of designing and implementing measures necessary to ensure political neutrality of police operations.

As a first step, the responsibility of the maintenance of law and order will need to rest unambiguously with the police. The police hierarchy will have to be made responsible not merely for the organisation and the internal administration of the force, but also exclusively for all matters connected with maintenance of law and order. In short, policing operations will no longer have to be subjected to general control and direction from outside the police department.

Without enabling the police to function freely, fairly, justly, and independently, there can be neither justice nor an enviable order. Since the sole purpose of police is to enforce the laws of the land, without fear or favour to anybody, it is crucial to render it politically neutral. Such neutrality has been achieved in other countries by placing the police under apolitical control, thus creating a cushion between political expediency and law enforcement. In the absence of such a cushion, persons of influence simply won't let police do its mandated duty.

Under the circumstances, the first order of business is the enactment of a new police law to replace the present archaic legislation. As it is, the act is weak in almost all the parameters that must govern democratic police legislation. For example, the Police Act has made it easier for others to abuse and misuse the police organisation, mainly because: a) the law gives the government the authority to exercise superintendence over the police, without defining the word superintendence or prescribing some guidelines to ensure that the use of power will be legitimate; b) it does not establish any institutional and other arrangements to insulate the police from undesirable and illegitimate outside control, pressures and influences; c) it does not recognise the government's responsibility to establish an efficient and effective police force; and d) it does not make it necessary to outline objectives and performance standards, nor does it set up independent mechanisms to monitor and inspect police performance.

The police law needs to be in consonance with the requirements of democratic policing, which the current law is not. These requirements insist on the existence of a police force that is subject to the rule of law, rather than the whims of the party in power, can intervene in the life of citizens only under limited and controlled circumstances, and is publicly accountable. Without rectifying these issues, building a modern, pro-people and democratic police organisation will not be possible.

Muhammad Nurul Huda is former IGP of Bangladesh Police.​

 

[Saif]

INDEPENDENT POLICE COMMISSION: A bleak prospect

THE establishment of an independent police commission as an oversight body in Bangladesh is crucial for ensuring accountability, transparency, and efficiency in law enforcement. While the police play a vital role in maintaining law and order, allegations of corruption, political influence, and...

www.newagebd.net

INDEPENDENT POLICE COMMISSION: A bleak prospect
Md Motiar Rahman 24 February, 2025, 00:00

A policeman detains a student during a rally seeking reforms in civil service job reservations in July 2024 in Dhaka. | Agence France-Presse/Abu Sufian Jewel

THE establishment of an independent police commission as an oversight body in Bangladesh is crucial for ensuring accountability, transparency, and efficiency in law enforcement. While the police play a vital role in maintaining law and order, allegations of corruption, political influence, and human rights violations have raised serious concerns about their role in enforcing law and order. A well-structured commission could address these issues by monitoring police activities and enforcing legal and ethical standards.

However, its formation faces significant challenges, including political interference, institutional resistance, financial constraints, and public scepticism. Politicians, bureaucrats, and law enforcement agencies often resist such reforms due to fears of losing control, disrupting existing power structures, and facing greater accountability. The absence of a strong legal framework further complicates efforts to establish a truly independent oversight mechanism.

Since the police administrative reforms commission has recommended its creation, it is essential to analyse the political, administrative, and systemic challenges that hinder its establishment. Interestingly, the report of the reforms commission highlighted that only the young student representative of the police reform committee, speaking on behalf of the youth, advocated for the establishment of an independent police commission to ensure a fair, transparent, and legally accountable police system. In response, the Bangladesh Police headquarters submitted a comprehensive framework for the proposed commission.

However, the ministry of home affairs disagreed and put forward a different version, highlighting conflicting perspectives on the formation of an independent police commission. Despite these developments, the police reforms commission unanimously recommended the formation of an independent and accountable police commission. However, instead of taking a decisive stance, it deferred the decision on whether the commission should be a statutory or constitutional body to expert opinion, thereby delaying the process. This cautious approach appears to be a strategic move to avoid immediate action, given the complexities involved in its formation.

Bangladesh now lacks a comprehensive legal framework for establishing and operating an independent police oversight body. While some existing laws address police accountability, they are often inadequate or poorly enforced, making it difficult for a police commission to function effectively or hold law enforcement officers accountable. Additionally, most existing laws, such as the Police Act 1861, do not provide for independent oversight, necessitating new legislation. In this context, institutional reform in Bangladesh is often hindered by bureaucratic inefficiencies and slow policy implementation.

Even if the government decides to establish a police commission, delays in policy formulation, approval, and execution could significantly obstruct its creation and effectiveness. However, the current interim government presents a unique opportunity to introduce such reforms without facing resistance from political parties. Since the president has the authority to promulgate ordinances without requiring parliamentary approval, this is an opportune moment to establish a legal framework as a statutory body for a police commission, laying the foundation for greater accountability and transparency in law enforcement.

However, creating it as a constitutional entity is impossible due to the absence of a functioning parliament. While immediate reform within the existing legal framework remains feasible, it requires strong political will from the elected government in the future. Notably, the proposal for forming the commission came solely from the young student representative, while other committee members — including civil bureaucrats, police officers, educationists, human rights activists, and a woman professor — might have tacit consent.

This lack of collective support raises concerns about institutional resistance or a preference for maintaining the status quo. Given the legal and political landscape, establishing a police commission under the interim government is possible, but without decisive action, the prospect of forming it under a future political government appears bleak—perhaps nothing more than a forlorn hope.

Political influence poses a significant challenge to the establishment of a police commission in Bangladesh, as law enforcement agencies often face pressure from political leaders, compromising their impartiality and decision-making. If a police commission were to be formed, there is a substantial risk that political interests would undermine its independence and effectiveness. Ensuring the commission remains free from political control is a major concern, given that politicians frequently use the police to suppress opposition, manipulate elections, and maintain control over dissenting voices. They exert influence over police appointments, transfers, and promotions, aligning law enforcement with their interests rather than allowing it to function autonomously. Establishing an independent Police Commission within a robust legal framework would help mitigate such interference, making it more difficult for politicians to manipulate law enforcement for personal or partisan agendas.

Additionally, many politicians rely on law enforcement to harass, intimidate, or arrest opposition leaders and activists, with reports from human rights organisations highlighting the misuse of the police for politically motivated cases and arbitrary arrests. Electoral manipulation is another major concern, as ruling parties often use law enforcement agencies to influence voter turnout, intimidate opposition supporters, or overlook electoral violations committed by their members. A police commission with strong oversight powers could help ensure police neutrality during elections, thereby preventing political interference in democratic processes. This potential loss of control over law enforcement makes many politicians hesitant to support the creation of such an institution.

Although the police force is primarily a law enforcement agency, it is often controlled by civil bureaucrats, particularly through the ministry of home affairs and senior government officials. The establishment of a police commission would introduce an independent oversight body, reducing bureaucratic influence over law enforcement decisions. This shift in authority is likely to be strongly resisted by civil bureaucrats, as it would limit their ability to manage police operations and enforce administrative control.

A police commission would also challenge the existing patronage system, where senior officials reward loyal officers and punish those who do not comply with their directives. Through control over transfers, promotions, and disciplinary actions, many officers build patron-client relationships with bureaucrats, securing career benefits and protection from accountability. An independent commission enforcing merit-based promotions and disciplinary measures would disrupt this system, significantly weakening bureaucratic control over the police.

The bureaucratic system in many developing countries, including Bangladesh, has been widely criticised for corruption, inefficiency, and a lack of transparency. Some civil bureaucrats use their authority over law enforcement agencies to protect personal interests, silence whistleblowers, or shield themselves from corruption investigations. With independent investigative powers, a police commission could expose such misconduct, increasing accountability and reducing opportunities for abuse. This potential threat to bureaucratic authority makes many officials reluctant to support the establishment of a truly autonomous oversight body, as it could limit their ability to manipulate law enforcement for personal or political gain.

If a police commission is established but its members are appointed directly by the political government, there is a significant risk that it will not function as an independent body. Politicians may strategically appoint individuals who are loyal to the ruling party or those who have a history of complying with political directives rather than upholding justice and accountability.

This would compromise the commission’s ability to act impartially, as members may hesitate to investigate misconduct or take actions that could go against the interests of those who appointed them. Without a transparent and independent selection process, the commission could become a rubber-stamp institution, serving political interests rather than ensuring genuine oversight of law enforcement.

For the commission to function effectively and maintain public trust, its appointment process must be transparent, merit-based, and free from political influence. This requires clear and objective selection criteria, a diverse representation of experts, and the involvement of independent oversight bodies. To prevent undue interference from political parties or government officials, safeguards such as fixed terms for commission members, restrictions on their political affiliations, and strong accountability mechanisms should be in place. By prioritising neutrality, the commission can uphold its integrity and avoid becoming another politically motivated entity that serves partisan interests rather than the public good.

Resistance from within law enforcement agencies poses a significant challenge to the establishment of a police commission. Some members of the police force may view the commission as a threat to their authority, fearing increased scrutiny, restrictions on discretionary power, and potential disciplinary actions. As a result, they may resist its interventions, creating obstacles in its operations.

Additionally, there could be a lack of cooperation in providing essential documents, evidence, and reports necessary for investigations, either due to institutional reluctance or deliberate attempts to conceal misconduct. Overcoming this resistance requires strong legal mandates, clear enforcement mechanisms, and a cultural shift within law enforcement that encourages accountability and transparency. Training programmes, awareness campaigns, and collaboration with independent oversight bodies could help bridge the gap and foster a more cooperative relationship between the police and the commission.

Moreover, the rigid structure of service rules and departmental regulations known as ‘blue bastion’ shapes the mindset of police officers, making them largely resistant to reform. Police leadership tends to maintain the status quo in daily operations, rarely initiating change unless faced with pressing challenges. Instead of proactively seeking reforms, officers often raise concerns with higher authorities, and only when a crisis of significant magnitude arises do the leadership consider corrective measures, which may eventually lead to future reform initiatives.

As a government-appointed position, the IGP serves at the discretion of the ruling party, reinforcing a system where the police act in alignment with political interests. This politicisation, coupled with job insecurity, creates a precarious environment for police officers, making them reluctant to support reform efforts, as doing so could jeopardise their positions and career stability.

Public trust in law enforcement agencies in Bangladesh is relatively low due to past incidents of police misconduct, extrajudicial killings, and widespread allegations of bribery and corruption. Many citizens view the police as being influenced by political and financial interests rather than serving the public impartially. For a police commission to be effective, it must not only function independently but also earn the confidence of the people. If the public perceives the commission as merely another bureaucratic institution and commissions lacking real power or the will to enforce accountability, it risks becoming ineffective.

Transparency in its operations, active community engagement, and visible action against misconduct are crucial in shaping public perception. Additionally, educating citizens about the role, powers, and responsibilities of the commission, as well as ensuring public participation in the oversight process, will be essential in fostering trust and legitimacy.

Establishing and maintaining an independent police commission in Bangladesh requires substantial financial and administrative resources, but budgetary constraints could limit its effectiveness. Insufficient funding may lead to inadequate staffing, outdated infrastructure, and restricted investigative capacity, weakening its oversight role. Additionally, recruiting qualified personnel who can impartially oversee police activities is challenging due to political and bureaucratic influences on hiring decisions. Politicians or officials opposed to strong police oversight may deliberately undermine the commission by restricting its budget, limiting access to police records, or refusing to implement its recommendations.

To function independently, the commission must have a sustainable funding mechanism, legislative protections, and institutional autonomy. Adequate financial support is essential for recruiting skilled personnel, investing in modern forensic tools, and conducting thorough investigations. Without sufficient resources, it may struggle to implement reforms, monitor law enforcement agencies, or enforce accountability. Ensuring financial autonomy through a dedicated budget, external funding mechanisms, or legal safeguards is crucial to prevent political interference and operational limitations. A well-resourced commission will be better equipped to fulfil its mandate, strengthen law enforcement accountability, and build public trust in the justice system.

The creation of a police commission raises critical questions about the balance of power between the ministry of home affairs and the police. While the government must retain a degree of control to ensure national security and policy alignment, excessive interference can compromise operational efficiency and fairness. Striking the right balance is crucial. The ministry should retain its authority over broad policy directives, budget allocation, and legislative oversight.

However, operational decisions — such as criminal investigations, deployment, and disciplinary actions — should be left to the police commission to ensure impartiality. The commission must have the authority to oversee police appointments, promotions, and disciplinary actions without political interference. It should also have the power to initiate enquiries into misconduct, ensuring that accountability mechanisms remain independent of government control.

To ensure the commission’s effectiveness, its legal framework must clearly define its powers, functions, and limitations. If structured as a constitutional body, its independence would be more robust. If placed within the constitutional framework but under parliamentary oversight, safeguards must be established to prevent political manipulation. Additionally, the commission should operate transparently, engaging with civil society, human rights organisations, and the judiciary. Public reporting on police performance and accountability measures would help maintain oversight and prevent abuse of power.

The establishment of an independent police commission in Bangladesh is a crucial step toward ensuring accountability, transparency, and efficiency in law enforcement. However, numerous challenges — including political interference, bureaucratic resistance, financial constraints, and legal loopholes — pose significant obstacles to its creation and effectiveness. Without strong legal safeguards, financial autonomy, and a transparent appointment process, the commission risks becoming a politically influenced entity rather than an independent oversight body.

Addressing these challenges requires a firm commitment from policymakers, civil society, and the public to push for meaningful reforms. With the right framework, adequate resources, and institutional independence, a well-functioning police commission can enhance public trust, ensure fair policing practices, and uphold the rule of law in Bangladesh.

Md Motiar Rahman, a retired deputy inspector general of police, works at Anjuman Mufidul Islam.​